OPENING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.
On the 20th of November the queen went in state to the house of lords to open the new parliament. Having read and signed the usual declaration, her majesty read the speech in a clear and audible voice. The speech expressed satisfaction at the friendly assurances of all foreign powers; regretted that civil war still afflicted the kingdom of Spain; stated that directions had been given for a treaty of commerce, recently concluded with the united republic of Peru and Bolivia, to be laid before parliament; recommended to their serious consideration the state of the province of Lower Canada; and stated that the demise of the crown rendered it necessary that a new provision should be made for the civil list. On this latter subject the queen remarked, that she placed unreservedly at the disposal of the house of commons, those hereditary revenues which were transferred to the public by her immediate predecessor, and that she had commanded such papers as might be necessary for the full examination of the subject to be laid before them. Her majesty’s speech concluded thus:—
“My lords and gentlemen—The external peace and domestic tranquillity which at present happily prevail, are very favourable for the consideration of such measures of reformation and amendment as may be necessary or expedient, and your attention will naturally be directed to that course of legislation which was interrupted by the necessary dissolution of the last parliament. The result of the inquiries which have been made into the condition of the poor in Ireland has been already laid before parliament. And it will be your duty to consult whether it may not be wise and safe to establish by law some well-regulated means of relief for the destitute in that country. The municipal government of the cities and towns in Ireland calls for better regulation. The laws which govern the collection of the tithe-composition in Ireland require revision and amendment. Convinced that the better and more effectual administration of justice is amongst the first duties of a sovereign, I request your attention to those measures which will be submitted to you for the improvement of the law. You cannot but be sensible of the deep importance of these questions which I have submitted to you, and of the necessity of treating them in that spirit of impartiality and justice which affords the best hope of bringing them to a happy and useful termination. In meeting this parliament, the first that has been elected under my authority, I am anxious to declare my confidence in your loyalty and wisdom. The early age at which I am called to the sovereignty of this kingdom renders it a more imperative duty, that, under Divine Providence, I should place my reliance upon your cordial cooperation, and upon the love and affection of my people.”
The address was moved in the house of lords by the Duke of Sussex, who, in the several topics of his speech, avoided every allusion or expression capable of giving offence to any member of the house. His royal highness referred with much satisfaction to the declaration of the Duke of Wellington at the close of the last session, namely, that he would assist in the settlement of the Irish questions, and also to the approbation he had avowed of the new poor-law. His royal highness further expressed his pleasure at the affectionate reception which the queen had met with in her late visit to the city, and adverted to the peculiar interest with which he regarded a sovereign whose birth he had been one of the first to witness. The address was seconded by Lord Portman, and fully assented to by the Duke of Wellington, who said he would follow the example which had been set him of abstaining from every remark that could awaken party feeling. The address was then agreed to, and ordered to be presented with the usual forms.
In the commons the address was moved by Lord Leveson, and seconded by Mr. Craig. A discussion followed, in which Mr. Wakley took the lead. After hearing the speech from the throne, Mr. Wakley said he rose to remind ministers that they had some radical supporters in the house, a circumstance which they appeared to have forgotten. After hearing the speech from the throne, he could not avoid asking to what purpose they had been so anxious, in 1835, to eject Sir Robert Peel and the Conservatives? It was complained of the speech from the throne framed by Sir Robert in that year, that it was vague and unsatisfactory: he, Mr. Wakley, had never read a speech from any sovereign of this country more open to the same reproach than the present one. He thought that at the commencement of a new reign, with a young queen educated as ours had been, the people had a right to expect a more explicit acknowledgment of their grievances, and some indication of the means of redress. They were now fresh from the hustings, where they had all been liberal in promises: even the Tories had professed themselves the friends of the people, and declared their delight in seeing the operatives come forward, and take a share in politics. In order to test the sincerity of both parties, he would move an amendment, in general terms, in favour of an extension of the suffrage. Mr. Wakley concluded his speech by moving three amendments, which he said he would put to the house separately, in order that members might have no excuse for avoiding to vote on any particular proposition. The first amendment was to the effect, “That this house embraces the earliest opportunity of respectfully