ENDNOTES
[1.1] Prim. Cul., i. 378 sqq.
[2.1] Anantha Krishna, i. 29.
[2.2] Tylor, Prim. Cul., i. 382.
[3.1] Kolben, 91.
[3.2] Alexander, i. 170 sqq. Similar answers were more recently given to a missionary by one of the neighbouring Bergdamara, a people mainly of Bantu blood (Globus, xcvi. 173).
[4.1] Kidd, 65. Amusing illustrations of the Kaffir’s cleverness at the game are given.
[4.2] Andersson, 200. Cf. Pogge on the Bashilange, Mittheil. d. Afrik. Gesellsch., iv. 254.
[4.3] Rev. J. S. Gale, F. L., xi. 325.
[5.1] S. H. C. Hawtry, J. A. I., xxxi. 290. Cf. Grubb, 114. Similar statements are made concerning other South American tribes (J. A. I., xiii. 209, 253).
[5.2] Batchelor, 357.
[6.1] Neuhauss, iii. 448 note. Cf. Introduction and pp. 154, 507.
[6.2] Marillier, reviewing Miss Kingsley’s Travels; Rev. Hist. Rel., xxxix. 137.
[7.1] Spencer and Gillen, C. T., 139 note.
[7.2] Rev. J. Macdonald, J. A. I., xx. 120. Cf. Junod, S. A. Tribe, ii. 278. Dr Theal says that it is only since European ideas have been disseminated among these peoples that the question of the place of the dead has arisen; and he points to the similarity in mental condition between them and the peasantry of Europe (Yellow and Dark-skinned People, 185).
[8.1] Journ. Am. F. L., xxi. 233, 236.
[9.1] Wilson, Peasant Life, 6.
[11.1] Sproat, 120.
[11.2] Boas, Mind, 111.
[12.1] Boas, Sixth Report on the North-western Tribes of Canada, Rep. Brit. Ass., 1890, 582.
[13.1] Rev. Father J. Jetté, S.J., Anthropos, vi. 242, 95.
[14.1] R. C. Phillips, J. A. I., xvii. 220.
[15.1] Jaussen, 287, 294, 332, 334. Cf. Hanauer, 234.
[16.1] J. A. I., x. 262.
[18.1] Bull. Soc. Neuch. Géog., ix. 96.
[19.1] J. Smith, 77, 373.
[20.1] J. A. I., xii. 163 note.
[22.1] Similar classifications of nouns have now been discovered among the Negroes, see R. E. S., iii. 241.
[26.1] Tylor, Prim. Cul., i. 385.
[31.1] Kingsley, Trav., 493.
[32.1] Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 175, 358 n., 530.
[32.2] F. L. Journ., iv. 30.
[32.3] I have collected the evidence in The Legend of Perseus, vol. i., and in some directions more fully in Primitive Paternity, vol. i.
[33.1] Farnell, Cults, i. 195.
[37.1] J. N. B. Hewitt, Amer. Anthr., N.S., iv. 38.
[41.1] W. Jones, Journ. Am. F. L., xviii. 183 sqq. As used by Dr Jones here, the word Algonkin only includes the Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo tribes.
[41.2] Amer. Anthr., N.S., iv. 36; cf. 33.
[42.1] R. B. E., xxvii. 134. Wakonda in its various forms is pronounced with an n somewhat like the French nasal.
[43.1] R. B. E., xxvii. 597 sqq.
[44.1] Fletcher, Am. Anthr., xiv. 106; J. O. Dorsey, R. B. E., xi. 366; Riggs, Contrib. N. Am. Ethnol., vii. 507 sqq.
[45.1] Swanson, R. B. E., xxvi. 451 n., 452 sqq.
[48.1] The analysis of the philosophy (if it may be so called) of the Bafiote which I have tried to summarize above is by Dr Pechuël-Loesche, the most acute and profound of enquirers into the civilization and mentality of the peoples of Loango, and will be found in his Volksk., chaps. iii. and iv.
[48.2] De Groot, Rel. Syst., iv. chap. i.
[48.3] Giran, 21 sqq.
[48.4] Batchelor, Encyc. Rel., i. 239, 240 (cf. Id., Ainu F. L., 580); Aston, Shinto, 7 sqq.
[50.1] Codrington, 118 sqq.
[51.1] Is this really the original belief? Dr Marett cites Dr Seligmann’s (verbal?) authority for the statement that in New Guinea (among the tribes of Melanesian culture and descent?) “a yam-stone would be held capable of making the yams grow miraculously, quite apart from the agency of spirits” (Arch. Rel., xii. 190).
[51.2] Codrington, 120, 191.
[51.3] Codrington, 124-5. Father Joseph Meier denies that the Melanesian population of the Gazelle Peninsula of New Britain possesses the concept of mana in the sense of a universal impersonal, magical power. Yet he goes on to say: “The sorcerer (Zauberer) himself derives the inherent power of his spells (Zauber-mitteln) from two different sources of energy. First, he relies on the might of the spirits to whom he is indebted for his spells, or on the might of his forefathers who have practised magic before him, and have handed down to him their spells. In his incantation therefore the magician (Hexenmeister) will always name a spirit, or the name of a deceased sorcerer, or at least silently presume his assistance. A second source of energy for the sorcerer is his own soul. By associating this with natural objects he enhances their powers. Everything the sorcerer does he conceives under the aspect of these two sources of energy. The originator of an enchantment (Zauberei)—be it an unembodied spirit, or the ghost of a deceased person, or a spirit residing in a living being (for example, a bird)—operates in his spell and makes it always and everywhere effective. Or else only the sorcerer’s own soul is considered for magical purposes. Beyond this there is no other power” (Anthropos, viii. 8, 9). This seems to resemble the concept of mana, as set forth by Dr Codrington. Later Father Meier remarks: “The enquiry into the witchcraft (Zauberwesen) of the coast-dwellers of the Gazelle Peninsula is not yet closed. So far we only know a small fragment of all their enchantments” (ibid., 11). Our knowledge of the social elements and cultural history of Melanesia as a whole, and of New Britain in particular, is still very imperfect.
[54.1] E. Tregear, The Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary, Wellington, N.Z., 1891, 203-6, s.vv. Cf. Marett, Trans. Oxford Cong., i. 48 sqq. It is perhaps worth while to note “that the Samoan New Testament was translated from the Greek and uses mana as the equivalent of the Greek δύναμις, whilst pule is used for the Greek ἐξουσία” (Haddon, Torres Str. Rep., v. 329, quoting communication from S. H. Ray).
[55.1] Ellis, Polyn. Res., iii. 108. A specimen of the girdle was sent by John Williams, the missionary afterwards killed at Eramanga, to England, probably to the London Missionary Society. See his Miss. Enterprises, 144.
[56.1] Ellis, op. cit., i. 338.
[57.1] Taylor, 164 sqq.
[58.1] De Acosta, 378.
[58.2] Sébillot, F. L. France, ii. 235.
[58.3] Ploss, Weib, i. 504, quoting Bonnemère, but as usual without the exact reference.
[59.1] Seligmann, Veddas, 207.
[60.1] Tozer, i. 216.
[60.2] Dr M. Hoefler, Am Urquell, ii. 101.
[60.3] Rev. H. E. Mabille, Journ. Afr. Soc., v. 352.
[62.1] Van Gennep, Tabou, 184.
[62.2] Turner, Samoa, 186. Compare a number of similar taboos on the previous and subsequent pages.
[62.3] Codrington, 215.
[63.1] W. Bogoras, Amer. Anthr., N.S., iii. 97.
