PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.
West-India Interest.—On the 3rd of February parliament reassembled after the Christmas recess. When the usual preliminaries on those occasions were over, the first matter of business was in connection with the West India interest, which complained much of distress, and attributed it to imperial legislation. Lord George Bentinck, who became the leader of the West-India, as well as of the country party, moved for a select committee of inquiry into the condition of the West-India colonies. Mr. James Wilson and Mr. Bernai delivered themselves more happily than the other honourable members who engaged in the discussion. The motion was agreed to without a division. This was followed by a motion on the part of the chancellor of the exchequer for a loan of £200,000 to certain of the West-India colonies. On the 10th of June Lord John Russell proposed certain remedial measures for the West-India colonies, which gave rise to long and intensely bitter discussions; but the government succeeded in carrying substantially through parliament its proposals. During these discussions Mr. Hume made himself very conspicuous as a champion of the West-India planters, and showed an indifference to the rights, liberties, and interests of the labourers, irreconcilable with correct views of civil and religious liberty, and with the honourable member’s own professed liberalism where popular claims were concerned. The part taken by Mr. Bright gave great offence to the anti-slavery party, who considered it more consistent with his interests as a Lancashire cottonspinner, than with his profession as a quaker and an antislavery man. In the course of these debates, Lord George Bentinck, in indignant terms, denounced Lord Grey, as the head of the Colonial-office, for returning to parliament garbled extracts from the reports and despatches of colonial governors. In the lords, Earl Grey defended his conduct from this imputation; but Lord Stanley, with uncommon eloquence, reiterated the charge. No public man ever came out of a personal discussion less favourable than the noble minister for the colonies on this occasion. The simple truth evoked was, that while a committee of the house supposed that they were possessed of full and complete reports, they were supplied with only curt and crude extracts, calculated to place matters in the ministerial light, but not really affording the committee the opinions of those whose views they purported to be. This practice was, unfortunately, common with great officers of state; but it seemed to be so much beneath the high reputation of Earl Grey, that the public were astonished and scandalised. Few modern events tended more to destroy the popular confidence in eminent public men, and with the people Lord Grey never recovered his popularity. He had been guilty of a trick which ought to have been punishable by parliament, for it was incompatible with all just views of ministerial responsibility.
Financial Measures of the Government.—The Whigs had for some time proved themselves to be indifferent financiers. In this respect Sir R. Peel had for years maintained a reputation superior to that acquired by any of the whig leaders. During this year the government was not successful in reconciling either parliament or the country to their plans of revenue. Their defeats were signal, and their victories very hardly won. Soon after the meeting of parliament, Lord John Russell made a financial statement, from which it appeared the income fell short of the expenditure by nearly three millions. Lord John estimated that the balance for the year 1848-9 would show a deficiency of more than two millions. To meet these adverse balances upon two years, his lordship proposed that the income-tax, which was to expire in April, should be continued for five years, and be increased from sevenpence in the pound to one shilling. This proposal was received by a burst of ironical cheers, and other sounds indicative of the strong disapprobation of the house. His lordship stated that Ireland would not be included in the measure, as from her recent and present sufferings, she was unable to bear increased taxation. This statement was received with the most violent and vehement shouts of disapprobation from the English and Scotch members on the ministerial side of the house, and the most boisterous cheers from the Irish members on both sides—the opposition, generally (with the exception of the exultant Irish conservative members), remaining silent. The opposition to the income-tax out of doors was very energetic, so that on the 28th of February the chancellor of the exchequer came forward with an amended budget. He proposed that the income-tax should continue at the same rate for three years. After a warm parliamentary opposition, led by Mr. Hume, the government resolutions were carried.
