STATE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THIS YEAR, ETC.
A.D. 1846
The close of the last year and the commencement of the present, were marked by great activity among all classes on the subject of the corn-laws. The agents of the anti-corn-law league were everywhere active. Meetings were held in every part of England; and converts to the free-trade doctrine were made daily. Even the farmers at this time began to think that their interests were concerned in the matter; and some landowners adopted the views of the great leader of the movement, Mr. Cobden. A stimulus was given to the exertions of the free-traders in the failure of the potato crop in the autumn of 1845, both in England and Ireland. It was generally felt, indeed, that some alterations in the corn-laws must be made, and that government itself would be compelled to throw the trade open. While the hopes of the free-traders in Sir Robert Peel were thus excited, those of his own party seemed proportionably cast down. They, too, held meetings, and formed agricultural protection societies in every part of the United Kingdom. It was, in truth, evident to every man that a change was coming; and while the mass hailed the prospect with delight, the great landowners, with some exceptions, stretched every nerve to stem the onward progress of free-trade principles. The hopes of the one party, and the fears of the other, were heightened by the quarrel with America concerning the Oregon territory. It was thought by all that the abolition of the corn-law would for ever destroy all chance of war between England and the United States, inasmuch as the latter country would see that its interest was concerned in cultivating that great blessing of life—peace. Coming events thus cast their broad and ample shadows before.
From the thirteenth century, downwards, there are numerous instances on record of the interference of the legislature with the course of trade in every department. A few centuries ago, indeed, it was usual to fix the prices of many articles of consumption; and that of corn was more interfered with than any other. One circumstance which led to this interference was scarcity; and another, the want of adequate means of internal communication, which often rendered it more profitable to the corn-factor to ship the surplus produce of our maritime districts to a neighbouring country, than to send it to other counties in England. As a remedy for these evils, exportation was prohibited. But such a measure, inasmuch as exportation would not take place except when a better price could be got abroad than at home, was a palpable injustice to the grower. On the other hand, when the general supply was supposed to be more than sufficient, importation was prohibited; but as wheat could never be imported except when it was cheaper in foreign countries than in our own, an injustice was done to the consumer. These restrictions failed to effect their object, and a third party was then fixed upon as the object of further legislation; from alternately restricting the export and import of corn, stringent restrictions were laid on the buying and selling of corn within the country itself. The buying of corn in one place, to sell in another, was even looked upon as an unnecessary and improper interference on the part of the dealers. Both the farmers and the people looked upon them as interlopers: men who had no right to deal in corn, and who, to enhance their own gains, increased the price without any profit to the former, and the manifest detriment of the latter. The complaints against them were so general that the legislature interfered. Protection to the growers of corn pervaded the legislature down to the period of 1815; but so badly were the arrangements for this purpose laid, that the protective laws were often abortive. Generally, the country raised more corn than it consumed—a sufficient cause for rendering protection inoperative. In 1773 the period closed during which this country commonly raised a surplus of corn beyond its own consumption, and the duties on importation became oppressive. Mr. Robinson brought forward the resolutions which were embodied in the celebrated corn-law of 1815. The report of a committee in 1814 fixed the remunerating price at 80s., and it was proposed absolutely to prohibit the importation of foreign wheat till it reached that price, and of colonial wheat till it reached 67s.; when over those prices, respectively, the imports were to be free. This measure was in itself oppressive, but it was made doubly so by the mode adopted for fixing the averages. These were fixed every three months upon the prices of the previous six weeks, and continued the same until the expiration of the quarter. However great might be the demands of the country for import, no rise of price could affect the scale of duties until the arrival of the next period for fixing the averages. The measure created a great sensation throughout the country, and met with much opposition in both houses of parliament; but it passed into law. Agriculturalists now considered that the price of 80s. per quarter for their corn was certain, and cheerfully entered into contracts with their landlords upon that basis. It soon, however, proved to be mere delusion. The three next years witnessed deficient harvests, which had the effect at one time of raising the price to 112s. 7d.; but the ports were at length opened, and in September, 1817, the price had fallen to 74s. The harvest of 1819 was an average one, and the price