The First Governess of the Netherlands, Margaret of Austria

by Eleanor E. Tremayne

REGENT OF THE NETHERLANDS

By King Philip's death the Netherlands were left without a ruler, for his eldest son Charles was barely six years old. A few weeks later, at eight o'clock on the morning of the 18th of October 1506, the deputies from the provinces assembled at Malines in the Salle de la Cour to discuss the desirability of appointing a regent for the Netherlands, and a governor for King Philip's children. The fair-haired child the Archduke Charles was present with the members of his family, his Council, and the Knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece, all clothed in the deepest mourning. After a long preamble, in which he recounted the chief events in Philip's last voyage to Spain, the Chancellor of Burgundy proposed that the deputies should choose a regent and provide for the tutelage of the late king's children.

The representatives from Brabant, Holland, Zealand, and Friesland voted for the emperor; those from Flanders, Artois, Lille, Douai, and Orchiés said they were without instructions; but the deputies from Hainault and Namur refused to express an opinion, fearing to annoy the King of France, whose troops were already threatening their frontiers. The choice was therefore left to the States of Brabant, who immediately sent their ambassadors to Ems to offer the regency to Maximilian. Pleased with the deference the States had shown him, he accepted their offer; but, under pretext of the burden of state affairs arising from the management of his kingdom, he deputed his daughter Margaret to bring up and educate Philip's children, under his direction, and appointed her regent of her nephew's dominions until he should come of age.

At Maximilian's invitation the States-General of the Netherlands met at Louvain in March 1507 to arrange for Margaret's installation. The Duke of Juliers, in the name of the emperor, administered the oath of 'mambour,' or governess; Margaret was then recognised as Governess-General and Guardian of Philip's children.

'Maximilian,' says Garnier, 'could not have chosen a more able and intelligent minister; she was also the most dangerous and active enemy that France could have.' The emperor, who was the most fickle of men, was only constant in his hatred of France. In order to feed this inborn aversion, he often re-read what he called his red book. This book was a register in which he noted carefully all the slights that France had made him and his country suffer, in order, he said, to pay her (France) off at his leisure; and in August of the same year (1507) he made a furious speech at the Diet of Constance, in which he called Louis XII. an ambitious traitor, a perjurer, and a disturber of Christianity.

Margaret chose Malines for her residence, and here for many years she held her Court. As the principal home of the Regent of the Netherlands, Malines, already a flourishing city, gained much in riches and importance. Its motto, In fide constans, had been given to the town in recognition of the courage and fidelity of its inhabitants, who had often proved their loyalty to the House of Burgundy. This fact may have influenced Margaret's choice of Malines as her principal residence, but it had also been the home of her godmother, Margaret of York, sister of Edward IV. of England, the last Duchess of Burgundy, known as 'Madame la Grande,' who had been a second mother to her in her early youth, before she left her home for Amboise. Margaret of York had died at Malines in 1505. Her husband had settled the town and seigniory upon her as dowry, and besides an income of sixteen thousand florins or 'Philippus d'or,' she also owned the palace called La Cour de Cambray, which she had bought, as the Court possessed no residence at Malines, and left it in her will to Philip and his sister. Margaret lived in this palace, which was later known as the 'Cour de l'Empereur,' with her nephew Charles and his three sisters, Eleanor, Isabella, and Mary. Her youngest nephew, Ferdinand, had remained in Spain with his grandfather, the King of Aragon, who educated him, and whose favourite he became. Philip's youngest daughter, Katharine, born after his death, shared her mother's captivity in the old palace of Tordesillas, until her marriage seventeen years later.

Finding that the palace at Malines was not large enough for all her requirements, Margaret persuaded Maximilian to buy another house exactly opposite belonging to Jérôme Lauwrin, which he presented to her after redecorating and altering it to suit her requirements. On July 6th, 1507, she made her solemn entry into the town and installed herself in the palace with her nephew and nieces.[28]

ELEANOR AGED FOUR, CHARLES AGED TWO AND A HALF,
ISABEL AGED ONE YEAR AND THREE MONTHS
Painted in 1502, (MARGARET'S COLLECTION) NOW IN THE IMPERIAL MUSEUM, VIENNA
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Jehan le Maire gives an interesting account of a memorial service in memory of Philip, King of Castile, held at Malines a few days later in the church of Saint Rombault on Sunday the 18th of July 1507. This record of an eye-witness is addressed to the 'très illustre et très claire princesse, Madame Marguerite d'Autriche.'[29]