Bill to legalise diplomatic intercourse with Rome.—A bill for this purpose was introduced in the lords by the Marquis of Lansdowne. It was opposed by the Duke of Newcastle and the Bishop of Winchester with great earnestness, the latter particularly objecting to the expression “sovereign pontiff” in the bill. The influence of the Duke of Wellington secured the second reading without a division. On the committal of the bill, the illustrious duke proposed the substitution of the words “sovereign of the Roman states” for those of “sovereign pontiff.” The Whigs, always ready to conciliate their Roman Catholic supporters at the expense of principle, offered the utmost resistance to the duke’s proposal, which, in spite of his great authority in the house, was only carried by a majority of three. In the commons the bill was also carried, and by large majorities. The opposition to it was badly led by Mr. Anstey; the chief champion of the measure was the celebrated Irish orator, Richard Lalor Shiel. During these debates the Whigs, and especially the members of government, adopted the vocabulary of Roman Catholics, such as “the holy father,” “the holy see,” “the head of the church,” &c. Mr. Shiel exceeded the bounds of prudence in this respect. Still, while from some quarters a warm opposition out of doors was offered, the great bulk of the people in Great Britain regarded the progress of the measure with indifference.
Bill for the Alteration op the Navigation Laws.—It has been already shown that the intention of the government to make some alteration in these laws was the occasion of a fierce agitation, and of one of the most remarkable popular demonstrations ever made in this country. A variety of circumstances tended to determine the government. The free-trade party insisted upon it as necessary to carry out their principle; and the legislative council and assembly of Canada, had, in 1847, adopted a joint address to the queen, praying for the opening of the St. Lawrence to all nations, and the abolition of the navigation laws. From various other colonies remonstrances as to the operations of these laws were constantly arriving at the Colonial office; foreign powers had also expressed complaints and offered reciprocity. On these grounds, as well as on sound principles of political economy, the government pressed for a decision of the house against the continuance of the state of the laws as they stood. Sir Robert Peel gave the government a very effective support, declaring that these laws could not possibly be preserved on their present basis. Mr. Hume, who was a very forward champion of English radicalism and colonial monopoly, at first objected to the new policy, but in equivocal and undecided terms, and finally supported the government. Mr. Gladstone spoke as if for the purpose of showing that he could consistently support either side, as he practically opposed both. Mr. Cobden made a “peace-society” speech, as illogical as it was inappropriate, in reply to which Mr. Disraeli delivered an oration, the statistics of which were for him unusually accurate; and confuted the allegations upon which Mr. Cobden based his theory, that we did not require to nurse a marine for martial purposes. Mr. Disraeli satirised with great effect the representations of the quies gentium sine armis, which Mr. Cobden had been so much in the habit of making before 1848. The appeal to the patriotism and glory of the country, with which the honourable member concluded his speech, was followed by the cheers of the whole house The government, however, triumphed, but was deterred by the opposition out of doors, and the feelings of the seamen, which their demonstration had so plainly indicated, from pressing forward its views in the form of a bill. Leave, however, was granted to bring in a bill on the subject, the consideration of which was postponed to another session.
Bill for the Removal of Jewish Disabilities.—The impossibility of a Jew sitting in parliament, in consequence of the form of oath containing the expression “upon the true faith of a Christian,” gave much umbrage to the Israelitish community, and the general public sympathised. The election of Baron Rothschild, along with the premier, in the representation of the city of London, drew attention to this subject with revived force. The government brought in a bill to enable Jews to sit in parliament, the house, in their case, dispensing with the form of oath to which they were opposed. Mr. Augustus Stafford proposed that the bill be read a second time that day six months. He was very ably and eloquently answered by Mr. Monckton Milnes. After adjournments and fierce discussions the government, as usual, triumphed by a large majority. In the House of Lords it was especially opposed by the Earl of Ellenborough. The most effective speech delivered by the opposition was that made by the Bishop of Oxford; but it was marked by a party acrimony so intense as to weaken much the force of its eloquence.
He accused the premier of having gained his return for the city by the bribery to which rich Jews resorted on his behalf. This he found it necessary to apologise for and withdraw. The bill was lost by a considerable majority against it.