[64.1] See Golden Bough3, passim, especially the volume on Taboo. It is needless to say that Professor Frazer does not write from the point of view here adopted, and that his interpretations frequently diverge from those which I should be inclined to.
[65.1] F. L., xii. 186. Elsewhere Mr Weeks says: “No stigma attaches to the man who is proved guilty [of witchcraft] by the ordeal, for ‘one can have witchcraft without knowing it’” (Cannibals, 189). Presumably likundu is here included under the general term of witchcraft. In another place he says: “The general belief is that only one in the family can bewitch a member of the family” (ibid., 311). Hence the evil influence of the possessor of likundu extends no further.
[67.1] Jevons, Introd., 178, 7, 390 sqq.
[67.2] Tylor, Prim. Cul., i. 383.
[67.3] Avebury, Marriage, 142. I cannot find that he commits himself to a definition of religion, though his view may perhaps be inferred from the above quotation (cf. his Origin of Civilization, 205 sqq.).
[68.1] Frazer, Magic Art, i. 222, 223.
[68.2] Durkheim, Formes Élémentaires, 65. M. Salomon Reinach in a recent brilliant work on the history of religions proposes as a definition: “An assemblage (ensemble) of scruples which stand in the way of the free exercise of our faculties.” This reduces religion to a system of taboos. But he subsequently qualifies it by saying: “Animism on one side, taboos on the other, these are the essential factors of religions” (Orpheus, 4, 10). Thus qualified, however, it excludes Buddhism; and with or without the qualification it does not express the social side of religion. M. Reinach is quite conscious of these omissions. They are an illustration of the extreme difficulty found by the most able and learned enquirers in formulating an adequate definition of religion, a definition at once all-embracing and exact.
[69.1] Durkheim, 323.
[69.2] Frazer, Magic Art, i. 220.
[70.1] Frazer, op. cit., 52.
[70.2] Ibid., 221, 237 sqq.
[70.3] Ibid., 233. Frazer has worked out the theory more completely than anyone else; but it has been more or less anticipated, or shared, by others, such as Sir Edward Tylor, Sir Alfred Lyall, and Professor Jevons.
[72.1] The above is a brief summary (partly borrowed from my review in F. L., xv. 359) of a portion of the argument elaborated by MM. Hubert and Mauss in their “Esquisse d’une Théorie Générale de la Magie,” L’Année Soc., vii. 1-146.
[76.1] Durkheim, op. cit., 61.
[77.1] Spencer and Gillen, C. T., 549, 476.
[77.3] Codrington, 133. Another example is cited subsequently, p. 144, from Borneo.
[78.1] Weeks, 189; see ante, [p. 65] note.
[78.2] Junod, S. A. Tribe, ii. 467; i. 441.
[78.3] Durkheim, op. cit., 63 note.
[79.1] All this indictment holds good in a lesser degree of the witch-hunts of Europe and New England.
[80.1] Gregor, 197.
[80.2] This, however, is not exactly what Marillier says. “A ‘natural’ act (and that is its sole difference from a magical act) only reaches bodies, or at least it only reaches the soul through the object it animates. A magical practice, which may, however, be a purely material act, acts in some way from within outwards (agit en quelque sorte du dedans au dehors); it only kills or fecundates the man, animal, or plant to which it is applied, by exercising first of all its beneficent or calamitous action on the soul, which, like that of the sorcerer, is the principle of his life” (Rev. Hist. Rel., xxxvi. 343).
[80.3] Doutté, 328, 330.
[81.1] Doutté, 340, 334, 343, 338. Compare what the schoolboy called their “conjuring tricks,” performed before Pharaoh by Moses and Aaron, and by the magicians (Ex. vii. 8 sqq.).
[82.1] Marett, Anthrop., 209. Dr Marett might have omitted the words “of evil” after “supernormal powers.” They do not strengthen his argument. In savage communities a hard and fast line is not usually drawn between supernormal powers of evil and supernormal powers of good.
[82.2] Ibid., 210.
[83.1] Marett, Anthrop., 211.
[84.1] P. E. Goddard, Univ. Cal. Pub., i. 87.
[84.2] Marett, Anthrop., 213.
[84.3] Westermarck, Ceremonies, 67 note, quoting Destaing.
[85.1] Reference may be made here to Mr Ernest Crawley, who writes like Professor Jevons from a distinctly theological standpoint. I can find no formal definition of religion in his book on the subject. He says: “The vital instinct, the feeling of life, the will to live, the instinct to preserve it, is the source of, or rather is identical with, the religious impulse, and is the origin of religion” (Tree of Life, 214). But, as Professor Leuba has rightly observed, “the love and lust of life is the source of all human conduct and not of religion alone” (Psychol. Study, 48). Elsewhere Mr Crawley observes that religion is not a department, like law or science, having a special subject-matter; it is “a tone or spirit.” It “chiefly concerns itself with elemental interests—life and death, birth and marriage are typical cases” (op. cit., 204 sq.). Nor can I find any definition of magic, though he maintains in opposition to Professor Frazer that “it seems impossible to separate magic and religion in their early forms.” “Indeed,” he adds, “the practical meaning of magic, when worked in connection with religion, is control of the supernatural, which is thus not superior to man” (186). What is magic when not “worked in connection with religion”? He identifies mana with the force “which underlies magical processes generally,” but apparently not religious processes. A religious process he defines as “that of making a thing sacred” (231 sq.). He opposes magic to sacredness. “Sacredness is a result of the application of religious impulse and of nothing else” (208 sq.). Compare Professor Durkheim’s definition of religion (supra, [p. 68]). Mr Crawley takes insufficient account of the social aspect of religion.
[87.1] Southey, The Curse of Kehama, preface.
[87.2] Augustine, Civ. Dei, x. 11, citing Porphyry.
[91.1] Marett, Threshold, 44 sqq.
[92.1] J. M. M. van der Burgt, 55.
[92.2] Hewitt, Am. Anthr., N.S., iv., 40.
[93.1] E. H. Man, J. A. I., xii. 161, 163, 353, etc.
[95.1] Codrington, 192.
[98.1] The primary authority on the Arunta and neighbouring tribes is Messrs Spencer and Gillen, C. T. and N. T., and Rep. Horn Exped., but Strehlow’s researches (Aranda- und Loritja-stämme) are important. The results of the latter are divergent to some extent from those of the former, but in most respects are not irreconcilable. See, e.g., Professor Durkheim’s valuable discussion of the different versions of reincarnation, op. cit., 357 sqq. I have stated above in a summary manner what seems to be the result of the criticism of both authorities.
[99.1] Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 498; Strehlow, ii. 1. Cf. Rep. Horn Exped., iv. 183.
[99.2] Strehlow, i. 1.
[100.1] Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 227, 232, 238.
[100.2] Ibid., 227.
[100.3] Ibid., 252.
[101.1] For the Mongolian practice see Amer. Anthr., N.S., xv. 370. The Pueblo Indian practice has been recorded by every scientific enquirer among the tribes.
[102.1] Spencer and Gillen, C. T., 249. Note also the threat which follows.
[102.2] M. Durkheim contends, and I think with justice, that the association of the churinga with individual ancestors, and therefore with their descendants, or rather reincarnations, is secondary (op. cit., 173). But cf. Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 281.
[102.3] Strehlow, ii. 78. He resisted the temptation and avoided the mistake made so often by missionaries of translating by native words Christian terms of fundamentally different content.
[103.1] Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 259 sqq.
[103.2] Ibid., 293.
[104.1] Spencer and Gillen, C. T., chaps. v. and vi. passim; N. T., chap. viii. passim; Strehlow, ii. 75 sqq.