In his description of the gorgeous procession, headed by the late king's officers and servants, which slowly wound its way through the streets of Malines to the cathedral church of Saint Rombault, Le Maire enumerates the motley crowd of priests and chaplains, begging friars, lawyers, and deputies from the states in their robes of office, the processions from various churches, and all the guilds of Malines in their state costume, carrying countless crosses and banners, followed by a crowd of humbler citizens bearing flaring torches. The procession of ambassadors, bishops, and nobles with their arms and devices; each contingent led by heralds on richly caparisoned chargers carrying the arms and banners of Hapsburg and Burgundy, with the banners of King Philip's ancestors, those of the Emperor Frederick, Charles the Bold, Isabel of Bourbon, and Mary of Burgundy being minutely described. In the midst of his chronicle Le Maire suddenly addresses Margaret:— 'You, gracious lady and princess, were also present, secretly praying in your oratory for the soul of your only brother, whom may God absolve, very simply dressed in your mourning, and covered by a veil, in company with your noble ladies.'

In the cathedral, the young Archduke Charles sat facing the pulpit, whilst the late king's confessor, John, Bishop of Salubri, preached the funeral oration, dwelling at much length on King Philip's virtues and great gifts. Le Maire relates that the large congregation was so touched by his eloquence that many were melted to tears, and he adds: 'I believe, very gracious Madame, ... that you too were secretly weeping in your oratory.'

At the end of high mass, when the Bishop of Arras pronounced the words, 'Et verbum caro factum est,' the heralds cast down their banners on the marble floor before the high altar, and the king-at-arms of the Golden Fleece threw his staff of office on the ground and cried three times, 'The king is dead.' After a pause he picked it up, and raising it above his head, proclaimed: 'Long live Don Charles, by the grace of God Archduke of Austria and Prince of Spain.' ... Then the first herald raised his banner, and waving it on high, cried, 'Of Burgundy, of Lostrick, and of Brabant.' And the second herald took up the cry, as he lifted his banner, proclaiming Charles 'Count of Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, Palatine of Hainault, Holland, Zealand, Namur, and Zutphen.' Then the third and fourth heralds raised their banners and continued the stately roll-call, ending with 'Marquis of the Holy Empire, Lord of Friesland, of Salins and Malines!'

The cap of mourning which had been worn by the young prince was now removed from his head by the king-at-arms, who took the great sword, which had been blessed by the bishop, from the altar, and held it in front of the Archduke Charles, thus addressing him: 'Prince Imperial and royal, this sword of justice is given to you from God ... and from your noble ancestors ... that you may protect the most Holy Faith and all your kingdoms....'

The king-at-arms then kissed the sword and gave it into the young archduke's hands, who took it by the hilt, and, with the point in the air, advanced and knelt before the high altar.[30]

Henry VII., writing on October 18th, 1506, to condole with Maximilian on the death of his son, promised to remain his good friend and the friend of the Prince of Castile, and to assist them in everything. If King Philip had lived, he says, the treaties which he had concluded with him would have been carried out. Maximilian replied that he 'hopes Henry will not forsake the poor orphan, who is Maximilian's son as well as Henry's.'

The few years of Philip's government had been relatively peaceful, but at his death troubles broke out anew. It is difficult to draw a line between the Dutch and Flemings, yet the Dutch provinces were, as a whole, distinct in character and interests from the Flemish; and much more deeply were the commercial and manufacturing Flemish provinces divided from the French-speaking states of Artois, Hainault, West Flanders, Luxembourg, and Franche Comté. The latter were held under the empire, and the youthful Charles, as Count of Flanders, was also a peer of France. The princely diocese of Liége, French in language and sympathy, but politically connected with the empire, was only separated from the Flemish group by the Burgundian lordship of Namur, Limburg, and Luxembourg. Lorraine stood between Franche Comté and the Netherlands, Franche Comté having a far closer connection with the Swiss than with the Netherlands, whilst the fortunes of Limburg and Luxembourg were destined to be quite distinct from those of the Dutch and Flemish provinces. It was to be the task of the future ruler to revive monarchical institutions and to create a national unity among alien races and interests. At Philip's death Charles succeeded to a wasted heritage. All the chief factories and industries peculiar to the Netherlands had dwindled and diminished, and even the fishing fleet of former days had shrunk to only a few sail in some of the ports of the Zuyder Zee.

