THE TRIAL OF PARTIES, AND TRIUMPH OF PITT.
On the reassembling of parliament, opposition hoped to show that no power in the constitution could withstand the will of the commons. Fox commenced the trial by moving the order of the day for the committee on the state of the nation. This motion was carried, but it was only by a majority of thirty-nine against ministers, and imputations were thrown out that the support given them was obtained by unfair means. Still Fox and his party consoled themselves with the idea that Pitt would be hurled from his eminence in a few hours. The contest was therefore continued. The house having resolved itself into a committee, Fox moved a resolution, declaring “the payment of any public money for services voted in the present session, after parliament should be prorogued or dissolved, if such events should take place before an act should have passed appropriating supplies to such services, to be a high crime and misdemeanor.” This was carried without a division, and, following up his attack, Fox moved and carried, in the same manner, another resolution, deferring the second reading of the Mutiny Bill till the 23rd of February. Fox now paused, and Lord Surrey stood forward, in order to strike a more decisive blow. He moved, “That, in the opinion of the committee it was peculiarly necessary that, in the present situation of his majesty’s dominions, there should be an administration which has the confidence of this house and the public.” This resolution was also carried without a division; and Lord Surrey then moved, “That it was the opinion of the committee that the late changes in his majesty’s councils were immediately preceded by dangerous and universal reports that his majesty’s sacred name had been unconstitutionally abused to affect the deliberations of parliament, and that the appointments made were accompanied by circumstances new and extraordinary, and such as did not conciliate or engage the confidence of the house.” A warm debate followed this motion, which continued till past six in the morning, when Dundas moved an adjournment, which, on a division, was lost by a majority of fifty-four—the numbers being one hundred and ninety-six to one hundred and forty-two. Nothing further, however, was done on this occasion, and the house at length adjourned at half-past seven in the morning. It met again on the 14th, when Pitt moved for leave to bring in a new bill, for the better government and management of the affairs of the East India Company. In the previous debates Pitt had declared that he had accepted office upon one single, plain, intelligible principle, by which he desired to stand or fall with the people; namely, to save the country from Fox’s India Bill, which threatened destruction to its liberties. His own bill, which he explained at great length, was in its turn severely criticised by Fox. No opposition, however, was made to Pitt’s motion, and it was read a first time on the 16th, with very little debate on its merits. After this, on the same night, the committee on the state of the nation resumed its functions; and Lord Charles Spencer moved a resolution, expressive of “the necessity of an administration that should have the confidence both of the house and of the country, which, as the present ministers have not, their continuance in office is contrary to constitutional principles, and injurious to the interests of the king and people.” Mr. Powys, though himself in opposition, denounced this motion as premature, unprecedented, and unjust; but it was carried by a majority of twenty-one, the numbers being two hundred and six against one hundred and eighty-five. During this debate Mr. Powys expressed a wish that there should be a coalition between Fox and Pitt, and when the house met on the 20th, other members joined in this wish. Fox, himself seemed to think that their union was feasible, but Pitt repeated a declaration which had been made by his opponent on a previous evening; namely, that a union not founded on principle would be fallacious and dangerous. Pitt, indeed, was still resolved to brave the storm; for, in answer to an assertion of Fox that his majesty’s ministers held their places in defiance of the opinion of parliament, he declared, “that nothing but a sense of his duty to the public kept him in office, and that he could not quit it with so much honour as attended his coming into it.” Fox now altered his mode of attack. Conceiving that he should lose ground by making any more motions of a personal nature, especially before the fate of Pitt’s India Bill should be decided, he set himself to work to defeat that bill. A long debate took place upon its second reading, which was on Friday, the 23rd, and on the motion for its commitment, it was rejected by two hundred and twenty-two against two hundred and fourteen. Exulting in his victory, Fox then moved for leave to bring in another bill, similar in its principles to his former one, and this being given, he called on Pitt to state explicitly whether he intended to prevent its progress by a dissolution of parliament. For a long time Pitt sat silent as a statue, nor would he have spoken at all had not General Conway rose, and, with great warmth, called upon him to explain his conduct for his own honour. But even then Pitt gave no answer to Fox’s question; only rising to call General Conway to order, for asserting that the ministry, “originated in darkness and secrecy, maintained themselves by artifice and reserve, and existed by corruption;” and that they were “about to dissolve parliament, and to send their agents round the country to bribe the electors.” The same question was put to Pitt on a future day, and he preserved the same haughty silence; whence, on the 26th, Mr. Eden moved a resolution, declaring the firm reliance of the house on his majesty’s promise, that they should not be interrupted either by a prorogation or dissolution, from taking into consideration the regulation of the East India Company, and for supporting the public credit. In reply, Pitt observed, that he did not see how the royal word could be considered pledged to the extent of the motion; but, he added, that as a dissolution would be attended with great disadvantage, he would not advise any such exercise of the royal prerogative. Opposition might have been satisfied with this explicit declaration, but nevertheless Mr. Eden’s motion was pressed and agreed to without a division. The house then adjourned to the 29th, and in the meantime a meeting of some of the leading men of both parties met at the St. Albans-tavern, in order, if possible, to bring about a coalition. At this meeting am address was agreed upon, and sent, by a deputation, to the Duke of Portland and Mr. Pitt, entreating them to communicate with each other, and expressing a hope that this would lead to a cordial co-operation. All the exertions of the St. Albans-tavern meeting, however, were unavailing. The Duke of Portland and Mr. Pitt communicated with each other, but as the former made the resignation of the latter a sine qua non, no union could be formed.