[105.1] Strehlow, iii. 6.
[105.2] Spencer and Gillen, C. T., chap. xvi.; N. T., chap. xv.; Rep. Horn Exped., 180.
[106.1] Spencer and Gillen, C. T., 534, 553. Cf. 480, 538.
[107.1] Arch. Rel., viii. 463, 467. Compare the account of the initiation by the Devil of a Lapp wizard quoted from Tornæus, Scheffer, 136.
[107.2] Jesup. Exped., vi. 47.
[109.1] Junod, S. A. Tribe, ii. 450, 471, 473. M. Junod’s work is concerned with the Thonga, but it is true in general terms of other tribes.
[109.2] Merensky, 135; Shooter, 191; Callaway, Rel. Syst., 259 sqq.
[109.3] Johnston, Grenfell, ii. 659 note, quoting Rev. W. H. Stapleton. He is obviously reporting a statement by a native.
[110.1] Jones, Ojebway, 269.
[110.2] A. L. Kroeber, Univ. Cal. Pub., iv. 328.
[110.3] G. A. Dorsey, Trad. Skidi Pawnee, 185, 189, 194, 199, 206, 210, 219, 221, 231.
[110.4] Roth, Sarawak, i. 266.
[111.1] Skeat, Magic, 60.
[113.1] Seligmann, Veddas, 128 sqq., 190 sqq., 207. See supra, [p. 59].
[114.1] E. H. Man, J. A. I., xii. 96.
[115.1] Kolben, 97.
[116.1] Dorsey, Wichita, 99.
[116.2] R. B. E., xxvii. 197.
[117.1] There appears to be no detailed account of the Buffalo Dance of the Pawnees. See Dorsey, Skidi Pawnees, xxi. 46; Grinnell, 369. The latest stage, perhaps contaminated with European notions, is in part described, Id., 270.
[121.1] W. J. M‘Gee, R. B. E., xvii. 168* sqq.
[121.2] Durkheim, 295.
[124.1] Durkheim, 305.
[124.2] Ibid., 134, 135.
[124.3] Ibid., 343, 355, 378.
[125.1] Seligmann, 30, 126, 130, 170 sqq., 149.
[126.1] Cens. Ind. Rep., 1901, iii. 62. Cf. the papers by E. H. Man, J. A. I., xii.
[127.1] Koch-Grünberg, passim; von den Steinen, passim, especially 350 sqq.
[130.1] Westermarck, Moral Ideas, ii. 585.
[132.1] Marten, Ind. Cens. Rep., 1911, x. 80.
[132.2] Laws of Manu, Sac. Bks., xxv. 5. I am indebted for this reference and the further explanation above to my friend Mr William Crooke.
[132.4] Dr Frazer, Psyche’s Task, 25 sqq., has made a collection of these rites and signs. See also Westermarck, Moral Ideas, ii. 63 sqq.
[133.1] F. B. Jevons, Oxford Cong. Rep., ii. 131; Id., Græco-Italian Magic, Anthrop. Class., 106. See also Rouse, Greek V. O., 337.
[133.2] I described one such leaden tablet, found at Dymock, Gloucestershire, in Reliquary, N.S., iii. 140. Another was subsequently found at Lincoln’s Inn, and reported on by Mr W. Paley Baildon to the Society of Antiquaries (Proc. Soc. Anti., 2nd ser., xviii. 141). Others have also been found elsewhere, among them two on Gatherley Moor in Yorkshire. If the identification of the persons against whom the tablets on Gatherley Moor and at Lincoln’s Inn were directed be conclusively established, they antedate by more than half a century the translation above referred to of Agrippa’s book. This of course is by no means impossible, or indeed improbable, for the practitioners of occult science in the reign of Queen Elizabeth were frequently men of learning.
[134.1] Fasc. Malay, ii. 41.
[135.1] Alan H. Gardiner, Oxford Cong. Rep., i. 210.
[135.2] Budge, Archæologia, lii. 421 sqq., transliterating, translating, and commenting on a papyrus in the British Museum, which belonged to a priest of Ra about the year B.C. 305, and contains the ritual for the purpose.
[135.3] Wiedemann, 94.
[136.1] Wiedemann, 279.
[136.2] Ibid., 99.
[136.3] Budge, Archæologia, lii. 425, 440, 539 sqq. The Egyptian gods merged into one another like the dissolving pictures of a lantern. This was probably in part the result of the union in one kingdom of a number of petty states, which were centres of worship of disparate though cognate divinities, and the consequent effort to synthesize these divinities and their worship, and in part the issue of philosophical speculation, itself doubtless influenced by political events.
[136.4] Wiedemann, 54; Budge, Egypt. Magic, 137. Dr Frazer’s version, Taboo, 387, is formed on a comparison of these and other texts.
[137.1] Wiedemann, 273. More personal threats are often employed. See, for examples, Arch. Rel., xvi. 85.
[137.2] Plato, Rep., ii. 364.
[137.3] There are of course plenty of magical Greek texts, but they are much later. The papyri unearthed in such numbers during recent years contain many; and they often imply that the deity invoked is compelled to perform his votary’s wishes. He is addressed in terms of command, adjured by names of power and bidden to be quick about his work. Such spells, however, are not purely Greek. They are produced under foreign influence, and the gods or demons invoked bear alien names. The texts are frequently defixiones. Simaitha’s incantation in the second idyll of Theocritus, so far as it is addressed to the Moon, to Hecate or Artemis, is not couched in terms of command. The goddesses, if they grant the damsel’s desires, are accomplices who cannot plead vis major. Yet threats and insults to the gods were, it seems, sometimes made use of, probably in the hope of driving them by taunts to do what was wanted (see below, [p. 190]). The dividing line here is very thin.
[139.1] Hodson, Naga, 139, 141; cf. 102, 164.
[139.2] Parker, Tales, i. 97.
[140.1] Brett, Ind. Tribes, 401.
[140.2] Anthropos, viii. 3. For the belief in and cult of the Kaya, see ibid., iii. 1005; and of the Inal, ibid., v. 95.
[140.3] Shakespear, Lushai, 109 (cf. 61).
[141.1] W. G. Aston, F. L., xxiii. 187 sq.
[141.2] Wiedemann, 227. On Thoth as magician and the words of power which he uttered and wrote down compare Budge, Egypt. Magic, 128 sqq.
[142.1] Morris, Heimskringla, i. 18, 19.
[143.1] Levit. xvi. 8. On the Scapegoat in general see Dr Frazer’s volume bearing that title.
[144.1] Hose, ii. 29 note.
[145.1] Hose, 56, 117.
[146.1] Rivers, Todas, 257, 450. For an alternative translation of the third clause of the spell, see pp. 195, 271. For another form of the spell, see p. 259.
[147.1] J. H. Weeks, J. A. I., xl. 377, 378.
[148.1] J. H. Weeks, J. A. I., xl. 383. Surely in the face of these examples Mr Weeks’ statement—“Nor did we find any form of prayer among them, no worship and no sacrifices” (ibid., 376)—needs some qualification. As to the mongoli, see ibid., 368.
[149.1] Werner, 56, 76.
[151.1] A. M. Tozzer, Putnam Vol., 304. Cf. Matthews, Navaho Leg., 40.
[151.2] Tozzer, op. cit., 303. On the rites and beliefs of the Dene, see Father Jetté, J. A. I., xxxvii. 157 sqq.
[154.1] Exod. xxii. 18.
[154.2] Deut. xviii. 9 sqq.
[154.3] Num. v. 11 sqq.
[155.1] Hos. iii. 4, 5. Cf. T. W. Davies, Magic, 36; and Encyc. Bibl., s.v.