During the early years of Charles's life we only get a few glimpses of a shy and inarticulate boy. We read of him dancing round a bonfire with his sisters on Saint John's Day. His grandfather, Maximilian, gave him a wooden horse, and amongst his prized possessions was a sledge in the form of a ship, with masts, ropes, and flags. In games, like most children, he liked to be on the winning side. When he and his page played at battles between Turks and Christians, Charles was always a Christian, and the page, who commanded the paynim host, complained that the Christians were always made to win. The boy was brought up to like manly sports. He shot skilfully with the bow, and took great delight in hunting, which pleased the old Emperor Maximilian, for otherwise, he wrote, the boy could not be his legitimate grandson. Charles as a child is described as graceful and well-built, but his face was pale, and he looked delicate. His long projecting lower jaw, so peculiar to the Hapsburg family, embarrassed mastication and caused hesitation in his speech. He had clear and steady eyes, and a calm, intellectual forehead which gave a pleasant and dignified expression to his face. His childhood was spent at Malines, and there watched over by his aunt Margaret he was brought up in the strict etiquette of the Burgundian Court.

Charles was devoted to music, a taste which he cultivated throughout his life. As a boy we hear of him and his sister Eleanor having lessons on the clavicord and other instruments from the organist of the chapel. He was carefully educated. His grandfather appointed William de Croy, Lord of Chièvre, as his governor, and he was taught to read and write by Juan de Verd, who in 1505 was succeeded by another Spaniard, Luis Vaca, who after six years gave up his charge to Adrian of Utrecht, Dean of Louvain, the future Pope Adrian IV. But the boy was not a willing pupil; he complained of being educated as if he were intended for a schoolmaster. The future ruler of so many vast kingdoms was never a good linguist. He learned very little Latin, and was never proficient in German. Two years after he became King of Castile and Aragon he only knew a few words of the national language. His knowledge of Italian was barely elementary. Flemish was the tongue of his birthplace, but he did not begin to learn it until he was thirteen. French was his natural language, but he neither spoke nor wrote it with any elegance. Of theology the champion of Catholicism knew little or nothing. He could scarcely read the Vulgate, and in his latter years his comprehension thereof had to be aided by very simple commentary. Mathematics he studied when over thirty, as he believed they were essential to the career of a great captain.[31]

ELEANOR OF AUSTRIA AS A CHILD
FROM THE PAINTING BY MABUSE,
IN THE POSSESSION OF M. CHARLES LÉON CARDOU, BRUSSSELS
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At the time of Margaret's appointment as Governess of the Netherlands she was twenty-seven years old. She is described as a 'fair young woman with golden hair, rounded cheeks, a grave mouth, and beautiful clear eyes.' And when she reappeared in Flanders, with the added charm born of her many sorrows, she was received with unanimous joy by all the people, with whom she was extremely popular. Amongst other poems written at this time in her honour the following was composed by Jean Molinet, her librarian and almoner:—

LE RETOUR DE MADAME MARGUERITE.

Fleur de noblesse, odorant Marguerite,

Germe sacré de royal origine,

Manne du ciel, rameau plein de mérite,

Palme de paix jurée et bien escripte,

Du bien public exquise médecine,

Fruict, feuille, fleur, couleur, plante, racine,

Chefz d'œvre sont; mieulx faire on ne pourroit:

D'ung autre aymer mon cueur s'abaisseroit.

Toutes feuilles tendrettes

Chéent d'autres fleurettes

Quand vent de bise poinct:

Marguerites proprettes

Sans périr toujours prestes

Demeurent en ung point.

Splendeur vous vient d'Autriche archeducalle,

Bonté, beaulté d'une fleur de Bourbon.

Honneur vous suyt de l'arche triumphalle

Des Bourguignons et de l'aigle royale,

Semence et vie et de terroz fort bon:

Vostre renom, haultain comme ung canon,

Est de tel nom que cestuy si adresse,

Chantant de tout bien pleine est ma maistresse:

Vertu vous environne;

Elle croist et fleuronne

En vous et point n'empire;

Digne estes d'avoir throsne,

Royal sceptre et couronne.

D'ung glorieux empire.

Pour paix avoir on vous avait plantée

Au fleurissant, souef verger de France,

Comme des fleurs royne plus exaltée.

Se pour aultre en estes dejectée,

Portez le doux sans amère souffrance.

Qui souffre il vainct; vivez en espérance.

A vous ne loist, pour estre supplantée,

Plourer comme femme desconfortée.