Irish Encumbered Estates Bill.—Very early in the session the lord-chancellor introduced a measure to facilitate the sale of encumbered estates in Ireland. This bill was resisted chiefly by those it was designed most to benefit; it was, however, ultimately carried, and under its administration a very large portion of landed property in Ireland changed hands. The operation of the measure was beneficial, but was not sufficiently sweeping in its powers, and failed to produce all the good that a better concerted scheme might have worked out.
Measures for Repressing Insurrection in Ireland.—On other pages a minute account of Irish suffering and sedition has been given, and references were then made to the proceedings in parliament which had reference to these transactions. On the 21st of July, Lord John Russell, amidst the cheers of the house, gave notice of motion to enable the lord-lieutenant of Ireland to arrest and detain persons suspected of treasonable designs against her majesty’s throne and government. The same night the Earl of Glengall brought under the notice of the peers the existence of treasonable clubs, the manufacture of pikes and the importation of fire-arms, the treasonable correspondence with France and America, the denunciations made by the rebel press and rebel orators, and the atrocious anti-social doctrines propounded—among others, the right and duty of exterminating the eight thousand Protestant landlords. Lord Brougham startled the house by reading a private letter, written to a friend by Daniel O’Connell a short time before his death, in which he declared it necessary for Ireland that coercion should be employed, and that the suspension of the habeas corpus was, in his opinion, the best and least oppressive way of putting down Irish disturbance. The publicly expressed opinions of the agitator had been so very adverse to those conveyed in this private communication, that its perusal caused a great sensation in the house. As O’Connell’s writing was well known to Lord Brougham, and most of the noble lords who sat around him, there could be neither misapprehension nor imposition. The government measures were opposed by some Irish members, but their opposition was deficient in dignity and good sense. Mr. Fergus O’Connor so nearly approached treason in one of his speeches, that the premier was obliged to interfere formally, as did Sir Robert Peel on another occasion. Mr. Sharman Crawford, with excellent temper, but substantially with absurdity and impracticability, rivalled Mr. O’Connor in the earnestness of his opposition. The measure of the ministry was carried, much to the satisfaction of the country.
Bill for the better Security of the Crown and Government—This measure was introduced by Sir George Grey, for the double purpose of quelling Irish insurrection, and repressing the disturbances caused by the English Chartists. One of the clauses of the bill was for the suppression of “open and unadvised speakings.”
This gave offence to the liberal party, and there was a general suspicion throughout the country that under the disguise of putting down chartism, the government was solicitous to check the increase of public meetings for reform in church and state, which became very numerous, especially in the north of England, and most especially in Lancashire. In those parts of the country, the disapprobation of the clause was very strong, and occasion was taken at public meetings, even of a religious nature, to denounce it. Mr. Hume, Mr. G. Thompson, and Mr. Fox argued well against the “gagging clause” as it was called, and eloquently pointed out the consequences which, upon a forced construction, might ensue. Mr. M. J. O’Connell declared that some such measure was necessary to the peace of Ireland, and he would give the government his support. This circumstance, taken in connection with the private letter read by Lord Brougham in the House of Lords, left a strong impression among liberal members of the commons, and of the community, that the O’Connells had been insincere in their professions to Ireland. The press, both in the Old and Young Ireland interest, censured Mr. M. J. O’Connell, in terms of bitter severity, and the cry was raised that the younger O’Connells were more of place-hunters than patriots. After some warm personal altercations, the bill passed.
Mr. Samuel Martin, afterwards Sir Samuel Martin, and a baron of the exchequer, much increased his personal and legal reputation by opposing “the gagging clause.” This, however, he did in a temper and mode which secured the respect of the government as well as of the country.
