FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
A glance at the state of Continental Europe is necessary for a clear view of the relation of England to other states. The revolutionary spirit of 1848 had not passed away, yet already symptoms of reaction appeared in several of the continental states. The daring and dissolute doctrines of French, German, and Italian socialists created universal alarm, among all who regarded, with any sacredness, the ties of family and the rights of property. It was seen that, however hateful despotic monarchy, and the ascendancy of a bigoted and superstitious church, these oppressions were far preferable to the levelling and loathsome tyranny of socialism, in any of the forms in which it presented itself in England, France, or Germany. Whatever was abhorrent to the natural sense of justice, and the dear claims of kindred, was propagated by socialism; and which the socialists, whether called Owenites, St. Simonians, or red republicans, were ready by force to establish. Enlightened men were therefore in doubt, during the early part of 1849, what part to take; their aspirations were for liberty; but the multitude preferred license, and, without the multitude, nothing could be enforced upon despotic governments and ecclesiastical systems. It was now hoped that governments had been warned; that kings would never again venture to violate political promises to their people; that constitutions would never again be revoked by princes; and that, consequently, little was to be apprehended from the governing powers: whereas, everything dear to social order, happiness, and sacredness, was to be feared from the social and political fanatics that to so great an extent guided the peoples,—exciting false hopes, stimulating violent action, propounding doctrines destructive of social order, and menacing a tyranny more formidable than had ever before been witnessed in the world. With these feelings, the good and true rallied round the centres of ordinary government and order—but, alas! they were deceived; they did not take the Scripture warning, “Put not your trust in princes.” Pledges and promises were made by the foreign despots and their ministers, more profusely than even during the war of 1812; but all this was only destined to exemplify the necessity for the warning given by Him who best understood human nature—“Cease ye from man, whose breath is in his nostrils.” The friends of order, peace, and rational liberty believed the protestations of potentates, and used their influence, and armed on the side of governments in the conflicts of 1849. The result was, they unconsciously abetted a reaction by which the old chains were riveted upon the people, and new ones forged still further to fetter them.
The state of France most interested England, because all great changes in that country influence the whole of Continental Europe, and, in fact, affect more or less the whole civilised world. France, throughout the year, was rent by the violence of party. Three royal factions, the Buonapartists, the Orleanists, and the Bourbons, par excellence, were sowing broadcast the seeds of social dissension. The two great-republican parties—that of the socialists (or “reds”), and that of a philosophic and rational republicanism, led by Cavaignac and Lamartine—were ardent in their appeals for popular support. The party of the church watched all the others, ready to exert its influence wherever it could serve itself, by preventing any political sect from settling into power, except under such conditions as, in its own interest, the church should prescribe. The party of the president (the Buonapartists) gradually and steadily gained over all the others; the soldiery and the peasantry were Napoleonist; the church saw this, and threw its weight into the presidential scale. The union of peasant proprietary, the army, the church, the Buonapartists proper, and the friends of order, who believed in the oath of the prince-president, constituted the will of France;—the policy of Napoleon was accepted by many because it was his: it was his, because he knew it would be acceptable to many as the only safeguard against anarchy, and the only form of absolutism that could be substituted for liberty, or impose upon its friends.
While revolution raged everywhere, Rome was in arms, the pope was a fugitive, and a provisional government ruled the estates of Romagna, Bologna, and Ferrara, in the name of freedom. The Romans conducted themselves justly and heroically, but the Austrian government, whose successes in Italy and Hungary, as well as in the duchy of Austria, gave her confidence, was anxious to restore the pope and enforce his government by the bayonet. This was not acceptable to either the governments of England or France. The latter resolved to interfere, and the question arose and was anxiously mooted in England, what, under such circumstances, was the true policy of Britain? Lord Palmerston, who was strongly opposed to Austrian ascendancy in Italy, was favourable to French intervention; and there were persons who asserted that the idea itself originated not at the Tuileries, but in the English Foreign-office. At all events, no opposition was offered, and a French expedition to Rome resulted. The Romans fought in a way worthy of Romans, but, borne down by the superior power of France, their proud city yielded to the invader, and the pope, under joint French and Austrian protection, returned to rule his reluctant people at the Vatican. It then became necessary for France to modify and restrain the fiery persecution which the restored pontiff visited upon his temporal subjects, at the instigation of Austria and Naples. In this, however, the French were not as zealous as in restoring the pontifical tyranny; and, as in the misrule of Louis Philippe, his chief agent of corruption and wrong was a protestant, M. Guizot, so in the agency of French despotism at Rome, a protestant general, D’Hilliers, was the most active instrument.
Meanwhile the socialists, under Ledru Rollin, attempted to upset the presidential government, but were beaten by General Changarnier, at the head of the troops and national guards, Ledru Rollin becoming a fugitive. The president of the French republic worked his will.
The general condition of Europe was well described by M. Mauguin in the French Assembly, as under arms from the line of the Ural to the Atlantic. The attitude, however, which the president resolved to maintain, was one of peace with foreign powers, and, except in the instance of Rome, of non-interference. This exception he justified on the grounds of the necessity of counteracting the ascendancy of Austria in Italy, and of the Catholic feeling of the French nation, which forbid the deposition of the head of the church.
