THE COBDEN TESTIMONIAL.
Soon after the repeal of the corn laws, it was resolved by certain friends of that measure to give Mr. Cobden a testimonial of national gratitude for his services. The public knew his deserts, but they did not know that he had consumed his fortune in their behalf. The business of Mr. Cobden was that of a calico-printer, which he carried on in the neighbourhood of Manchester. By the excellence of his colours, his execution, and the novelty and good taste of his patterns, he created a vast and distinctive trade, which he necessarily neglected while conducting the agitation against the corn laws; and the result was perilous to his business and ruinous to his purse. Viewed in this respect the national testimonial was but an act of justice, apart from any consideration of the great services which he rendered to the cause of free-trade. None but those immediately cognizant of his efforts could conceive his herculean labours to promote the repeal of the corn laws. His eloquence was characterised by intelligence, directness, the absence of all meretricious ornament, and an eagerness to convince and carry his hearers with him, which was singularly effective. His addresses were not only free from all ambition as to ornate or attractive language, but also as to original or characteristic thought. There was such an entire absence of all self-seeking about the man, and he so thoroughly identified himself with the people whose interests he pleaded, that, possessing a fair readiness of speech, and aptness for ad captandum argument, he could not fail to secure the favourable attention of earnest men on a subject where their interests were largely engaged.
Although Mr. Cobden promoted the agitation of the question on broad national grounds, he, nevertheless, looked at it from a class point of view more particularly, and this was one of the elements of his power with the traders. When he began the agitation it was as a manufacturer, for the redress of a grievance which affected his class; it was as he went on in the agitation for that object, that he began to look upon the question as one of general interest; and then his speeches assumed a higher tone and a larger scope, and sound principles of political economy were uttered by him with all the force of truth which he felt, and which he had capacity ably to express. It could, however, scarcely fail to strike men that whether in Free-Trade Hall, in Manchester, or in the commons house of parliament, his speeches on free-trade were rather those of the merchant than the philosopher or the statesman. On all political and politico-economical questions, the tone of his mind was the same: he regarded them rather in reference to the effect likely to be produced upon commerce in its immediate or proximate interests, than in the ulterior consequences, or the great political and ethical principles involved. The interests of trade, rather than the honour of England, engaged his heart. He was, consequently, accused of being deficient in patriotism; but no public man was more willing to sacrifice himself for the welfare of the people of England, or was personally less selfish. He was kind, amiable, truthful, honourable, and upright; and desired with all his energies to promote, not only the welfare of his countrymen, but of all men.
A public subscription having been set on foot, the committee by whom it was conducted reported the result of their labours about the end of April. Seventy-nine thousand pounds were contributed; it would have been twice the sum, but for the distress, and the disturbance of public affairs by the torrent of revolution which was sweeping over the continent. The birthplace of Mr. Cobden, in Sussex, was purchased for him, and the remainder of the money invested according to his wish. A sum of £10,000 was raised for Mr. Bright, whose services, however great, were justly deemed inferior to those of Mr. Cobden. Mr. Bright, however, was supposed to possess considerable pecuniary resources, although he also spent freely his private property for the public welfare; and it was alleged that, but for his liberality in this respect, Mr. Cobden could not have maintained his post in the face of so many personal sacrifices. Mr. Bright was the less popular man of the two, partly from temper, and a certain hauteur which contrasted unfavourably with the more simple and cordial manners of Mr. Cobden, partly from his religious opinions bringing him, under a sense of duty, into collision with the Established Church on various irritating questions, such as church-rates. The general attainments of Mr. Bright were higher, and his oratorical talents far superior to those of Mr. Cobden. The latter frequently fell beneath his ordinary standard of effectiveness, Mr. Bright scarcely ever. The author of these lines has frequently attended public meetings in which these gentlemen took part, and he hardly remembers a single instance in which Mr. Blight’s speech did not possess a high order of eloquence; whereas many of Mr. Cobden’s speeches were only interesting on account of the facts they detailed, and the clear manner in which they were communicated.
Some time after these contributions of good-will from the country to the two principal orators of the Anti-cornlaw League, a similar tribute was paid to the services of Mr. Archibald Prentice, for many years editor and proprietor of the Manchester Times. This gentleman was the founder of the Anti-corn-law Association, out of which the League sprung, and, as an able writer and public speaker, did much to prepare the way for the men who afterwards conducted that agitation to victory. Mr. Prentice fought bravely and pertinaciously for the repeal of the corn laws, long before the wealthy supported it, or the suffrages of statesmen and men of influence gave it a leading position in the questions of the day.
It was not to the credit of some others (a very small number) who were advocates of the League, that they were as eager to set on foot subscriptions for themselves, as the public were for those who had really earned them. One individual, who hung about “the League rooms,” and made speeches often undesired by the committee, and when inconvenient to their arrangements, was very indignant that a subscription was not raised for him. Without eloquence in speech, temperance in council, or discretion in action, he became prominent only by overbearing boldness, and an ever-meddling officiousness.