DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND.
During the two previous administrations, those of Mr. Canning and Lord Goderich, Irish agitation had been partially suppressed. The reason of this was that the Catholics had some hopes that government would grant their claims. When, however, the Duke of Wellington assumed the reins of government, hope fled, and Irish agitation instantly revived in full force. The cry of war was raised by its leaders, and they proceeded, aided by the Popish priesthood, to re-organize the Catholic Association. The first display of this united power was exhibited in a contested election for the county of Clare, when Mr. O’Connell adopted the novel experiment of offering himself a candidate for the representation. His opponent was Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, an advocate for emancipation; but his votes and speeches were considered only as a mockery, while the government to which he belonged was based on the principle of exclusion; and Mr. O’Connell was declared duly returned. The agitator had pledged his professional character as a lawyer, not merely, that, although a Catholic, he was capable of being elected, but that he could sit and vote in the house of commons. After his election, a petition was presented against his return to the house of commons; but the season was so far advanced, that no decision could be pronounced upon it before the prorogation of parliament, and the matter rested as it was, Mr. O’Connell promising to demand his seat in the ensuing session. In the meantime this triumph of the Association urged them to arrange more extended plans of conquest; for it appeared that it might be practicable to carry into effect their threat of returning all the county members of Ireland. With these views a plan was formed and executed, with the aid and agency of the priests, to break that link which united the Catholic forty-shilling freeholders with their landlords. Certain tests were framed, and resolutions adopted, to reject every candidate who should decline a pledge to oppose the Duke of Wellington’s administration, and to vote for parliamentary reform, as well as for the repeal of the subletting-act. The plan which the Association adopted to confirm and extend its power was well fitted to compass the objects it had in view. In almost every county liberal clubs were established, under the direction of the Association, for the purpose of receiving and adopting the pledges, and drilling the county to be in readiness to act upon them on the instant, if required. The agitators, indeed, restrained the Catholic peasantry from habitual outrage and lawless violence, but at the same time they assembled them in large companies, regularly trained for the exertion of physical force, and anxious for its display, if necessary. The state of Ireland at this period was powerfully portrayed by Mr. Shiel, at a meeting held in full force at Munster. He remarked:—“What has government to dread from our resentment in peace? An answer is supplied by what we actually behold. Does not a tremendous organization extend over the whole island? Have not all the natural bonds by which men are tied together been broken and burst asunder? Are not all the relations of society which exist elsewhere gone? Has not property lost its influence? Has not rank been stripped of the respect which should belong to it? And has not an internal government grown up, which, gradually superseding the legitimate authorities, has armed itself with a complete domination? Is it nothing that the whole body of the clergy are alienated from the state, and that the Catholic gentry, and peasantry, and priesthood are all combined in one vast confederacy? So much for Catholic indignation while we are at peace. And when England shall be involved in war,—I pause; it is not necessary that I should discuss that branch of the division, or point to the cloud which, charged with thunder, is hanging over our heads.” As the year advanced, the state of the country of Ireland assumed a new and still more fearful aspect. Irritated by the violence of the agitators, alarmed at the menacing attitude of those who followed them, ready to do their bidding, and provoked by the apparent apathy of the British government, the Protestants began to unite in self-defence. The Orange-lodges which had ceased to exist, were now revived, with the grand lodge in Dublin as the centre of their operations: while new associations, under the title of “Brunswick clubs,” which included in their lists the most influential classes, and contributed to break up society for the more extended indulgence of mutual animosity. These Protestant clubs had an extensive sway throughout the north, while the Catholic Association held the dominant sway throughout the south. The Association, however, made strenuous exertions to extend their sway even in the camp of the enemy. One Mr. Lawless, an appropriate name for an agitator, was sent thither as an apostle of agitation. This man traversed the different districts from parish to parish, assembling the people in crowds in the Catholic chapels, and addressed them with the usual incentives to steady animosity against their fellow-countrymen. He entered the towns at the head of immense multitudes; and though he was in the stronghold of Protestantism, yet he never allowed himself to be deterred from his mischievous enterprise by any apprehension of the