The German Government Becomes Interested
In a sense, German diplomacy had paved the way for the Anatolian Railway concessions. For numerous reasons, which need not be discussed here, French and British influence at the Sublime Porte gradually declined during the decades of 1870–1890. British prestige, in particular, waned after the occupation of Egypt in 1882. The German ambassador at Constantinople during most of this period was Count Hatzfeld, an unusually shrewd diplomatist, who perceived the extraordinary opportunity which then existed to increase German prestige in the Near East. His place in the counsels of the Sultan became increasingly important, as he missed no chance to seize privileges surrendered by France or Great Britain.[16]
An instance of Count Hatzfeld’s activity was the appointment of a German military mission to Turkey. Until 1870 there had been a French mission in Constantinople, with almost complete control over the training and equipment of the Ottoman army. At the outbreak of the Franco-German War, however, the mission was recalled because of the crying need for French officers at the front. After the termination of hostilities, and again after the collapse of the Turkish defence against Russia in 1877, the Sultan requested the reappointment of the mission, but the French Government politely declined the invitation. The German ambassador seized upon this neglected opportunity and, in 1883, persuaded Abdul Hamid to invite the Kaiser to designate a group of German officers to serve with the Ottoman General Staff.[17]
In command of the German military mission despatched to Turkey in response to this invitation was General von der Goltz. This brilliant officer—who, appropriately enough, was to die in the Caucasus campaign of 1916—remained in Turkey twelve years, reorganizing the Turkish army, forming a competent general staff, establishing a military academy for young officers, and formulating plans for an adequate system of reserves. So great was his success that he won the lasting respect of Turkish military and civil officials; time and time again he was invited to return to Turkey as military adviser extraordinary; in 1909 he answered the call of the Young Turks and lent his ripened judgment to the solution of their distracting problems; he was granted the coveted title of Pasha. The personal prestige of von der Goltz was of no small importance in brightening Germany’s rising star in the Near East.[18]
Another event of first rate importance in the history of German ventures in the Ottoman Empire was the accession, in 1888, of Emperor William II. During the three decades of his reign the economic foundations of German imperialism were strengthened and broadened; the superstructure of German imperialism was both reared and destroyed. During his régime the German industrial revolution reached its height, and the empire, it seemed, became one enormous factory consuming great quantities of raw materials and producing a prodigious volume of manufactured commodities for the home and foreign markets. Simultaneously there was developed a German merchant marine which carried the imperial flag to the seven seas. A normal concomitant of this industrial and commercial progress was the expansion of political and economic interests abroad—renewed activity in the acquisition of a colonial empire; marked success in the further conquest of foreign markets; the creation of a great navy; the phenomenal increase of German investments in Turkey. It is no insignificant coincidence that German financiers received their first Ottoman railway concession in the year of the accession of William II and that the capture of Aleppo—ending once and for all the plan for a German-controlled railway from Berlin to Bagdad—occurred just a few days before his abdication.
From the first the Kaiser evinced a keen interest in the Ottoman Empire as a sphere in which his personal influence might be exerted on behalf of German economic expansion and German political prestige. He was quick to recognize the opportunities for German enterprise in a country where much went by favor, and where political influence could be effectually exerted for the furtherance of commercial interests. In one of a round of royal visits following his accession, the young Emperor, in November, 1889, paid his respects to the Sultan Abdul Hamid. Upon the arrival in the Bosporus of the imperial yacht Hohenzollern, the Kaiser and Kaiserin received an ostentatious welcome from the Sultan and cordial greetings from the diplomatic corps. It was suggested at the time that there was more than formal significance in this visit of the German sovereigns, coming, as it did, when prominent German financiers were engaged in constructing the first kilometres of an important Anatolian railway. This impression was confirmed when, shortly after the Emperor’s return to the Fatherland, a favorable commercial treaty was negotiated by the German ambassador at Constantinople and ratified by the German and Ottoman Governments in 1890.[19]
The expansion of German economic interests and political prestige in the Ottoman Empire was not looked upon with favor by Bismarck. The Great Chancellor was primarily interested in isolating France on the continent and in avoiding commercial and colonial conflicts overseas. In particular he had no desire to become involved in the complicated Near Eastern question—toward which at various times he had expressed total indifference and contempt—for fear of a clash with Russian ambitions at Constantinople. He realized that German investments in Turkey might lead to pressure on the German Government to adopt an imperial policy in Asia Minor, as, indeed, German investments in Africa had forced him to enter colonial competition in the Dark Continent.[20] When the Deutsche Bank first called the Chancellor’s attention to its Anatolian enterprises, therefore, Bismarck frankly stated his misgivings about the situation. In a letter to Dr. von Siemens, Managing Director of the Deutsche Bank, dated at the Foreign Office, September 2, 1888, he wrote:[21]
“With reference to the inquiry of the Deutsche Bank of the 15 ultimo, I beg to reply that no diplomatic objections exist to an application for a concession for railway construction in Asia Minor.
The Imperial Embassy at Constantinople has been authorized to lend support to German applicants for such concessions—particularly to the designated representative of the Deutsche Bank in Constantinople—in their respective endeavors in this matter.
The Board of Directors in its inquiry has correctly given expression to the assumption that any official endorsement of its plans, in the present state of affairs, would neither extend beyond the life of the concession nor apply to the execution and operation of the enterprise. As a matter of fact, German entrepreneurs assume a risk in capital investments in railway construction in Anatolia—a risk which lies, first, in the difficulties encountered in the enforcement of the law in the East, and, second, in the increase of such difficulties through war or other complications.