of corn through’ the year, ranged at 72s. But this was a remunerating price, and the farmers and landowners were induced to increase the breadth of land sown, in the hope of selling the produce at remunerating prices. They were still convinced that the act of 1815 was efficient to protect their interests, and they should still flourish. But the harvest of 1821 was abundant, and the effect was such as to surprise, though it did not instruct them. The price of corn in July, 1821, was 51s., and the two next harvests being abundant likewise, the price sunk in August, 1822, to 42s. The law of 1815, therefore, had the effect of seducing the farmer into a course of conduct which induced ruin rather than prosperity. Committees were appointed to inquire into the causes of distress then prevailing among them. These inquiries were useless; but, by the year 1824, much of the capital invested in the poorer description of soils, under the stimulus of the high prices of previous years, was withdrawn, and less corn being brought to market, the price rose considerably, and an improved condition of the farmer took place accordingly. For several years nothing was done permanently to settle the terms upon which foreign corn could be admitted into the market. Colonial corn was still excluded till the average price reached 67s. In 1825, however, an act was passed, admitting corn from our North American colonies at a fixed duty of 5s. per quarter, till July, 1827; and by another act passed at the same time, corn from our other colonies was admitted at reduced duties: the stocks of corn in bond were further admitted for consumption at lower duties. In 1826 there was a partial failure of the corn-crops, and an order in council was issued in September 1st, admitting for home consumption oats and oatmeal, rye, peas, and beans, on the ground that there was great cause to fear that much distress might ensue to all classes of his majesty’s subjects. A meeting of parliament was summoned in November, to indemnify ministers for this order in council, on which occasion Mr. Canning announced the intention of government early in the ensuing session to introduce a general measure on the corn-trade. This measure was brought forward soon after the next meeting of parliament; and its plan was a sliding-scale, with a more regular and artificial range of duties than those of the existing law; the object being to keep the price of wheat somewhere between 55s. and 65s. This bill passed the house of commons by a large majority; but the bill met with so much opposition in the upper house, that Mr. Canning, whose health was now declining, dropped the measure, and announced another of a similar character early in the ensuing session. Before that period arrived, however, Mr. Canning died, and the task of introducing the measure of 1828 fell to the share of Mr. C. Grant, then president of the board of trade. His resolutions differed from those of Mr. Canning, chiefly in making the protection afforded when the average price should range between 60s. and 70s. more restrictive by an amount varying from 3s. to 7s. per quarter. The new scale was also less regular in its construction; and thus afforded greater inducements to the commission of frauds upon the averages. This bill, notwithstanding, passed both houses: it being accepted by the landed interest as the best to be obtained in the then state of parties, and by their opponents as a step towards further reform. The scale of duties as established by this law fixed the price of 1s. per quarter when the average of six weeks per quarter was 73s.; but when the average was 60s. no less a sum than 36s. 8d. was to be paid for duty. From this period down to 1842 no further change took place in the corn-laws, though year after year the subject was agitated in one shape or the other, and committees were appointed to inquire into the state of agriculture. In the year 1842 her majesty’s speech at the opening of the session recommended the taking of “the state of the laws which affected the import of corn” into consideration, and expressed regret at the continued distress in the manufacturing districts. For the measure brought forward by Sir Robert Peel, the reader is referred to the parliamentary debates of that year; it will be sufficient here to state, that in his resolutions he retained the sliding-scale, and introduced such amendments as he conceived would diminish the oscillations previously experienced under that mode of levying the duties. Up to the year 1846, Sir Robert Peel resolutely defended the measure passed in 1842; giving a decided negative to all the free-trade propositions moved by Lord John Russell and Messrs. Cobden and Villiers, with other members of parliament. His constant reply was, to these propositions, that his experience of the present system was not such as to induce him to propose “further change at present.” He was at length convinced by the arguments of his opponents that the corn-laws were no longer tenable. He resigned office, promising Lord John Russell, whom he recommended to her majesty as his successor, his support in the final adjustment of this great question. There was no one, however, able to settle this question but himself; and when Lord John Russell failed in forming an administration, he resumed office with a fixed resolution, at the risk of being denominated a changeling and a deceiver of party, to open the English ports to all the world. How he grappled with and settled the question will be seen in the ensuing debates.