Verbs.
| to pour out | bu, bup | bauk, bō (L. buak,[13] bun) |
| to put | bī | bī (to clap, pat) |
| to jump | chòng | dong (L. zuang) |
| to die | thī | dü, dī (L. thī |
| to kill by cutting | thū | thük, tük |
| to pound | tòk | dut″ |
| to open | ing-pu | hü |
| to sleep, lie down | ī | ī″ (Burmese ip) |
| to hinder | khàng | khā |
| to fall | klō, klī | klauk (Burmese krā, L. tlā, tlāk) |
| to grind | koi-ī | kluk |
| to be bitter | hō | khō (L. khā) |
| to bend | kekèk | kòk-lök, khü-ī |
| to tie, fasten | kòk | khun |
| to laugh | ing-nèk | hlek; also noi (Meithei nok, L. nui) |
| to arrive, hit | lē | leng |
| to be distant | hē-lō | hlō (L. hlā) |
| to get, obtain | lòng | lö-ē |
| to lick | ing-lèk | m-lē-ē (L. liak, hliao) |
| to be happy | mē | moi |
| to extinguish | pe-mèp | hmyit (L. ti-mit) |
| to smell | ing-nim | nan (L. hnim) |
| to be yellow | èt | oi (L. eng) |
| to speak | pu | pauh (a word, language) |
| to give | pī | pèk (L. pèk, pē) |
| to be full | plèng | plē |
| to reach, touch | phō | phō (L. pawh, phāk) |
| to pull out | phu | phuk (L. phoi) |
| to work, labour | sai | saih |
| to wash | chàm | shau (L. shuk) |
| to beat | chòk | shö |
| to pierce | chàng | shün, hsün (L. chhun) |
| to begin | chèng | sī |
| to explain | thàn | hsin |
| to be wet | chàm | sō |
| to know, perceive | thèk | thàk, thē |
| to be fat | ing-tu | thau (L. thao) |
| to itch | ing-thàk | thauk (L. thāk) |
| to rise, get up | thur | thö, thü (L. tho, thawh) |
| to send | toi | thō |
| to weave | thàk | tō-tàk (L. tah) |
| to rot | thu | thü (L. toih) |
| to be sweet | dòk | tü-ī |
| to cover, veil | up, òp | ün″ (L. hup) |
| to throw | vār | wo″ (L. vorh) |
| to hear | ār-ju | yauk |
| to sell | jòr | yi″ (L. zuar) |
A few words from Lushei may be added, for which Southern Chin does not appear to possess corresponding terms:—
| English. | Mikir. | Lushei. |
| buffalo | chelòng | cheloi |
| bear | thòk-vàm | sa-vom, vom[14] |
| deer (sāmbhar) | thi-jòk | sa-zuk |
| snake | phi-rui | ma-rul, rul |
| monkey | me-sàng | zawng |
| frog (“the jumper”) | chòng-hō | chung-u |
| mosquito | timsik | tho-shī |
| water-leech | ing-lit | hlit, sai-hlit |
| crab | chehē | chak-ai |
| devil | hī-ī | huai |
These close and numerous correspondences between Mikir and the Kuki-Chin family appear to warrant the conclusion that the former is intimately connected with the latter. The institutions of the southern tribes, as already pointed out, confirm this conclusion; and it may be asserted with some confidence that no such extensive affinity can be proved between Mikir and the Boṛo family. As regards the Western Nagas, while the institutions largely correspond, the coincidences in language, though more numerous than those with Boṛo, are much fewer than those with Kuki-Chin. The Southern Nagas, and especially the Tangkhuls, who form the group intermediate between Naga and Kuki, have a considerably closer affinity with Mikir. Possibly if the inquiry were pushed further into Burmese than is within the power of the present writer, more correspondences with Mikir might be discovered in that language.
[1] Reference may here be made to a summary of the Gospel history in Mikir entitled Birtā Kemē, “Glad tidings,” published by the American Baptist Mission Press, Tika, Nowgong, in 1904. [↑]
[2] This seems to have taken place in or about 1765 A.D. See Gait, History of Assam, p. 181. [↑]
[3] Words resembling kèp are found for ten in some of the pronominalized languages of the lower Himalayas of Nepal; but these do not enter into our present field of comparison. [↑]
[4] Lepcha khā, Khaling khāl, are probably the same word. [↑]
[5] Other Boṛo languages borrow Aryan words for higher numbers than ten. [↑]
[6] Lhī is the relic of krē, with the prefix k dropped and the r changed to l. [↑]
[7] Linguistic Survey, vol. III. part iii., p. 118. [↑]
[8] Southern Chin, as will be seen from the word-lists which follow, agrees in this respect with Mikir against Lushei, Meithei, and other Kuki-Chin languages. [↑]
[9] The only exception in Angāmi is r, in which a few words end. [↑]
[10] This seems to make it improbable that, as suggested on p. 109, chuī in vār-chuī and nīm-chuī (to throw into water, to drown) is connected with the Tibetan chhu. [↑]
[11] The Chin words are taken from Mr. B. Houghton’s Essay on the Language of the Southern Chins and its Affinities (Rangoon, 1892). In transcribing them h has been substituted for ʻ to indicate the aspirate, but the spelling has not been otherwise varied. The Lushei words are from Messrs. Lorrain and Savidge’s Grammar and Dictionary of the Lushai Language (Dulien dialect) (Shillong, 1898); here too the spelling of the original has been retained. [↑]
[12] In Mikir this root is perhaps found in pi-nu, mother’s sister, nimso, a virgin, and chai-nòng, cow. Chai-nòng is now used for both sexes, but the cognate languages point to chai (for chal) being the original word for the bovine species. [↑]
[13] A final mute italicised in Lushei words indicates that it is formed with the vocal organs, but not pronounced. [↑]
[14] Sa in Lushei means animal, and we see that the prefix te- (in tekē, tiger), thi- (in thi-jòk, deer), or thòk- (in thòk-vàm, bear) has the same meaning in Mikir. [↑]