MESSAGE RESPECTING THE QUEEN

Queen Caroline had retired to Italy to avoid persecution in 1814, by the advice of Mr. Canning. The persecutions to which she had been subjected arose in a quarter from which she least expected it—from her husband, the regent. Her name was not often mentioned in England during her absence; but though the public seemed regardless of her existence, subsequent disclosures showed that she had not been forgotten by her persecutors. Spies had been sent into Italy to watch her conduct; and the result was that she was finally charged with living in open adultery with an Italian courier, named Bergami, a man whom she had raised from that station to the first office in her household. In consequence of these movements, Mr. Brougham, her legal adviser, made a proposal, in June, 1819, to Lord Liverpool, that the income of £35,000 per annum enjoyed by her royal highness, but which was to expire on the death of his majesty, George III., should be secured to her for life, provided she consented to remain abroad without assuming the title of Queen of England. This singular proposition was stated at the time to be made without the knowledge of the princess; and the reply given was, that when the king came to give attention to the subject, there would be no indisposition to acquiesce in such terms, provided she would give her consent. Thus matters rested till she became Queen of England. Government then thought it necessary that some line of conduct should be taken regarding her, which might prevent disclosures that were on all accounts to be deprecated, and a compromise, founded on Mr. Brougham’s former proposal, was transmitted to her: she was to receive £50,000 on condition of renouncing the royal title, and residing in foreign lands. She had heard of the death of her father, and the accession of her husband in February, while at Rome, and she immediately assumed the royal title, and demanded a guard of honour from the papal government. This demand was not complied with, because no official communication had been received from the king or his ministers on the subject: his holiness, indeed, represented that he did not know whether the Queen of England was in Rome or not. Incensed at this reply, her majesty drew up a narrative, dated Match 16th, relating her wrongs, and in which she stated her determination to repair to England. This document, together with a letter written by her to Lord Liverpool, demanding that her name should be inserted in the liturgy, and that a palace should be prepared for her on her arrival, appeared in the papers about the middle of April, and a general idea prevailed that she was rapidly proceeding towards England. Various reasons, however, concurred which induced her to prolong her sojourn at Rome, so that she did not arrive at Geneva till the 9th of May. From Geneva she dispatched a letter to Mr. Brougham requiring his attendance either there, or at one of the sea-ports. In consequence of this communication, Messrs. Denman and Brougham, with other friends of the queen, held a consultation, in which they agreed to request her to repair to Calais without loss of time. Her majesty quitted Geneva instantly on receiving this advice, and in her route thither she was joined by Lady Anne Hamilton, who had formerly been in her service, and by Alderman Wood, one of the representatives of the city of London. On the 20th she arrived at Villeneuve le Roi, whence she wrote two letters, one to the Duke of York, and the other to Lord Liverpool, declaratory of her intention, to be in London within five days, reiterating also her demand for a palace, and requesting that a royal yacht might be in readiness at Calais to convey her to England. At St. Oroers she was met by Mr. Brougham, and Lord Hutchinson, a personal friend of the king, who was entrusted with a confidential communication. The fact is, ministers had determined, from the evidence in their possession, that the queen could not be received in England with the honours due to royalty, and Lord Hutchinson was sent to intimate this, and to make a similar proposition to that which had before been made. Ministers proposed to settle £50,000 per annum on her for life, subject to such conditions as the king might impose; which conditions Lord Hutchinson stated he had reason to believe, were, that she was not to assume the style and title of Queen of Great Britain, or any other title attached to the royal family of England; and that she was not to reside in England, or even to visit that country: the consequence of such a visit would be an immediate message to parliament, and an entire end of all compromise or negociation. The threatened message to parliament was understood by the queen and her counsellors to signify that a public charge of adultery would be exhibited against her; and, indignant at such treatment, the proposal was rejected as one that could not be listened to for a moment. Lord Hutchinson still made attempts at negociation, but they were all vain; nothing could induce her to change her purpose. Irritated by studied insults abroad; incensed by threats of ministerial vengeance; brooding over the wrongs she had endured from one who had promised before the altar of God to love and cherish her through life; and, above all, assured of the popular support, she pursued her way; and she reached the shores of England on the 6th of June. Although government had made no preparation for her reception, the people’s hearts gave her a ready welcome. Multitudes met her on the beach at Dover, with loud acclamations, banners, and every sign of popular enthusiasm. Her progress to London resembled a triumphal procession, and she was met in the metropolis by 200,000 persons, all shouting her welcome at the top of their voices. They would have conducted her at once to Carlton House, but she was induced to go to Alderman Wood’s mansion in South Audley Street, there to wait the issue of the matter.