[159.1] Weeks 177.
[161.1] Ælian, Var. Hist., xii. 23. Philo (Dreams, ii. 17) attributes the same practice to the Germans.
[161.2] O’Grady, ii. 518. Professor Whitley Stokes also gives it, F. L., iv. 488, from an Edinburgh MS. I quote his translation, which is to the same effect as Mr O’Grady’s.
[162.1] Skeat, Magic, 10.
[163.1] Vinson, 20. According to this story there were two cabin-boys, one of whom overheard the plot and the other struck the blow, but this appears to be a literary embellishment.
[163.2] Strackerjan, i. 324, 325; Hansen, 38. The Norse tale (by Asbjoernsen) is referred to, Mélusine, ii. 201. I have not seen it. Analogous tale in Ireland, Ant., xlv. 371.
[163.3] Tylor Essays, 138. Roscher (Ephialtes, 38) thinks it was “a quite obvious nightmare.”
[164.1] Gregor, 66.
[164.2] Gregor, loc. cit.
[166.1] Thorpe, N. Myth., ii. 78.
[167.1] Hibbert, A Description of the Shetland Islands (Edinburgh, 1822), 569; Zeits. des Ver., ii. 15, 17; Rogers, 218; Lehmann-Filhés, ii. 16; Maurer, 173.
[168.1] Natesa Sastri, 148.
[168.2] Bibl. Trad. Pop. Espan., i. 187
[168.3] Castrén, 172.
[168.4] Boas, Ind. Sagen, 86.
[169.1] Miller, Scenes and Leg., 287.
[170.1] Shakespear, Lushei, 66.
[170.2] Grimm, Teut. Myth., iii. 924.
[171.1] Ovid, Fasti, iii. 285.
[171.2] Pausanias, i. 4, 5; Ovid, Metam., xi. 90; Herod., viii. 138; Ælian, Var. Hist., iii. 18.
[171.3] Iliad, v. 370 sqq.
[172.1] R. E. E. S., i. 338.
[172.2] As an example the Nattu Malayans of Cochin in the south of India may be cited. “When questioned as to their ideas of gods, they say that they are like men themselves, but invisible, yet all-powerful” (Anantha Krishna, i. 34).
[173.1] Herod., ii. 122. Gods, like men, were addicted to gambling. According to Plutarch (De Iside), Hermes in Egyptian legend played with the moon and won the seventieth part of each of her light periods, wherewith he made the last five days of the year and added them to the calendar.
[173.2] Herod., vii. 35.
[173.3] Bérenger-Feraud, Superst., i. 473. The author has collected in the chapter from which this is cited numerous other instances of the punishment of the recalcitrant god.
[173.4] Herod., ii. 111.
[174.1] Williams, Burmah, 91.
[174.2] Ind. Cens. Rep., 1911, x. 61.
[174.3] Herod., iv. 94. Rohde (Psyche, ii. 28 note) suggests that the personage against whom the arrows and threats were aimed was not strictly a god, but an evil spirit or a magician. This, however, does not follow. Philo (l.c.) states that Xerxes, when his bridge across the Hellespont was destroyed, aimed his arrows at the sun, and regards the action with pious horror as a symptom of insanity.
[175.1] Herod., iv. 184.
[175.2] J. A. I., xxxvi. 51.
[175.3] Moffat, 261, 265.
[175.4] Chapman, i. 213. The word translated by Chapman as “God” is doubtless Morimo. Cf. ibid., 46, “All Bechuanas believe in God (Morimo), whom they laud or execrate as good or bad luck attends them.”
[176.1] Callaway, Rel. Syst., 404.
[176.2] Hahn, 46, 51, 59, 94. Cf. 99, where the practice of the Urjangkut, a tribe of Black Tartars, to scold the thunder and lightning is cited from Bastian.
[177.1] Lloyd, 397. According to another account, “when it thunders the Bushmen are very angry and curse bitterly, thinking that the storm is occasioned by some evil being” (Thunberg, ii., 163).
[177.2] Hollis, Nandi, 9, 99.
[177.3] J. A. I., xliii. 49.
[177.4] Jes. Rel., xii. 25.
[177.5] J. A. Mason, Univ. Cal. Pub., x. 185.
[178.1] Lozano, Desc. Chorographica del Gran Chaco (1733), 71, quoted Payne, i. 391 note.
[178.2] Payne, l.c.
[178.3] Int. Arch., Suppl., xiii. 88.
[179.1] Neuhauss, iii. 157. I may refer also to the account of a young Kayan brave in Borneo taking his arms and sallying forth to fight the Thunder-god (Int. Arch., xxi. 139). But further examples are unnecessary.
[180.1] Frazer, Magic Art, i. 327 sqq.
[180.2] Von Alpenburg, 262, 365. Many such knives are to be found in peasants’ houses in the Lower Inn valley. In the Netherlands these whirlwinds are held to be “the Travailing Mother,” who seems to be a woman dead in childbirth unconfessed of mortal sin. She cannot be received into heaven. She is equally denied a place in hell, since her sufferings and death have already provided a sufficient penance. Hence she wanders about, seeking an abiding-place (Wolf, Niederl. Sag., 616). Women who die in childbirth are commonly considered very dangerous ghosts. See below, [p. 213].
[181.1] Farnell, Evol., 43. Cf. Miss Harrison, Prolegomena, 101.
[181.2] I have discussed similar practices, Prim. Pat., i. 102. See also Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch., 113 sqq.; Frazer, Scapegoat, 255. These contain a large collection of examples, which put the magical and purificatory purpose beyond doubt.
[182.1] Mélusine, ii. 187, quoting the passage.
[182.2] Journ. Am. F. L., xxiii. 416, 418.
[182.3] Lumholtz, ii. 342, 422.
[183.1] Rev. Trad. Pop., xi. 663. Vâlmiki, the Indian epic poet, author of the Rámáyana, is said to have owed his birth to a similar blunder by a saint who was the object of prayers by two sisters-in-law, and mistook the maiden for the married woman (Harikishan Kaul, Ind. Cens. Rep., 1911, xiv. 131, citing Vaman Shiva Ram Apte’s Sanskrit Dictionary).
[184.1] Turner, R. B. E., xi. 194.
[184.2] M. Friedrich, Anthropos, ii. 101.
[185.1] Anthropos, vii. 74.
[185.2] Thurston, Castes, vi. 85.
[186.1] Dr H. ten Kate, Anthropos, vii. 396. Cf. Aston, Shinto, 189.
[186.2] Wiedemann, op. cit., 178. Bérenger-Feraud, Superst., i. 451 sqq., gives a long list of examples of punishments inflicted on the obdurate divinity. See also Frazer, Magic Art, i. 296; Tylor, Prim. Cul., ii. 155-7, and the numerous authorities there referred to; Grimm, Teut. Myth., ii. 767 note.
[187.1] F. L., viii. 349.
[187.2] Weeks, 271.
[187.3] Frazer, Scapegoat, passim.
[188.1] Morris, Ere, 151.
[190.1] Junod, S. A. Tribe, ii. 368, 384. If Lactantius and the other writers of antiquity who have mentioned the sacrifice to Hercules referred to by Dr Frazer (Magic Art, i. 281) had given us the exact words and occasion of the rite, we might perhaps find a similar explanation for it. Both that and the rite addressed at Cranganore in Southern India (ibid., 280) to the goddess Bhagavati are at present very obscure.
[191.1] Anantha Krishna, i. 53, 76.
[191.2] Temple, Leg. Panj., ii. 425. Cf. F. L., x. 406.
