POLITICAL AGITATION IN ENGLAND.
The commercial distress gave an opportunity for certain political charlatans to stir up the minds of the people. The Chartists, headed by Fergus O’Connor, took advantage of the privations of the populace by appealing to their passions and their sufferings, representing them as the dupes of the upper and middle classes, especially the latter, who were described as enriching themselves at the expense of the poor. The “people’s charter” was declared to be the panacea; all social evils were to vanish before the application of that political remedy. Some of the political demands of the chartists were just; all classes of liberal politicals felt that the people were entitled to a wider distribution of the franchise, but many who thus felt were deterred from the concession by the intemperate language and impracticable schemes of Fergus O’Connor and the lesser leaders of the confederacy. Whatever might be supposed imprudent as a measure of political agitation in a rich country, and where the vast mass of the people had a strong aversion to all constitutional, or as it was the fashion to name them, “organic changes,” by sanguinary or violent means, was resorted to by Mr. O’Connor and his coadjutors. He propounded principles of political economy so absurd, that it was difficult to suppose he could have any faith in his own theories,—holding out the hope of an ultimate division of the land among the people: others propounded the doctrine of a law by which every man should be provided with “a fair day’s wages for a fair day’s work,” and the duty of supplying that “fair day’s work” for him rested, it was alleged, with the government. These men, in fact, did their utmost to bring about a social war, and the doctrines of communism were actively propagated and eagerly received among large numbers of the operatives in the metropolis and the north of England, and among the labourers elsewhere. There was, probably, no important town in England that had not its chartist association, which looked forward to a violent political revolution by which high wages could be procured by little labour. The Chartists, like the Irish repealers, were divided into sections, characterised respectively by their profession of physical force or moral force. The moral force Chartists were like the Old Irelanders, not generally very sincere in their belief of its efficacy. They professed it merely as a cover to conceal what they meditated; they were as much physical-force men as those who were so designated, but did not deem it politic to make the avowal.
After the dissolution of parliament (which will be recorded in its details upon another page), Mr. O’Connor succeeded in gaining his election. This circumstance filled his followers with revived hopes, and the agitation became more enthusiastic and demonstrative. Large public meetings were convened, which were conducted with order, and dispersed peaceably, although the speeches on these occasions were very inflammatory. The government regarded these “monster meetings” with uneasiness, and they were closely watched. The loyalty of the middle and of large sections of the poorer classes, however, gave the government a sense of security, notwithstanding the menacing attitude of the Chartists; and this loyal feeling was extended as the peaceably disposed became alarmed by the seditious and unprincipled harangues which the chartist orators addressed to such large assemblages. Many of the most active Chartists were socialists, and used the confederacy as a means of propagating their atrocious doctrines. As a specimen of the tone and method which characterised the chartist gatherings where order was maintained, the following account of one which took place after the elections will suffice:—“A meeting of Chartists, to the number of nearly ten thousand, took place at Newton Common, on Sunday. The object was to address the operatives in the manufacturing districts of Manchester, Oldham, Rochdale, Bolton, Buy, Preston, Liverpool, Wigan, &c., on the land and labour questions. Shortly after one o’clock, Mr. Fergus O’Connor, M.P., accompanied by Mr. W. H. Roberts, the miners’ attorney-general, appeared in the crowd, on their way to the platform. Both these gentlemen were received amidst the loudest demonstrations of applause. Mr. Roberts having been duly proposed and seconded, assumed the office of chairman. He addressed the meeting at much length, on the progress and prospects of Chartism, and encouraged the vast multitude then before him to take courage from the past, and work with determination and zeal for effecting the great cause of the people’s charter. A resolution, proposing that a committee, or a conference of delegates, should go to London, to escort Mr. O’Connor into Parliament on its opening, was agreed to. Mr. O’Connor then came forward and spoke at great length. He reviewed the great progress of Chartism, abused the Whigs, and browbeat the press. He next narrated the plans he had adopted, and was adopting, for the benefit of all who became Chartists. He anticipated great results from his scheme of labour palaces—denied the propriety of being placed in the election returns as a feather in the quill of Whiggery—was an earnest advocate for the amelioration of Ireland, and still willing and determined to agitate for their cause. He would go to parliament, and record his first motion for ‘The people’s charter, and no surrender.’ The meeting was conducted in a very orderly manner.”
As very considerable numbers of the working classes in Lancashire and Yorkshire had been taught in Sunday-schools, and the Sabbath day was much regarded in that part of the country, the collection of such a vast concourse of persons from great distances, on a day so sacred, created prejudices against the chartist confederacies even in their own strongholds, which, irrespective of every other difficulty, ensured their defeat. The agitation, however, did not come to a head during the year of which we write, and it is unnecessary further to trace its progress in this chapter.