One of the most remarkable incidents in French history during the year, and that in which the English people undoubtedly took most interest, was the assemblage of a Peace Congress of all nations at Paris. Deputations from England and America were the most conspicuous persons in the assembly, which met on the 22nd of August, in the Salle St. Cécille, a music-hall in the Chaussée d’Antin, M. Victor Hugo in the chair. The vice-presidents were Messrs. Cobden, Vesschères, Coquerel, Degnore, and Durkee. The secretaries were Messrs. Joseph Gamier, Alochin, Elihu Burrit, the celebrated American blacksmith, editor of the Olive Leaf, and Henry Richards, secretary to the English Peace Society. The two principal speakers were the Reverend John Bennet, a congregational minister, residing at Camberwell, near London, a very eloquent orator, and Victor Hugo, who said he believed the object they had at heart was a religious one, and not only desirable, but practicable and realisable:— “Four centuries ago, the different provinces of France made war against one another; and he expected to see the day arrive when that which took place with respect to the provinces of one country would mark the whole of Europe; and that, as Normandy and other provinces formed one France, at peace with itself, so the different nations of Europe could dwell in harmony as one country. Then would be no longer war, but civilisation; and cannon would only be seen as curiosities shut up in museums.” M. Hugo proceeded to descant on the vast expense of keeping up standing armies, and the great advantages that would arise if such money were thrown into the channels of labour, by which commerce would be promoted and intelligence advanced. M. Hugo concluded by announcing that 500 francs would be given for a peace essay, and 500 francs for the best collection of facts showing the horrors of war. The Archbishop of Paris gave his adhesion to the objects of the assembly. The president of the republic looked coldly upon the gathering, having no cordial feeling to the chairman. The meeting was got up by the English peace party, and chiefly under the auspices of Mr. Cobden. They regarded it as peculiarly well-timed, whereas it is almost inconceivable how any number of men of ability could suppose the occasion suitable, or that the state of Europe offered the smallest hope of producing any influence by such a convention. The resolutions submitted to the congress show how impracticable they were at that juncture, and events in Europe have since proved how uninfluential was the congress itself, and the opinions it expressed. Tire resolutions proposed were adopted, and were as follow:—
“1. As peace alone can secure the moral and material interests of nations, it is the duty of all governments to submit to arbitration all differences that arise among them, and to respect the decisions of the arbitrators whom they may choose.
“2. It is advisable to call the attention of governments to the necessity of entering, by a general and simultaneous measure, upon a system of disarmament, for the purpose of reducing national expenditure, and of removing, at the same time, a permanent cause of disquietude and irritation from among the nations.
“8. The congress recommends all the friends of peace to prepare public opinion, in their respective countries, for the formation of a congress of nations, whose sole object should be to frame a code of international laws, and to constitute a supreme court, to which should be submitted all questions relating to the rights and reciprocal duties of nations.
“4. The congress condemns all loans and taxes intended to aid the prosecution of wars of conquest and ambition.
“5. The congress recommends all its members to endeavour to eradicate from the minds of all in their respective countries, both by means of a better education of youth, and by other methods, those political prejudices and hereditary hatreds which have so often been the cause of disastrous wars.
“6. The congress addresses the same invitation to all ministers of religion, whose sacred mission it is to encourage feelings of goodwill among men; as well as to the various organs of the press, which exercise so powerful an influence over the development of civilisation.
“7. The congress earnestly hopes for the improvement of the means of international communication; for the extension of postal reform; for the universal adoption of the same standard of weights, measures, and coinage; and for the multiplication of peace societies, which shall keep up a correspondence with each other.
“8. The congress decides that the committee be instructed to draw up an address to all nations embodying the resolutions of the congress; and that this address shall be presented to the various governments of Europe and America, and particularly to the president of the French republic.”
There was one political effect produced by the assemblage; the fact that the French government allowed it, and that the Archbishop of Paris patronised it, led to a general impression in Europe that the policy of Louis Napoleon would be peaceful. It is probable that in giving his permission for the convention he calculated upon such an effect, which suited the purpose of the hour, and comported with the necessities of his régime. The policy of the French president towards Great Britain was peaceful and friendly. In various minor matters he endeavoured to gain the confidence of the English government. He had implicit faith in the honesty and goodwill of the English foreign minister, who believed Napoleon to be a necessity, and counselled his cabinet to maintain amity with him. The British ambassador to the French republic was treated with more marked respect than the minister of any other power delegated to it, and citizens of the United Kingdom were treated with the most marked consideration in France whenever the emperor found opportunity of showing it. As a proof of his goodwill, a souvenir of his residence in London, and the courtesies which, when an exile, he had received there from the Army and Navy Club, he presented that body with a superb piece of Gobelins tapestry, and a letter couched at once in the most respectful and cordial terms. In greater matters, he appeared anxious to secure the sympathy of Great Britain: difficulties arose in the East, which engaged the attention of English politicians very much, and the English Foreign-office was officially led to consider that reliance might be placed upon the co-operation of France. Events, in a few years, brought this feeling more thoroughly and practically to the test.