Alien removal Bill.—The vast number of foreigners in England, and especially in London, was at that time a source of uneasiness to the well-disposed, and eventually became so to the government. These immigrants so conducted themselves as to expose the country to the danger of being embroiled with foreign powers; and they expressed openly their sympathy with English Chartists and Irish Confederates. A bill was brought into the House of Lords by the Marquis of Lansdowne, giving power to the home secretary to remove foreigners whose presence might be an inconvenience. Their removal was to be determined by their conduct in England, not in the place from which they had come. This bill was introduced in the middle of April. It readily passed the lords. On the first of May it was introduced to the commons by the home secretary, and after an opposition of great force, from Sir William Molesworth and others, was carried.
Motion for Extension of the Franchise, Triennial Parliaments, and Apportionment of Members to Population.—A very extensive and influential agitation for these objects, headed by Mr. Hume, was maintained throughout the country, by persons much opposed to the socialist doctrines and riotous practices of the Chartists. On the 21st of June, Mr. Hume moved a resolution declaring the opinion of the house to be in favour of these measures, It was seconded by Dr. Bowring, afterwards so famous in connection with the government of Hong-Kong. Mr. Henry Drummond partly supported the views of those gentlemen, but nevertheless exposed, in very able and eloquent terms, the inconsistencies of Mr. Hume’s speech, who seemed to have no clear and definite notions of the way in which his own theory should be carried out. Lord John Russell opposed the resolution in a speech as anti-reform in its character as if it had been made by Sir Charles Wetherell. Mr. Fergus O’Connor bitterly opposed Mr. Hume’s motion, and afterwards voted for it. Mr. Urquhart and Mr. Anstey offered to it an opposition foolish and factious. Mr. Cobden supported Mr. Hume’s resolution, but not upon any political principle, but exclusively in reference to his own economical views, which he considered it would, if carried, promote. Mr. Cobden was ably answered and exposed by Mr. Sidney Herbert. The resolution found only eighty-four supporters in a house of four hundred and thirty-five members.
Discussions on Foreign Policy.—The conduct of the government in sending Lord Minto to Italy, as a sort of quasi-envoy, and its interference in the quarrel between Sicily and Naples, led to long discussions, in which Lord Stanley and Mr. Disraeli laboured with unusual energy to gain a party victory over the government. The reply of Lord Palmerston was, however, so luminous and convincing that it dispelled all doubt of the wisdom of the policy which he had pursued. His lordship resumed his seat amidst cheers from both sides of the house—the government was triumphant. Nevertheless there existed throughout the country a strong antipathy to the mission of Lord Minto; nor did the public feel quite sure that the management of the Sicilian affair was discreet—and it certainly was not successful.
The differences with Spain, in connection with the dismission of our ambassador, gave rise to another warm debate. The wisdom of the ambassador and of the foreign minister was impeached, while the conduct of the Spanish government was deemed rash, unnecessary, and insulting. The conduct of the government in exposing the country and its queen to such insult was now called in question. Lord Stanley on the 6th of May, called for the correspondence between Lord Palmerston, Mr. Bulwer, and the Duke of Soto Mayer. In his speech, which was very eloquent, the noble lord expressed the highest respect for the person and powers of Lord Palmerston, but considered that, in this particular case, he had erred. It was evoked, during the discussion, that the published despatch of Lord Palmerston did not contain certain words used by the noble foreign secretary, which gave to the ambassador a discretion as to the propriety of making the communication dependent upon the tone of public opinion in Spain, and the nature of events. It was generally considered by the lords, that any indiscretion which had taken place was at the embassy in Madrid, and not in the Foreign-office. The ambassador at the court of Madrid had been appointed by the Earl of Aberdeen, whose management of the Foreign-office was in every direction disastrous. The Peel foreign policy required men of a certain stamp, whose agency little suited the policy or character of Lord Palmerston’s foreign-office administration. Mr. Bankes withdrew his motion, and Mr. Urquhart was clamoured down in a subsequent attempt to address the house upon the subject. That gentleman seized every opportunity, in and out of the house, to vituperate Lord Palmerston, and persisted in reiterating as facts, fallacies which had been many times exposed. The house and the country became utterly weary of his absurd harangues, hence the extraordinary ebullition of feeling among honourable members on that occasion.