The house reassembled on the 29th, but on the motion of Fox, it was again adjourned till the 2nd of February. This adjournment was moved in order to give more time for the consideration of a union of parties; but when the house met again they were still as far from a coalition as ever. Under these circumstances Mr. Grosvenor, member for Chester, who had presided at the St. Albans-tavern meeting, moved a resolution, to the effect that the situation of public affairs required the exertions of an united administration—an administration entitled to the confidence of the people, and such as might tend to put an end to the divisions and distractions of the country. In the debate which this motion occasioned, Fox charged Pitt with preferring his own understanding to the collected wisdom of the house, and of causing a breach between the legislative and executive government. In reply, after alluding to the fact that the people were in favour of the late ministerial changes, Pitt expressed his determination not to quit office, inasmuch as he saw that nothing but evil would come from his resignation. At the same time he added, that he was but little attached to office, and that, if he could see a strong and well-connected government ready to succeed him, he would cheerfully retire. Mr. Grosvenor’s motion was carried, and Mr. Coke then moved, “that it was the opinion of the house that the continuance of the present ministers in office is an obstacle to the formation of such an administration as may enjoy the confidence of the house, and tend to pacify the country.” This motion was also carried, and on the next day Mr. Coke, after expressing his regret at seeing Pitt still in office, moved that these two resolutions should be laid before his majesty by those members who were of the privy-council, which motion was likewise affirmed. In order to give time for knowing what effect this communication to his majesty would produce, the committee on the state of the nation was postponed till Monday, the 9th of February; and in the meantime the house was informed by Lord Hinchingbrook, that he had laid the resolutions before the king, and that his majesty had signified his intention of taking them into consideration. But no communication was made from his majesty on this subject before the 18th, and in the interval its members were occupied in canvassing the proceedings of the upper house, and in measures of revenue and finance.
Up to this time the lords had taken no share in the struggle between the king and his “faithful commons.” Pitt, however, had already commenced his career of making peers, and these, with others, now began to exhibit their zeal for his cause. Lord Howard of Effingham moved two resolutions in direct opposition to, and levelled at, those which had recently been passed by the commons. The first of these declared, that an attempt in any one branch of the legislature to suspend the course of the law was unconstitutional; and the second asserted, that the authority of appointing the great officers of the executive government was solely vested in the crown. Both these resolutions were carried by a majority of nearly two to one; and the commons thought it necessary to pass a counter-resolution, which asserted that the house had not assumed any right to suspend the execution of law, or done any thing which could be deemed unconstitutional.
On the 11th of February the subject of a union of parties was once more discussed in the commons. Fox made a conciliatory and even complimentary speech, but Pitt was still firm in his intentions. He observed, that whatever might be his disposition to coalesce with Fox, there were other persons of the same party with whom he would never act. As this observation referred chiefly to Lord North, that nobleman rose, and declared with great frankness, “that although averse from yielding to the prejudices or caprice of any individual, he would not be an obstacle to the formation of such a firm, extended, and united administration as the present state of the country required.” After this the house resolved itself into a committee of supply, and the ordnance estimates were voted without a division. On the next day Lord John Cavendish moved, that the house should resolve itself into a committee on the Receipt Tax Act, and Pitt himself voted in the majority, thereby declaring his approbation of the principles of the bill.
Before his majesty made any reply to the resolutions presented to him, the St. Albans-tavern association prevailed upon Pitt to agree that a message should be sent in the king’s name to the Duke of Portland, expressing a desire that his grace should hold a conference with Mr. Pitt for the purpose of forming an administration, “on a wide basis, and on fair and equal terms.” This message was sent, but the Duke of Portland still required Pitt to resign before he negociated; and this attempt to form a coalition of parties proved, like the former, to be of no avail. Open war, therefore, continued between the two parties, and its violence increased when, on the 18th of February, after the order of the day had been read for taking the supplies into consideration, Pitt intimated, that his majesty had not thought proper to dismiss his ministers, in compliance with the resolution of that house, and that they had not resigned. Fox, in reply, expressed his astonishment at this declaration, and declared that such language had not been heard in the house since the revolution; and that the commons had never before received such a reply from a prince of the House of Hanover. Enraged thereby, Fox moved, that the report of the committee of supply should not be received till the 20th, which motion was carried by a majority of twelve only. The friends of Pitt saw in this small majority a ray of hope that he would ultimately triumph, and the opposition seemed to think so likewise, for some eagerly desired a compromise. Pitt, however, declared, that he would enter into no compromise or stipulation for passing the vote of supplies, and therefore he still stood upon his own grounds. On the 20th Mr. Powys moved a resolution, humbly requesting his majesty “to take such measures as might tend to give effect to the wishes of his faithful commons.” This mild resolution did not please Fox and his party, and an amendment was moved to insert the following words—“by removing any obstacle to the formation of such an administration as this house has declared to be requisite in the present critical situation of affairs.” As this amendment aimed at the dismissal of ministers, a long and stormy debate ensued, in the course of which Pitt delivered one of the most eloquent speeches ever uttered within the walls of the house of commons. But no eloquence could break down the obstinacy of the house; for the motion, with the amendment, was carried by a majority of twenty; and Fox, pursuing his triumph, moved and carried an address., to be presented to his majesty on his throne by the whole house, praying him to dismiss his ministers. The report of the ordnance estimates was then brought up and agreed to without a division, after which, between five and six in the morning, the house adjourned.