consequences which might arise from bringing into contact multitudes already bitterly incensed against each other. He boasted of having entered Protestant towns at the head of twenty or thirty thousand Catholics, which appears to have been essentially correct. At first he met with no opposition in his wild career. The magistrates warned the people against joining in his processions, and even entreated the man himself to give up his mischievous crusade. On, however, the man went, until at length the people of the north were aroused to resist his progress. It was his custom to proclaim beforehand the day on which he was to make his entry into the different towns at the head of his legions; and, in accordance with this custom, he gave notice that he should “take possession” of the town of Armagh on the 30th of September. The Protestants of that town, however, resolved to impede his progress, and many of them marched into the city, armed, from all parts of the county. Mr. Lawless proceeded no further with this intention, and the Protestants quietly dispersed. He next announced his intention of entering Ballabay in the county of Monaghan; and here likewise the Protestants resolved to resist him. He was met in the vicinity of the town by a magistrate, who stated what the result would be, and prevailed on him to forego his intentions. Some of his followers, however, were less prudent; and a collision took place between the two parties, in which a Catholic was killed. Mr. Lawless returned to Carrickmacross to await further orders from the Association, at the same time declaring that he would visit all the strongholds of the Orangemen. It was plain to all the world, however, by this time that the Orangemen would not allow these tumultuous find insulting visits to be made without opposition. By the end of September, indeed, the two parties were prepared for a collision, the result of which it was impossible to foresee. The Association, however, began to fear that they had gone too far; and they were wise enough to foresee that if a collision took place the Catholics would be the losers. They boasted, indeed, great things; “that the might of the Catholics would crush the Orangemen into dust,” &c., should a collision take place; but they felt to the contrary. They knew that Protestant Great Britain would interfere, and, as Mr. Shiel said, “cut them down in a week.” “The Protestants,” said the same powerful orator, “are becoming every day more alienated by our display of power. The great proprietors, and all men who have an interest in the security of the state, are anxious for the settlement of the question; but still their pride is wounded, and they see with disrelish the attitude of just equality which we have assumed, Our Protestant advocates, with few exceptions, declined the invitation to join in our late proceedings. As individuals, I hold them in no account; but I look upon their absence as a feature in the existing circumstances of the country. It is clear that the division between Catholic and Protestant is widening. They were before parted, but they are now rent asunder; and while the Catholic Association rises up from the indignant passions of our great body of the community, the Brunswick club is springing up out of the irritated pride and the sectarian rancour of the Protestants of Ireland. As yet they have not engaged in the great struggle; they have not closed in the combat; but as they advance upon each other, and collect their might, it is easy to discern the terrible passions by which they are influenced, and the fell determination with which they rush to the encounter. Meanwhile the government stand by, and the minister folds his arms as if he were a mere indifferent observer, and the terrific contest only afforded him a spectacle for the amusement of his official leisure. He sits as if two gladiators were crossing swords for his recreation. The cabinet seems to be little better than a box in an amphitheatre, from whence his majesty’s ministers may survey the business of blood. There are three parties concerned, the Catholics, the Protestants, and the government: the Catholics advance upon the one hand; the Protestants upon the other; and the government, by whom all ought to be controlled, looks passively on.” Alarmed at the position in which they had placed themselves, the agitators began somewhat to retrace their steps; or at least they adopted measures to secure peace. The Association on the 26th of September adopted these resolutions:—“1. That while we warmly congratulate the people of Tipperary upon the happy cessation of their feuds, we implore them to discontinue the holding of assemblies of the peculiar character which have recently taken place. 2. That we humbly entreat the Catholic clergy to co-operate with the Association in carrying the above resolution into effect. 3. That Daniel O’Connell, to whose influence deference should be made is hereby called upon to employ his powerful and deserved authority in deterring the people of Tipperary from the holding of such meetings, in an address to be printed and circulated at the expense of the Association. 