[191.3] Grimm, Teut. Myth., i. 20, where other instances are also cited.
[192.1] Rev. J. H. Weeks, J. A. I., xxxix. 134, reproduced in the same author’s Congo Cannibals, 176.
[194.1] Plutarch, De Iside. Wiedemann (213) suggests that the Greeks misunderstood the myth. But the text of the hymn which he quotes appears to prove the accuracy of Plutarch’s interpretation. This is in effect the view taken by Dr Wallis Budge (Gods, i. 487). Harpocrates (Heru-p-khart) is Horus the younger.
[195.1] De Groot, Rel. Syst., iv. 429, 421, 342; Giles, ii. 276.
[196.1] Dalton, 232.
[197.1] N. Ind. N. and Q., iii. 97, par. 205.
[197.2] Jülg, 96 (Story No. 9). Compare children’s tales from various parts of India, where the hero or heroine’s life is dependent on a necklace which is stolen. The owner of the necklace dies when it is worn by the thief, and revives when it is taken off. The birth of a child follows visits by the other spouse. By the child’s help the necklace is recovered, and permanent life is thus restored to the half-dead, half-living hero or heroine (Frere, 230 (Story No. 20); Day, 1 (Story No. 1); Steel and Temple, 85).
[197.3] Kruijt, 398, 509; cf. 230.
[198.1] Petitot, 262.
[199.1] Von Wlislocki, Volksdicht., 283.
[199.2] Maurer, 300 (cf. 192). A Protestant version is given, Lehmann-Filhés, i. 132.
[200.1] Le Braz, 321, Story No. 60.
[201.1] Boas, Ind. Sag., 267. Compare a curious Tlingit story of a girl who married a dead man (ghost), who in consequence came to life again (Swanton, Tlingit Myths, 247).
[202.1] The ghostly visitant might be of either sex, though the masculine was perhaps more common. The visit was generally attended in either case with fatal effects. See below as to Lamiæ.
[203.1] Herodotus, vi. 68, 69.
[203.2] Augustine, Civ. Dei, xv. 23.
[203.3] Malleolus, De Credul. Dæmon. adhibenda, Malleus Maleficarum (Frankfurt, 1582), 428. See also Bodin, De Magorum Dæmonomania (Frankfurt, 1603), ii. 7. By this time, however, there began to be sceptics. Cf. Wierus, De Præstigiis Dæmonum (Basel, 1577), 358; Ulr. Molitor, De Pythonicis Mulieribus, Malleus Mal., 83. The extensive information possessed for many centuries by these learned men was not limited to the incubus. There were also corresponding female demons commonly known as Succubi, or Lamiæ, whose ravages were almost equally great. Awful tales were related by way of warning against their temptation. Compare the putiana of the Moluccas, cited below. See also Lecky, Rationalism, i. 26 note. Among the ancient Assyrians and the modern Arabs the possibility of cohabitation by a man with a spirit or non-human supernatural being, who may even bear him children, was and is believed. But they are very jealous (Encyc. Rel., iv. 571; F. L., xi. 388).
[204.1] Strausz, 454.
[204.2] Bartels, quoting Wladimir Bugiel, Zeit. des Vereins, x. 121. Apparently the throwing of the poppy-seed imposed on the ghostly visitant the necessity of counting the grains before proceeding to his attack. See Andree, i. 81; Wilken, iii. 226 note, citing Mannhardt.
[205.1] Scott goes on to refer to the old Scottish ballad of Sweet William’s Ghost, founded, like that of Bürger’s poem, on the same superstition. It is reprinted, with an account of the literature on the subject, in Child, Ballads, ii. 199 sqq., 226 sqq.; v. 293, 294.
[205.2] Black, 113.
[208.1] Maurer, 111.
[208.2] For example, the notable case of the foundress of a new and popular religion, who was said to be haunted after the manner of Herdis, to her great annoyance and terror. But even her deluded followers felt bound to draw the line somewhere, and they seem to have drawn it at this obsession.
[209.1] Daily Chronicle, 17th February 1912.
[210.1] Among the Ngoulango or Pakhalla of the Ivory Coast a widow carries a piece of fetish wood which has the power to cause death to anyone who, attempting to approach her, is touched with it (Clozel, 363). It is probably effectual also against the ghost.
[210.2] Globus, lxxii. 22; lxxxi. 190. Compare a custom of the Minas of the Slave Coast, Frazer, J. A. I., xv. 85 note. The Kagoro of Northern Nigeria are also reported to believe in the possibility of sexual connection by ghosts with women (J. A. I., xlii. 159). Major Tremearne marks this belief as doubtful; but it accords with that of other peoples. The pungent smoke of red pepper is used in exorcisms by the Tigre of Abyssinia (Littmann, 310, 311).
[211.1] Zeits. v. Rechtsw., xxvii. 85. A widow remains four months in her hut, subject to a corresponding taboo. Among the Negroes of Surinam, before a widow or widower marries again, an offering of food and drink must be made to the ghost in order to obtain permission for the new marriage. The new spouse will be considered as belonging, even if not actually so belonging, to the family of the deceased. The widow or widower may not leave the house for three months, nor do any work (ibid., 395, 394).
[211.2] Ibid., xxv. 99 sqq.
[212.1] Zeits. v. Rechtsw., xxv. 107. The Fõ Negresses in Togoland also fear to be haunted by their deceased husbands, who may kill them, or at least drive them mad. But this is said to be only when they have neglected them during life (Anthropos, vii. 307).
[213.1] Pechuël-Loesche, 308 sqq. The ghosts of women who have died in childbed are frequently the objects of dread in areas far apart. The belief is common in the East Indian Archipelago (see Wilken, iii. 224 sqq.). Such a ghost is called by the inhabitants of the Island of Serang, in the Moluccas, Putiana. She appears after death as a great white bird, or else as a beautiful woman with fragrant clothing, who attacks pregnant women, or seduces and then with her long nails emasculates men. The most elaborate precautions are taken against her (Riedel, 112). Among the Shans of the Upper Chindwin Valley, Burma, the husband feigns madness, and undergoes a special purification (F. L., xxiii. 470).
[214.1] Bastian, San Salvador, 100. Among the Fans, further to the north, as Frazer notes (Balder, ii. 18, quoting W. L. Priklonsky in Bastian’s Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde), at the end of the mourning ceremonies the widows are purified by passing over a lighted brazier and sitting down with leaves still burning under their feet. Their heads are then shaved, and they are shared between the heirs of the deceased.
[215.1] Rev. J. H. Weeks, Folk-Lore, xix. 430; xxi. 463.
[216.1] Junod, R. E. S., i. 162; id., The Fate of the Widows amongst the Ba-Ronga, reprinted from the report of the South African Association for the Advancement of Science, 1908 (Grahamstown, Cape Colony, 1909), 5. It is fair to say that another and somewhat more popular account by M. Junod states: “The night [after the burial] has come. All the widows sleep in the open, their huts, which belonged to the deceased, being taboo. If it rains, they sleep in other huts of the village” (S. A. Tribe, i. 145). I do not know how to reconcile these two statements. I have adopted that which M. Junod has twice affirmed, the articles in the R. E. S. being particularly detailed and precise. Among the northern clans of the Thonga, he tells us (S. A. Tribe, i. 150) that the first night of mourning “everyone [scil. in the village] sleeps in the open.”
[217.1] C. S. Myers and A. C. Haddon, Torres Str. Rep., vi. 153, 158, 160; Haddon, ibid. (1912), iv. 60. In the Murray Islands “the ghost of a recently deceased person is particularly feared; it haunts the neighbourhood for two or three months.” But whether it specially attacks the widow the members of the expedition do not seem to have learned (ibid., vi. 253). The peculiarity of the dress, however, speaks for itself.