The danger involved therein for German entrepreneurs must be assumed exclusively by the entrepreneurs, and the latter must not count upon the protection of the German Empire against eventualities connected with precarious enterprises in foreign countries.”[22]
Bismarck disapproved of the visit of William II to Turkey in 1889. Failing to persuade the young Emperor to abandon the trip to Constantinople, the Chancellor did what he could to allay Russian suspicions of the purposes of the journey. Describing an interview which he had with the Tsar, in October, 1889, Bismarck wrote, in a memorandum recently taken from the files of the Foreign Office: “As to the approaching journey of the Kaiser to the Orient, I said that the reason for the visit to Constantinople lay only in the wish of our Majesties not to come home from Athens without having seen Constantinople; Germany had no political interests in the Black Sea and the Mediterranean; and it was accordingly impossible that the visit of our Majesties should take on a political complexion. The admission of Turkey into the Triple Alliance was not possible for us; we could not lay on the German people the obligation to fight Russia for the future of Bagdad.”[23] In 1890, however, Prince Bismarck was dismissed, and the chief obstacle to the Emperor’s Turkish policy was removed.
During the succeeding decade the German diplomatic and consular representatives in the Ottoman Empire rendered yeoman service in furthering investment, trade, and commerce by Germans in the Near East. It became proverbial among foreign business men in Turkey that no service was too menial, no request too exacting, to receive the courteous and efficient attention of the German governmental services. German consular officers were held up as models for others to pattern themselves after. The British Consul General at Constantinople, for example, informed British business men that his staff was at their disposal for any service designed to expedite British trade and investments in Turkey. “If,” he wrote, “any merchant should come to this consulate and say, ‘The German consulate gives such and such assistance to German traders, do the same for me,’ his suggestion would be welcomed and, if possible, acted on at once.”[24]
A judicious appointment served to reinforce the already strong position of the Germans in Turkey. In 1897 Baron von Wangenheim was replaced as ambassador to Constantinople by Baron Marschall von Bieberstein (1842–1912), a former Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Baron Marschall was one of the most capable of German bureaucrats. The Kaiser was glad to have him at Constantinople because his training and experience made him an admirable person for developing imperial interests there; his political opponents considered his appointment to the Sublime Porte a convenient method of removing him from domestic politics. The new ambassador’s political views were well known: he was a frank believer in a world-policy for Germany; he was an ardent supporter of colonialism, if not of Pan-Germanism; he was a bitter opponent of Great Britain; he espoused the cause of a strong political and economic alliance between the German and Ottoman Empires. What Baron Marschall did he did well. Occupying what appeared, at first, to be an obscure post, he became the foremost of the Kaiser’s diplomatists and for fifteen years lent his powerful personality and his practical experience to the furthering of German enterprise in Turkey.[25]
In 1898 William II made his second pilgrimage to the Land of Promise. Every detail of this trip was arranged with an eye to the theatrical: the enthusiastic reception at Constantinople; the “personally conducted” Cook’s tour to the Holy Land; the triumphal entry into the Holy City through a breach in the walls made by the infidel Turk; the dedication of a Lutheran Church at Jerusalem; the hoisting of the imperial standard on Mount Zion; the gift of hallowed land to the Roman Catholic Church; the visit to the grave of Saladin at Damascus and the speech by which the Mohammedans of the world were assured of the eternal friendship of the German Emperor.[26] The dramatic aspects of the royal visit were not sufficient, however, to obscure its practical purpose. It was generally supposed in western Europe that the Kaiser’s trip to Turkey was closely connected with the application of the Anatolian Railways for the proposed Bagdad Railway concessions.[27] But little objection was raised by the British and French press. Paris laughed at the obvious absurdity of a Cook’s tour for a crowned head and his entourage; London took comfort in the discomfiture which the incident would cause Russia. But there was no talk then of a great Teutonic conspiracy to spread a “net” from Hamburg to the Persian Gulf.[28]
The true significance of this royal pilgrimage of 1898 cannot be appreciated without some reference to its background of contemporary events. For the preceding four years the Ottoman Government had permitted, if not actually incited, a series of ruthless massacres of Christians in Macedonia and Armenia. European public opinion was unanimous in condemnation of the intolerance, brutality, and corruption of Abdul Hamid’s régime; the very name of the “Red Sultan” was anathema. Under these circumstances any demonstration of friendship and respect for the Turkish sovereign would be considered flagrant flaunting of public morality.[29] By Abdul Hamid, on the other hand, it would be welcomed as needed support in time of trouble. With the Kaiser the exigencies of practical politics triumphed!
It was appropriate, furthermore, that the year 1898 should be marked by some definite step forward in German imperialist progress in Turkey, for during that year notable advances had been made by German imperialism in other fields. On March 5 there was forcibly wrung from China a century-long lease of Kiao-chau and of certain privileges in the Shantung Peninsula, thus assuring to German enterprise a prominent position in the Far East. Two weeks later was passed the great German naval law of 1898, laying the foundation of a fleet that later was to challenge British supremacy of the seas. German diplomacy had developed interests in eastern Asia; it was developing interests on the seas and in western Asia; it had abandoned a purely Continental policy. No further signs were needed that a new era was dawning in German foreign affairs—unless, perhaps, it be mentioned that the great Prince Bismarck quietly passed away at Friedrichsruh on July 30 of that momentous year!