assuring her majesty, that it will in the present session of parliament take into consideration the state of the representation of the people in this branch of the legislature, with a view to ensure by law an equitable extension of the elective franchise.” This amendment was seconded by Sir W. Molesworth, and supported by Messrs. Hume and Grote. On the other hand it was opposed by Mr. Liddell, Colonel Perceval, and Lord John Russell. The latter admitted the reproach—if reproach it were—of having framed the speech with a view to preclude discussion. It was desirable that the queen should receive from her first parliament an unanimous address. In allusion to Mr. Wakley’s amendment, his lordship observed that the hon. member had put his powders into three separate papers, as portions of what he considered the same medicine. Without entering into any general discussion of the questions involved in those amendments. He thought it necessary shortly to state his opinion of the present operation of the reform bill, and of his own position with respect to it. He admitted the disadvantages and injuries to which the reform act was subject; corruption and intimidation had prevailed at the late elections to a great extent. With respect to the registration of voters great amendments had been made. These were points on which it behoved parliament to be always attentive, to see that the act suffered no essential injury, and to remedy any error in the details which experience of its actual working might suggest. But these, his lordship continued, were questions widely different from those now brought forward, such as the ballot, the extension of the suffrage, and triennial parliaments, which were, in his estimation, a repeal of the reform act, and placed the representation on a totally different footing. He was not prepared to go thus far. With respect to registration, Lord John Russell said that the attorney-general was about to bring forward the bill of last session in an amended form, and he himself would re-introduce the measure respecting the payment of rates. But as to a second reform of the representation, having only five years ago placed it on a new basis, it would be a most unwise and unsound experiment, now to begin anew the process of reconstruction; he, for one, at least, would decline taking any share in such a measure. Sir Robert Peel congratulated the house upon the noble lord’s aversion to Mr. Wakley’s physic. The member for Finsbury called for a change, in order to recover for himself and his party the predominance they had lost; but he was confident that if he were to give Mr. Wakley a carte blanche to cut and carve the constituency as he pleased, he and his party would still be in a minority. Mr. Ward, on the other hand, warned Lord John Russell that by his declaration against the ballot, he had signed his own death-warrant, and chalked out his political grave. On a division, Mr. Wakley’s amendment was negatived by five hundred and nine against twenty; and his two other amendments, pledging the house to the vote by ballot and the repeal of the septennial act, were then put, and negatived without a division.
The question having been again put on the address, Mr. Harvey proposed an amendment to this effect:—“That whilst this house is desirous of making the most liberal provision for the support of the becoming splendour and just dignity of the crown, they feel that the same ought to be derived from obvious and direct sources; and that to such end every branch of the hereditary revenues of the crown ought to be placed, without reservation, and without exception, under the control of parliament, as the surest means of protecting the crown against exaggerated impressions of their amount, and as a security against their misapplication.” The amendment further set forth, that in the arrangement of the civil list, the house confidently relied upon the ready co-operation of her majesty, in promoting all needful inquiry into the claims of persons to be continued as recipients of state provision. In moving this amendment, Mr. Harvey observed that the former part of it was in substance the same with the proposition ministers had themselves made on the subject when in opposition. He pressed the second part of his amendment, on the ground that a strong feeling existed in the public mind against it as it now stood, which feeling was materially strengthened by the late alteration in the poor-law system. He assured ministers that they had not a superabundance of popularity, and he predicted that Lord John Russell’s declaration of that night would operate fatally to his government. In reply, Lord John Russell contented himself with stating that an account of the actual and average receipts from the duties in question would be laid before the committees; and that with respect to the pension list, the precedent of 1831 would be strictly followed. Ministers agreed in thinking it far wiser to provide against abuses for the future, than to take away pensions already granted. If the revision proposed by the hon. member should be adopted by parliament, ministers would claim the right of further consideration, before they decided whether or not they should give it their support. After a few words from Mr. Harvey in rejoinder, his amendment was put and negatived without a division.
Lord John Russell’s determination to resist any further movement in the way of constitutional innovation, was made the subject of indignant comment on the part of the radical organs, both in parliament and throughout the country.