[218.1] Frazer, Taboo, 144, citing Father Guis, Les Missions Catholiques (1902), xxxiv, 208. Among the Abarambo of the Congo basin, north of the Wele, the husband or wife disappears in the bush for a time, the latter until she finds a new husband. The widow or widower blackens the face, binds a cord round the waist, wears nothing but an old garment and only eats raw food (Johnston, Grenfell, ii. 650).
[219.1] Teit, Jes. Exped., i. 332. Compare the Bella Coola tale cited above ([p. 200]).
[219.2] Peter Martyr, The Decades of the New World, in Arber, 100.
[219.3] Lumholtz, Unk. Mexico, i. 384 sqq. Four feasts are given for a woman. “She cannot run so fast, and it is therefore harder to chase her off.”
[221.1] Hobley, J. A. I., xli. 418. Among the neighbouring Atharaka and Akamba the duty of sleeping with the widow on the fifth night after the death is performed by a brother of the deceased (Champion, ibid., xlii. 84).
[222.1] Stannus, J. A. I., xl. 315.
[222.2] Compare the accounts of Anyanja funerals in Rattray, 92 (this account is by a native), and Werner, 165. In neither of these is the custom in question referred to.
[223.1] Rattray, 187.
[223.2] Georgi, iii. 89. The information is perhaps derived from the old travellers, Steller and Krasheninnikoff, both of whom mention the custom. See Jesup. Exped., vi. 752.
[224.1] Pechuël-Loesche, 330. Cf. Weeks, 300.
[224.2] F. L., xix. 413.
[225.1] Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), 357 n., 48. Of the King of Nri in Nigeria we are told: “No man is allowed to step over his wives’ legs, nor may anyone commit adultery with them” (Thomas, Ibo, i. 53). This collocation of prohibitions is hardly accidental.
[225.2] Roscoe, 205.
[226.1] I suspect that the requirement mentioned by Professor Frazer (Dying God, 183), of some of the Kaffir tribes, not specified, that the first child born after the second marriage of a widow of a man killed in battle, whether by her first or her second husband, must be put to death, is to be referred to the same cycle of ideas. But I have no access to the authority he cites, which is partly unpublished.
[227.1] Lieut. Hans Kaufmann, Mitteil. aus den Deutschen Schutzgeb. (Berlin, 1910), xxiii. 168.
[228.1] Zeits. v. Rechtsw., xxv. 101, 97, 105.
[228.2] Gouldsbury and Sheane, 171.
[229.1] Gouldsbury and Sheane, 168 sqq.
[230.1] Cens. Ind. Rep., 1901, ix. 208; W. Crooke, Encyc. Rel., iv. 603.
[230.2] W. Crooke, l.c. See supra, [p. 213] note. Cf. also Cens. Ind. Rep., 1901, xvii. 120.
[230.3] Cens. Ind. Rep., 1901, xvii. 121.
[231.1] Cens. Ind. Rep., 1911, xiv. 283.
[231.2] Ibid., 1901, vi. 421.
[231.3] Ibid., 1911, xvi. 176.
[236.1] J. A. I., xv. 73, 98.
[236.2] A. L. Kroeber, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. History, xviii. 17.
[236.3] Weeks, 320, 321; J. A. I., xxxix. 453.
[236.4] Batchelor, 106, 167.
[237.1] Anthropos, i. 172.
[237.2] Int. Arch., xiii., Suppl., 77.
[237.3] Clozel, 363.
[237.4] Brough Smyth, ii. 297; F. L., xiv. 325, 338.
[237.5] Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 521.
[238.1] Rice, 56, 57.
[238.2] Lunet de Lajonquière, 282.
[238.3] Herod., ii. 46, 66, 67. They were all no doubt sacred animals.
[238.4] T. C. Hodson, J. A. I., xxxi. 306.
[239.1] Thomas, Ibo, i. 45, 39.
[239.2] Meyer, 83.
[239.3] Pepper and Wilson, Mem. Am. Anthrop. Assoc., ii. 313.
[240.1] Bull. de Folklore, iii. 74.
[241.1] Hollis, Nandi, 71, 73, 74.
[241.2] Id., Masai, 353.
[242.1] Paulitschke, i. 258. Cf. the customs of the Kavirondo and Ja-Luo, where no painting is recorded (Johnston, Uganda, ii. 743, 794).
[242.2] Torday and Joyce, J. A. I., xxxvi. 50 (cf. 41). Professor Frazer has mentioned (Taboo, 186 n.) some other African cases in which the custom of painting the man-slayer may be intended as a disguise. None of them seem to be stronger than the above. He goes on to mention the Yabim of German New Guinea, among whom the relations of a murdered man, on accepting a bloodwit instead of avenging his death, must allow the family of the murderer to mark them with chalk on the brow. “If this is not done, the ghost of their murdered kinsman may come and trouble them; for example, he may drive away their swine or loosen their teeth.” I have no access to the German authority he cites; but I may suggest for what it may be worth that the chalk-mark is a certificate to the ghost that his relatives have done their duty by exacting a fine for his death, and that he has no cause to feel aggrieved with them—in fact, that he may feel well satisfied. Dr Frazer himself indeed once took this view, or something like it (Tylor Essays, 107).
[243.1] Teit, Jesup Exped., ii. 271, 235; i. 357, 332.
[243.2] Hill-Tout, Notes on the Skqomic, Brit. Ass. Reb., 1900, 478 sq.
[245.1] Bijdragen, xxxix. 37. Cf. Furness, 91.
[245.2] J. A. I., xxxvi. 83 note; Hose, i. 271 note.
[245.3] Hose, ii. 24.
[246.1] Gregor, 199.
[246.2] Anthropos, iv. 859, 860.
[247.1] Hose, ii. 37.
[247.2] Frazer, J. A. I., xv. 73; Id., Scapegoat, chaps. i. iii. iv. vi.
[247.3] Hutter, 442.
[248.1] Koch-Grünberg, i. 130-140.
[249.1] De Groot, Rel. Syst., vi. 1151.
[250.1] Torres Str. Exped., v. 256; cf. vi. 140 sqq.
[250.2] Owen, Musquakie, 81. Cf. Arch. Rel., xiv. 257.
[251.1] Koch-Grünberg, ii. 173.
[251.2] Frazer, J. A. I., xv. 99, citing Speke, Journal, 542.
[251.3] Dorsa, 91.
[252.1] Int. Arch., xiii., Suppl., 76.
[252.2] Rep. B. E., xviii. 315.
[253.1] Frazer, Balder, i. 22 sqq.; Hartland, Prim. Pat., i. 89 sqq.
[253.2] Frazer, l.c., 45, 46.
[253.3] Goddard, Univ. Cal. Pub., i. 72.
[254.1] Frazer, Balder, i. 36.
[255.1] Boaz, Brit. Ass. Rep., 1890, 575.
[255.2] Tylor Essays, 110, citing Riedel, Deutsche Geographische Blätter, x. 286.
[256.1] S. Afr. F. L. Journ., i. 51.
[256.2] See for example the cases collected by Dr Frazer, J. A. I., xv. 84, 85
[257.2] Int. Arch., xiii., Suppl. 72.
[257.3] Jesup. Exped., vi. 113; Riedel, 307; Clozel, 363.
[257.4] Journ. Am. F. L., xvi. 137.