The address voted by the commons was presented on the 25th, when his majesty in reply, stated that he had heard no valid charge against the ministers of his appointment; that all proposals for a coalition, though seconded by himself, had proved abortive; and that he could not see in what way the public interest was likely to be promoted by the dismissal of his cabinet. He added:—“Under these circumstances, I trust my faithful commons will not wish that the essential offices of executive government should be vacated until I see a prospect that such a plan of union as I have called for, and they have pointed out, may be carried into effect.” The efforts of the opposition now grew more violent. The house met on the 27th to hear the report of the king’s answer; and on that occasion Lord Beaumont moved, first, that the report should be taken into consideration on the 1st of March, and then that the house should adjourn to that day. To the first of these propositions Pitt made no objection, but as the object of the second was to delay the supplies, and this delay would cause serious evils, inasmuch as they related to the navy, he strongly resisted such a hazardous measure. His arguments told even upon the opposition, for though the motion was carried, it was only by the small majority of seven; the numbers being one hundred and seventy-five to one hundred and sixty-eight. But the struggle was not yet over. On the 1st of March, Fox moved and carried another address to the king, which directly asserted the right of the commons to advise his majesty on the exercise of his prerogative, and by virtue of that right, specifically requesting him to dismiss his ministers. The commons carried this address to the king on the 4th of March, and were told in reply that his majesty still entertained the same sentiments he had formerly expressed. On the same evening it was agreed, upon the motion of Fox, that this reply should be taken into consideration on Monday, the 8th of March. In the meantime Pitt was once more defeated. On the 5th, Fox moved that the committee on the Mutiny Bill, which stood for that day, should be adjourned till Monday, which was carried by a majority of nine; the numbers being one hundred and seventy-one against one hundred and sixty-two. But this was Fox’s last triumph in this memorable struggle. On Monday the house was crowded to excess. Strangers had even taken their seats in the gallery as early as ten o’clock in the morning, in expectation of witnessing this last struggle in the trial of the two great parties in the house of commons. Before the debates commenced, however, Sir James Lowther, after complaining that he had not been able to find room for a friend, and stating that he had reason to believe there were strangers there not introduced by members, insisted upon the standing order of the house for excluding all strangers being carried into execution; and the gallery was forthwith cleared. When this was done, Fox, after accusing his sturdy opponent with insolent and unconstitutional conduct, declaring that a union of parties was now impracticable, and lamenting the disgrace and ruin which this struggle had brought upon the country, moved, as a last measure, another address to the throne, which repeated at greater length the prayer for the removal of ministers; expressing the surprise and affliction of the house at receiving the answer to its former address, and vindicating the loyalty of the commons, who were said to be incapable of desiring to lessen the prerogative of the crown. Pitt sat silent, and the task of defending the conduct of ministers fell upon Dundas, who did so with great ability. The debate lasted till midnight, when the house became impatient to divide. It was an anxious moment for both parties, and loud and vociferous were the cheers on the ministerial benches, when it was found that Fox had this time only a majority of one in his favour; the numbers being one hundred and ninety-one against one hundred and ninety. The struggle was, indeed, now over; for the opposition acknowledged the majority of one only as a defeat. Henceforth they tried no more divisions: the Mutiny Bill and supplies were voted readily, and the Appropriation Act was no more brought forward. Pitt’s triumph was complete: and yet he deemed it prudent to strengthen his cause by a new election; lest the opposition should again rally and retard his measures. Reports to this effect were soon spread abroad, and the subject was brought before parliament on the 22nd of March, by Sir Grey Cooper, who declared that such a step would be both daring and unwarrantable under present circumstances. The subject was renewed on the next day, when the report of the committee of supply was to be brought up, but though Pitt was eagerly questioned on the subject by Lord North and other members of the house, he still preserved silence. The house, however, did not have to wait long for the confirmation of the report. On the 24th, the king went down to the house of lords, and put an end to the session by prorogation; at the same time declaring that he felt it to be a duty which he owed to the constitution and the country, to recur to the sense of his people, by convoking a new parliament. The sentence of dissolution was soon pronounced, for it appeared in the next day’s Gazette.