The king was now obliged to take the field against a woman in, whose favour the British people were generally interested. On the 6th of June a message was read from the woolsack, communicating certain papers relative to the conduct of her majesty since her departure from England, which the king recommended to the immediate and serious attention of their lordships. A similar message was also delivered to the commons: and in both houses ministers expressed their intention of moving for an address to the king, and a reference of the papers to a secret committee on the following day. In the commons the minister was anticipated on the 7th by Mr. Brougham, who presented a communication from her majesty, setting forth that she had returned to England for the purpose of maintaining her innocence and rights; protesting against any secret tribunal appointed by her accusers; complaining of the insults received from foreign courts, influenced by that of Great Britain; and appealing to the justice of the commons of England. In reply, after the cheers with which this document was received had subsided, Lord Castlereagh said that ministers were neither persecutors nor prosecutors: the king’s message was most gracious; and the secret committee was only a preliminary step to ascertain whether there was any case to proceed with. The trial should be, he added, if there was any trial, open and honourable, Mr. Brougham strongly resisted the appointment of the committee, since although not final, it must deeply affect her majesty’s character. Mr. Canning vindicated the conduct of ministers, and Mr. Wilberforce recommended delay, that, if possible, some compromise might be entered into. In consequence of this suggestion of Mr. Wilberforce the house adjourned to the Friday following; and in the interval the queen, on the advice of her friends, made a communication to Lord Liverpool, through Mr. Brougham, in which, deferring to the expressed opinion of the house of commons, she declared herself ready to take into consideration any arrangement consistent with her dignity and honour. In reply, Lord Liverpool referred her to the memorandum placed in the hands of her own attorney-general and the queen declared that this document, which had been superseded by Lord Hutchinson’s proposition, was now submitted to her for the first time. She added that the recognition of her rank and privileges must form the basis of any arrangement. In reply, ministers declared that any proposition on the part of the king must have for its basis the queen’s residence abroad. To this her majesty rejoined, that she was willing to leave her cause in the hands of any person or persons of high station and character, whom both parties might select; their decision being subject to the approbation of parliament. This proposal was accepted. On the part of the king the Duke of Wellington and Lord Castlereagh were appointed, while Messrs. Brougham and Denman were appointed on behalf of the queen. Meanwhile parliament, to give time for their negociations, was further adjourned. The referees met on the 15th of June; but it was all to no purpose. The protocol set forth that “the queen must not be understood to admit nor the king to retract any position,” with which insuperable barrier before them the negociations finished as they had commenced: it was contended in limine, on her majesty’s behalf, that her name should be inserted in the liturgy, and as this was refused by the king, the conference was broken up. This failure in negociations was reported on the 19th; but on the following day Mr. Wilberforce asked and obtained further delay, in order that he might make a proposition, which he conceived might set the matter at rest. This proposition was made on the 22nd, and it consisted of two resolutions; one regretting the recent failure of negociation, and the other soliciting her majesty to gratify the house by conceding a few points, for the sake of an amicable arrangement. Lord Archibald Hamilton moved as an amendment that the queen’s name should be inserted in the liturgy, which was ably supported by Sir Francis Burdett, who delivered a speech, censuring ministers, which produced a great sensation in the house. In reply, Mr. Canning stated, that, however much provoked by the honourable baronet’s speech, he should abstain from entering the lists with him till a future day; which determination produced a sarcastic retort from Mr. Tierney, who observed, that, “as the better part of valour was discretion, he commended Mr. Canning’s prudence, in postponing his defence of ministers till the effect of Sir Francis’s speech was done away: the fact proved that it was unanswerable.” Mr. Wilberforce’s motion, however, was carried by three hundred and ninety-one against one hundred and thirty-four. A deputation waited on the queen with the message of the commons; but she peremptorily rejected their advice, and its members were, on their return, hissed and hooted by the populace. Every hope of conciliation being now at an end on the motion of Lord Castlereagh, the commons voted a further adjournment, in order to leave initiatory proceedings to the house of lords. But though the commons waited quietly till their lordships made a further movement in the matter, the country did not. The whole kingdom was turned into one great arena of disputation, in which the innocence or the guilt of the queen was advocated according to the different views of the people. Addresses were sent to the queen from all quarters; and in answer to that presented by the common-council of London, she made this declaration,—“In the many and deep sorrows and afflictions with which it has pleased Providence to visit me, I have derived unspeakable consolation from the zealous and constant attachment of this warm-hearted, just, and generous people; to live at home with, and to cherish whom, will be the chief happiness of the remainder of my days.”

The secret committee made their report on the 4th of July. This report stated that the charges appeared calculated so deeply to affect, not only the honour of the queen, but also the dignity of the crown, that in the opinion of the committee it was necessary they should become the subject of a solemn inquiry, which might best be effected in the course of a legislative proceeding. This was followed, on the 6th of July, by a motion in the lords, moved by the Earl of Liverpool, for a bill of pains and penalties; or an act which, according to precedents in former ages, might pronounce the queen guilty of an adulterous intercourse; degrade her from her exalted station; and dissolve the marriage between her and the king. This bill was read a first time as a preliminary step to the introduction of evidence, and then a copy of it was sent to her majesty by the usher of the black rod. The day fixed for the second reading was the 17th of August, on which day counsel appeared in support of the bill and on behalf of the queen.

In the meantime addresses were presented to her from cities, towns, and villages in every part of the United Kingdom. Encouraged by the popular support, the queen took a house at Hammersmith, on the banks of the Thames, and thither processions went every day, except Sundays, numbering on an average 30,000 people. Eventually she was obliged to appoint certain days in the week for receiving them: the other days were employed in riding about the city and its environs, in which she was always followed by a vast concourse of people. The king was, also, compelled to endure some noise and bustle. In their processions to and fro, the people generally stopped opposite his palace, but it was only to show him the bitter feelings which they entertained towards him. So unpopular had he become by this persecution of his wife, that he was compelled to go from London to the cottage, and from the cottage to London under cover of the night; and even then the people were on the watch to salute him roughly as he passed.

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