[258.1] Frobenius, Heiden-Neger, 408. Compare the widows’ dance among the Wawanga in the Elgon District, British East Africa (J. A. I., xliii. 36). Among the Ibo-speaking people of Nigeria, at Aguku, the women of the quarter in which a death has occurred march round at midnight and sing (Thomas, Ibo, i. 80).
[259.1] Weeks, 104, 321.
[259.2] Kruijt, 272.
[259.3] Striking examples will be found in von den Steinen, 506; and Smirnov, i. 143, 366.
[260.1] Rev. Hist. Rel., lx. 358.
[260.2] Prof. E. Monseur, ibid., liii. 290 sqq.
[261.1] Mariner, i. 311.
[261.2] Alldridge, 119.
[261.3] J. A. I., xxxii. 47.
[261.4] Brand and Ellis, ii. 187 note.
[261.5] Clozel, 179.
[262.1] Codrington, 281.
[262.2] Rep. B. E., v. 111, translating Jesuit Relations.
[262.3] Int. Arch., xiii., Suppl. 72.
[262.4] Globus, lxxii. 22.
[262.5] Spencer and Gillen, N. T., 521.
[262.6] Deut. xiv. 1.
[262.7] Int. Arch., xiii., Suppl. 71. Sir Everard im Thurn throws doubt upon this as a funeral rite (F. L., xii. 141).
[263.1] Williams, Fiji, 169.
[263.2] Dix-neuvième Siècle, 26th December 1890.
[263.3] Int. Arch., xiii., Suppl. 72.
[263.4] Ibid., 77.
[264.1] Father Alex. Arnoux, Anthropos, vii. 288.
[266.1] Herod., i. 199; Strabo, xvi. 1, 20. Further details are supplied by the Epistle of Jeremy appended to the apocryphal Book of Baruch.
[267.1] Justin, xviii. 5.
[267.2] Socrates, Hist. Eccl., i. 18.
[267.3] Sozomen, Hist. Eccl., v. 10.
[267.4] Ælian, Var. Hist., iv. 1. Dr Farnell (Greece and Bab., 271 note, 273 sqq.) considers that the Lydian practice was identical with that of the Armenians, referred to just below. This is possible. The lady who commemorated at Tralles her dedication for this purpose (see below, [p. 273]) seems to have been a Lydian. In either case it was a religious practice, though Ælian does not explicitly say so. His account in fact is vague.
[267.5] Herod., i. 93.
[267.6] Strabo, xi. 14, 16.
[270.1] Lucian, De Dea Syria, 6.
[271.1] Eusebius, Vita Const., iii. 58; Frazer, Adonis, 1906, 22 note 2. I am uncertain how far Professor Frazer adheres to this interpretation (see Adonis3, 33 note). Eusebius, it is true, was a contemporary; but he was a bitter partizan, and wrote in a rhetorical style, exaggerating everything that could bring glory to his hero Constantine. Socrates, on the other hand, was a lawyer, a man of wider and more liberal views, and of fairer judgement. Sozomen too was a lawyer. They wrote a century later; but they wrote at Constantinople, and probably had access to official documents. To my mind, if their statements be irreconcilable, these qualifications entitle them to greater credit than the not-too-scrupulous ecclesiastic.
[271.2] Socrates, loc. cit.
[273.1] Ramsay, i. 94, 115; Frazer, Adonis, 34. Such religious prostitutes were, of course, common in Western Asia. Cf. Strabo, xii. 3, 36.
[273.2] Clement of Alexandria, Protrept., ii; Arnobius, Adv. Gentes, v. 19; Firmicus Maternus, De Errore Prof. Rel., x; Apollodorus, Bibl., iii. 14, 3.
[274.1] The service of the hierai is discussed by Ramsay, op. cit., 135-7. See also below, [p. 279].
[274.2] On the other hand, it must not be forgotten that at a marriage among the Auziles and the Nasamonians the guests who enjoyed the bride’s favours were expected to reward her with a gift. Similarly, in modern Europe, a gift is also found as the return for a kiss or a dance with the bride. I have collected several cases, Leg. Perseus, ii. 361, 355-8, and many more might be added. Compare the Suahili custom mentioned below, [p. 277].
[275.1] Roth, Ethnol. Studies, 174.
[275.2] Howitt, 664; J. A. I., xx. 87. See also Ploss, i. 308.
[276.1] Spencer and Gillen, C. T., 92.
[276.2] Globus, xci. 313.
[277.1] Riedel, 138, 137.
[277.2] H. Crawford Angus in Zeits. f. Ethnol., xxx., Verhandl., 479.
[277.3] Duff Macdonald, i. 126; Jas. Macdonald, in J. A. I., xxii. 101.
[277.4] H. Zache, in Zeits. f. Ethnol., xxxi. 76. More than thirty years ago a French writer cited by Hertz (Giftmädchen, 41) reported that among the Bafiote of the Loango Coast the girls were led round the village and their virginity put up to auction. This looks like a puberty rite of a similar character. I have not seen the book, however, and think it not impossible that the writer may have misunderstood the ceremony usual on emerging from the “paint-house.”
[278.1] J. A. I., xxxi. 121.
[278.2] Ploss, i. 307, 308. Puberty ceremonies to which girls are subjected are by no means confined to “initiation-mysteries”—that is to say, collective rites performed on a number of candidates at the same time. Several of the above-cited ceremonies are performed on individual girls as they reach puberty; and examples might very easily be multiplied. In Cyprus, on the other hand, there seem to have been collective rites, with the sacrifice of virginity.
[280.1] Mannhardt, Wald- und Feldkulte, ii. 284; Frazer, Adonis, 32 note.
[281.1] Rev. Hist. Rel., xli. 315.
[282.1] Farnell, Cults, v. 423.
[283.1] We are reminded of the risk incurred in relieving Kamtchadal widows of their “sins” (supra, [p. 223]). There, however, the Russian soldiers who assisted them belonged to a totally different mental and social environment. They contemned the native superstition. It is improbable that any strangers at Babylon or Heliopolis could have been on a plane of civilization so far removed from that of the natives that they were either ignorant of, or indifferent to, the native ideas. Rather, they are likely to have shared them. Among the Baronga, when a similar service is required to be rendered, the man must be inveigled by a trick: he would not knowingly incur the risk (Junod, R. E. S., i. 163).
[283.2] Garcilasso, i. 59.
[284.1] Ploss, i. 406; Hertz, loc. cit., citing authorities.
[284.2] Crawley, Mystic Rose (1902), 348.
[285.1] Westermarck, Moral Ideas, ii. 445.
[286.1] Van Gennep, Rites, 39 sqq. As to trials of strength, see Jesup Exped., vii. 582.
[287.1] Dennett, 121.
[287.2] Dumoutier, 182.
[288.1] Since this essay was published in its original form the whole position of women in the temple-ritual of Western Asia has been carefully discussed by Dr Farnell (Greece and Bab., 268 sqq.), to whose criticisms I have been greatly indebted during the process of revision.
[289.1] Among many savages additional prohibited degrees exist side by side with exogamy strictly so called. In my view these, where they exist, are supplementary rules of subsequent growth. In any case exogamy operates in the same way as our prohibited degrees.
[292.1] O’Grady, ii. 264.
[292.2] There are other manuscripts of the Colloquy, but none of them contain the sequel of the adventures of the Lia Fáil. See the preface to Stokes’ edition, Irische Texte, 4th ser. (Leipzig, 1900).
[293.1] Skene’s paper is in Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, viii. 68; Mr O’Reilly’s in Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, xxxii. 77. The stone now called the Lia Fáil at Tara is clearly not the stone of tradition.