4. That it be referred to the standing committee to report whether it be, or may become expedient, that a deputation shall be sent to Tipperary, and suggest such other measures, as shall be deemed advisable, in order to dissuade the people from holding such meetings.” Mr. O’Connell issued an address to the people of the county of Tipperary, which enjoined them to obey the laws; and the storm which had threatened to burst over Ireland was allayed. The Catholic priests, sharing in the alarm of the agitators, enforced the directions of the address from their altars; and the threatened danger was prevented. When it was over, government exhibited symptoms of returning life: the lord-lieutenant issued a proclamation enjoining that which Mr. O’Connell had already done; namely, the discontinuance of large and armed meetings, as illegal and alarming. The only effect of this proclamation was to confirm Mr. Lawless in his resolution to proceed no further in his mission to the north; for the assemblies had disappeared before he ventured to call them in question. The apathy of the government at this crisis is scarcely to be accounted for, as it must have been clear to its members that the train was laid, and that it only required the application of the match to occasion a most terrible explosion. The only remarkable declaration which ministers substituted for active measures, consisted in a private letter sent by the Duke of Wellington to Dr. Curtis, Catholic primate of Ireland. In that letter he expressed an anxiety to witness the settlement of the Catholic question; but confessed that he saw no prospect of such a consummation; adding with a species of studied obscurity:—“If we could bury it in oblivion for a short time, I should not despair of a satisfactory result.” A copy of this letter was sent to Mr. O’Connell, and he forthwith carried it to the Association, where it was received with plaudits as a declaration that the Duke of Wellington was now favourable to the Catholic claims. It was ordered to be recorded in their minutes as such, although it was not easy to foresee how such a conclusion could be adduced from the letter. This conclusion, however, was arrived at, and it naturally added to the exultation and confidence of the Catholics. This, however, was trifling compared with the mischiefs which followed. Dr. Curtis, in his reply to the duke, told him plainly, that the proposition to bury the question in oblivion for a time was inadmissible, and would only serve to exasperate those who were already excited. After this he sent a copy of the duke’s letter, and of his answer to it, to the lord-lieutenant, the Marquis of Anglesea. His excellency’s reply showed that he entertained different opinions on the contents of the duke’s letter to those which the Catholics had deduced from it. At the same time he showed himself to be strongly in favour of the Catholic claims. The great agitator himself might have written the following sentences contained in his reply. After expressing his ignorance of the duke’s intentions, and advising the Catholics to make much of him, to avoid provoking him or any other member of the government by personalities, to trust to the legislature, and to avoid brute force, he remarked:—“I differ from the opinion of the duke, that an attempt should be made to bury in oblivion the question for a short time; first, because the thing is utterly impossible; and next, if it were possible, I fear advantage might be taken of the pause, by representing it as a panic achieved by the late violent reaction, and by proclaiming, that if the government at once and peremptorily decided against concession, the Catholics would cease to agitate, and then all the miseries of the last years of Ireland will be reacted. I therefore recommend that the measure should not for a moment be lost sight of; that anxiety should continue to be manifested; that all constitutional means should be adopted to forward the cause, consistent with the most patient forbearance, and submissive obedience to the laws: that the Catholics should trust to the justice of their cause and to the growing liberality of mankind, but should not desist from agitation.” For this advice the lord-lieutenant was extolled to the skies by the same lips which three years before had denounced him as an object of execration. The next wind, however, that blew from England brought the mandate which deprived him of office and recalled him from Ireland. This recall furnished him with an example of the value set on the advice which he had tendered to the Catholics not to insult and vilify any one, and especially the Duke of Wellington. At the first meeting of the Association after the recall of the Marquis of Anglesea was known, Mr. O’Connell remarked;—“In my own knowledge of Irish history, and I believe I know Ireland’s history well, I never heard any thing so monstrously absurd as the recall of this gallant and high minded-man. The Duke of Wellington said he would be worse than mad if he became premier. He is therefore a self-convicted madman! And yet, gracious Heaven! he continues the insane pilot, who directs our almost tottering state.” But if Mr. O’Connell had known the duke’s intentions he would not have been thus abusive. On receiving his recall the Marquis of Anglesea is said to have divined immediately the true reason of his dismissal. He remarked:—“I know the duke: his mind is made up to emancipate the Catholics; and I am recalled, because he would have no one to share his victory.” It is strange, but it is no less certain, that the latter part of this year was employed by the cabinet in testifying their repugnance to a measure? which it was their first act in the coming year to introduce.