This was not the only agitation which disturbed the equanimity of Great Britain throughout the year. The Protectionists, led by Lord George Bentinck, were active and acrimonious. Agricultural dinners and public meetings gave opportunities for the most violent denunciations against Sir Robert Peel, the government, and free trade. The manufacturers—the creators of wealth, and who sustained so large a portion of the public burdens—were represented as a selfish, callous set of men, eager only to acquire riches, even at the expense of all other classes of the community. They were described as disloyal and revolutionary, and bent upon the destruction of throne and constitution. It would be difficult to determine whether the orations at the protectionist groupings, or those at the chartist gatherings were most characterised by class invidiousness; nor could it be adjudged in which the less sound views of political economy were enunciated. The eloquence greatly preponderated on the side of the Chartists. Cotton was also quite as patriotic as corn. The operatives declared that “the country” was ruined by class legislation, and therefore desired that their own class should thenceforward possess the legislative power. The landowners declared that “the country” although not yet destroyed, was on the brink of destruction, and must speedily perish amidst blood and bankruptcy, unless the landed interest had again the power to make laws of which the Reform Bill had deprived it, and unless agricultural produce was “protected,” by legislatively enhancing its price for the benefit of the producers. “A fair day’s wages for a fair day’s work,” and the state to have the responsibility of securing it to the liking of those who made the demand, was as much the principle of squires as of operative cotton-spinners. Lord George Bentinck was a Fergus O’Connor for “the country party,” and Fergus was the Lord George Bentinck of the labouring town populations.
The public demonstrations of both these parties were often very unfortunate, in consequence of mismanagement by those to whom the getting up of these affairs were committed. These occurrences tended to lower both Chartists and Protectionists in public estimation, as various witty publications lampooned the prominent actors, and exposed them to overwhelming ridicule. The most signal opportunity afforded to the wits in this way was by the Chartists. On the 25th of October they announced a great public dinner to be given in London to eighteen members of parliament, whom they alleged had been returned to the House of Commons by their influence, and to represent their opinions. When the dinner-party assembled, not one of the eighteen honourable gentlemen appeared, nor did it transpire that even one had given any acceptance of the invitation! Fergus O’Connor was an exception from the application of these remarks. He was there as a matter of course, and elaborately puffed his absurd land scheme, by which so many were afterwards ruined.
The anti-slavery party were in many respects active, notwithstanding the home incidents which occupied the public mind. It was necessary to watch the conduct of government in reference to the recent enactment concerning the sugar duties, and also their general policy in regard to the sugar question, and the West India interest. The conduct of the West India party was suspicious, and required the vigilance of the anti-slavery men; and the coalition between that party and Lord George Ben thick added another motive still for watchfulness. Many of the anti-slavery people turned their attention to India, and were supported by gentlemen of influence, military and mercantile, in efforts to rouse public interest in the resources of India, and the adaptation of these resources to English requirements, rendering the importation of commodities produced by slave labour unnecessary. George Thompson, Esq., who had been returned for the Tower Hamlets, one of the largest and most influential constituencies in the kingdom, a man of surpassing eloquence, took a very active part in this movement. A correct insight as to its object and spirit may be imparted to the reader by a resolution passed at a great meeting of the inhabitants of the Tower Hamlets on the 26th of October:—“After an eloquent address, expository of the subject, G.Thompson, Esq., M.P., moved a resolution to the general effect that it had been demonstrated that India had the capacity of producing every tropical raw commodity required by England for the constant and profitable employment of her population. That England, although mistress of India, was rendered year by year more dependent upon the United States for her supply of raw cotton and tobacco; both being the produce of slave labour. That, consequently, the prosperity of this country, and the stability of a large portion of the public revenue, were made dependent upon the vicissitudes of the seasons, upon the maintenance of peace between England and America, and upon the continuance of internal peace among the Slave States. That such dependence, besides perpetuating slavery, was to a great extent, the source of existing calamities, and pregnant with future evils to the interests of England. That the free agricultural population of British India would become the natural customers of this country in the exact measure that they would if permitted to become the producers of commodities for the wants of England, but that they were rendered incapable of competing with the United States, by reason of the burdens imposed upon their soil and industry. Therefore, resolved—That it is the duty of the people of England, for the sake alike of England, of India, and of the enslaved throughout the world, to require of the legislature the immediate removal of all imposts which depress the agricultural energies of the native population; and the institution of a strict and impartial inquiry, in India, into the condition of the natives, and into the conduct and the acts arising out of the peculiar government ruling over them, which affect their wellbeing, and retard their prosperity. Mr. W. Howitt seconded the resolutions, which were carried unanimously, and the meeting separated.”