[293.2] Keating, i. 101. See also 207, 209. On the latter page “a poem from a certain book of invasion” is quoted at length. It contains an enumeration of the four jewels of the Tuatha Dé Danann, among them the Lia Fáil, “which used to roar under the king of Ireland.” In the Baile an Scail (The Champion’s Ecstasy) Conna of the Hundred Fights steps on the stone accidentally, and is told by the Druid who accompanies him, “Fál has screamed under thy feet. The number of its screams is the number of kings that shall come of thy seed for ever; but I may not name them.” In this passage the stone is said to have come from the Island of Foal to abide for ever in the land of Tailtin (Nutt, i. 187, summarizing O’Curry’s translation).
[294.1] O’Curry, On the Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish (three vols., London, 1873), vol. i. (Sullivan’s Introduction), p. clxxxiii. Spencer, View of the State of Ireland, says that the Tanist is “the eldest of the kinne.” Ancient Irish Histories (Dublin, Hibernia Press, 1809), i. 12.
[295.1] O’Curry, ii. 199. From a reference in an Irish text translated by Professor Windisch from the Lebor na hUidre, it seems that the bull was required to be white. Irische Texte, ser. i. 200.
[296.1] Revue Celtique, xxii. 22, in the story of the Sack of Dá Derga’s Hostel translated by Whitley Stokes.
[297.1] Haltrich, 195.
[298.1] Jātaka, iv. 23, Story No. 445.
[298.2] Jülg, 60, Story No. 2.
[299.1] Radloff, i. 208.
[299.2] Folk-Lore, iv. 202.
[300.1] Ralston, Tibetan Tales, p. 29.
[300.2] Bakhtyár Náma, 51.
[301.1] Stumme, 123, Story No. 15.
[301.2] Burton, Nights, iv. 210.
[301.3] N. Ind. N. and Q., iv. 66. Similarly in a story from Mirzapur, the first man met in the forest is made king. Ibid., ii. 81. In another story from Mirzapur a trained elephant is let loose to choose the king’s bride. Ibid., iii. 103.
[302.1] Radloff, vi. 157.
[302.2] Ibid., iv. 143.
[302.3] Prym und Socin, Kurdische Sammlungen, Erste Abteil. (St Petersburg, 1887); übersetz., 32.
[303.1] Leclère, 16. “Tous ceux qui étaient presents à ce conseil… decidèrent qu’on consulterait immédiatement les chevaux.”
[303.2] Kathá, ii. 102.
[304.1] Natesa Sastri, 126.
[304.2] Steel and Temple, 140. In other stories from Kashmir, it is “an elephant” (Knowles, 169, 309).
[304.3] Rev. Trad. Pop., iv. 442.
[304.4] Knowles, 158. Other stories, Ibid., 17, 309; Bakhtyár Náma, 169 (notes by the Editor); Day, 99, Story No. 5.
[305.1] Kathákoça, 155.
[306.1] Luzel, Lég. Chrét., i. 282 (pt. iii., Story No. 11); a variant, Mélusine, i. 300.
[307.1] F.-L. Journ., iv. 338 sqq., including the references at foot of 348.
[308.1] Friedrich von Raumer, Geschichte der Hohenstaufen und ihrer Zeit (Leipzig, 1824), iii. 74.
[308.2] Eusebius, Eccles. Hist., vi. 29.
[308.3] Middleton, Works (2nd ed. London, 1755), vol. v., p. 153, citing “Hist. Raven., etc. Aring [hus], Rom[a] Subt[erranea], l. vi., c. 48.”
[309.1] Early Trav., 158. The casting of lots is divination—an appeal to supernatural powers to decide the event. Such divination (frequently glossed as the ballot) took place at the election of Matthias to succeed Judas Iscariot in the apostolate (Acts i. 23). It seems to have been a not uncommon practice in the Middle Ages for the election of ecclesiastical dignitaries. It is expressly reprehended in a tract De decem præceptis, published in the year 1439, by Thomas Ebendorfer of Haselbach, Court Chaplain and Privy Councillor of the Emperor Frederick III (Zeit. des Vereins, xii. 11).
[309.2] The church derived its name from having been erected in a Lombard burial-ground. Poles were set up on the graves, and on each pole the wooden figure of a dove. It is suggestive that the scene of the story is placed in such surroundings.
[310.1] Paulus Diaconus, Gesta Longobard., vi. 55. See also Soldan, 145, 148. Hildeprand did not reign long. He was deprived of the throne a few months later by Ratchis, who reigned for five years, 744-749.
[310.2] Soldan, 150.
[310.3] Post, Afr. Juris., i. 138, citing Harris, The Highlands of Ethiopia. Post notes that Krapf contests the accuracy of this account and states the succession was hereditary. The two statements are perhaps not irreconcilable. The succession to the throne of Businza, south of Lake Victoria Nyanza, was hereditary, but among the candidates an animal omen was decisive. Father van Thiel, who says this, however, omits to tell us exactly how (Anthropos, vi. 502). See also, as to other tribes, below, [pp. 317] sqq.
[311.1] Herod., iii. 84 sqq.
[311.2] Grimm has collected instances, Teut. Myth., i. 47; ii. 658; iv. 1301, 1481. Also von Negelein, Zeits. des Ver., xi. 406 sqq.
[312.1] Journ. Ind. Archip., iii. 316.
[313.1] Forbes, ii. 465.
[313.2] Plutarch, De Fluv., xiv.
[315.1] Huc, ii. 343; i. 278; Waddell, 245 sqq.
[316.1] Gray, i. 103.
[317.1] Speke, Journ., 221. A less astonishing species of augury, and one reminding us of English Hallowe’en practices, is that adopted by the Shilluk on the Upper Nile. On choosing a king a small stone for everyone of the royal princes is thrown into the fire. The stones of the rejected candidates fly out again; he whose stone remains in the fire becomes king (Anthropos, v. 333).
[318.1] Anthropos, vi. 70.
[319.1] Records of the Past, 2nd series [1891] v. 68, 62.
[320.1] Folk-Lore, ix. 114. Mr Crooke does not refer to the speech of Eurymachus immediately following that of Telemachus, which confirms what has been said on this subject by Antinous and Telemachus.
[321.1] I am indebted to Miss Burne for suggesting that something like this is the true interpretation of the use alike of the Lia Fáil and of the various regal paraphernalia employed in the stories. As she puts it, they would know their rightful owner. This, however, is to assume the principle of heredity as already established. The animistic belief involved in the interpretation suggested was perhaps applied even before then.
[323.1] Girald. Cambr., Itinerarium Kambriæ, l. i., c. 2.
[323.2] Crooke, Pop. Rel., ii. 142.
[323.3] Crooke, Tribes and Castes, ii. 380. Cf. the Legend of Dhatu Sena, King of Ceylon (Tennent, Ceylon, i. 389).
[324.1] A. Landes, Contes Tjames, 104.
[324.2] Journal of the Indian Archipelago, iii. 571.
[324.3] Havelok, ll. 602 sqq., 2139 sqq.
[326.1] Owen, Narrative, ii. 418, translating a MS., of Sr. Ferão, a Portuguese governor of the coast. This translation is reprinted by Theal, Records of South-Eastern Africa, vii. 371 sqq.
[327.1] Theal, Records, vii. 191 sqq.
[327.2] 2 Sam., ch. 16; 1 Kings, ch. 2. There is some reason to think that the same custom obtained among the ancient Teutonic peoples, and even in England. Both this and succession by marrying a daughter are frequent incidents in historical traditions as well as in märchen (see Frazer, Magic Art, ii., ch. xviii., and Scapegoat, 368).
[328.1] Junod, S. A. Tribe, i. 199, 206.