Entre fleurons de lys,

Doulx que pommes de lys,

Avez été nourrie

Sans vicieux délicts

De vertus ennoblis,

Ayant grant seigneurie.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chacun vous ayme, oncques telle on n'ouyt;

Le bruit en court en France et en Savoye;

L'œil qui vous veoit de plaisance jouyt,

Le cueur qui pense à vous se resjouyt,

La bouche rit qui d'en parler savoie;

Peuple même, qui va courant sa voye,

Après vous tend œil, cueur, bouche et oreille,

Disant, je ne veis oncques la pareille.

Chef d'œuvre tres parfaict,

Mygnonement bien faict,

Fleur de riche vallue,

Où rien n'est imparfaict,

Prenez en gré mon faict;

Molinet vous salue.

Jean Molinet,
Bibliothécaire et Aumônier de
Marguerite d'Autriche.

Margaret was lucky in her councillors. She was seconded by such clever and devoted ministers as Burgo, Mélun, Viry, Le Vaux, Caulies, Mercurin de Gattinare, Ferry de Carondelet, and Albert Pio. One of the ablest amongst them was Mercurin de Gattinare, who came of a noble family of Verceil, and was one of the greatest jurisconsuls of his time. He had been a councillor of the late Duke of Savoy's, and afterwards president of the Parliament of Franche Comté. In 1508 Maximilian sent him to Louis XII.'s Court to negotiate on the subject of the Treaty of Cambray.

On February 3rd, 1507, Margaret wrote from Malines to James d'Albion, King Ferdinand's ambassador in France, that 'she was very sorry that the peace between the King of France and the King of the Romans was not concluded. If the King of France should attack the estates of Prince Charles,' she says, 'she would do her best to defend them, and she hopes that the King of England and King Ferdinand would assist her. She begs that this may be communicated to King Ferdinand.'

Margaret was no sooner invested with the government of the Netherlands than, accompanied by her young nephew, she visited all the towns of Flanders, and promised in the prince's name to preserve the rights and privileges of the seventeen provinces, whose homage and oath of fidelity she received. Mercurin de Gattinare paid homage to Louis XII. in her name for the county of Charollais and the Burgundian territories. The letter in which he tells Margaret of the accomplishment of his mission contains this curious passage: 'J'ai fait vostre hommage entre les mains du roi, et l'ai baisé en vostre lieu, et me répliqua encore de nouveau qu'il eût mieux aimé vous baiser que moi.'

On July 20th, 1507, Margaret convoked the States-General at Malines, and asked them to levy a 'philippus' on each household. This tax was to be employed in paying the army in Gueldres, and in redeeming the prince's mortgaged lands. The States did not welcome this proposal, but voted a subsidy of 200,000 philippus. Charles, who was now seven years old, made his first public speech before the States at Louvain, where Margaret had cleverly brought him to support her claim for the subsidy. Its purport was understood rather from his gestures than the sounding quality of the boyish voice; but at all events, the chronicler adds, the people could not fail to be well pleased. Reassembled at Ghent, the States refused to support the cost of an army of 10,000 infantry and 3000 cavalry, which Margaret judged necessary to guard the country during the prince's minority. They objected that in the present circumstances this levy seemed to them useless; but if the country was really threatened it should be attended to; yet at that very moment Holland and Brabant were attacked by the Duke of Gueldres, aided and abetted by the King of France.

The States' refusal to grant proper subsidies greatly irritated Maximilian. In a remarkable letter he tried to show them that the war with Gueldres was not only of interest to Brabant, as they pretended, but to all the Netherlands, and that all ought to take part in it. He recalls how the princes of the House of Burgundy had laboured from the days of Charles the Bold to reduce the duchy of Gueldres, and the efforts of the French kings to defraud them of their legitimate rights. He complains above all of Louis XII., who had employed every imaginable means to leave the contested country to Charles of Egmont. 'And what is his real aim?' he asks. 'He pretends through the medium of the said country of Gueldres to separate our country from the Holy Empire, and from the House of Burgundy, so as to better hold this country in subjection.'

On September 16th Maximilian wrote to Margaret to acknowledge her letters in which she requested him to come to Flanders in order to conclude a new alliance with England. He has, he says, been prevented from doing so, but begs that King Henry may be amused with false hopes, and kept from concluding an alliance with France and Spain. 'If she would consent to marry the King of England, it might be arranged that she should remain Governess of the Netherlands, and pass three or four months every year in her own country.'

A few days later De Puebla, writing from England to King Ferdinand, informs him that ambassadors have arrived at the English Court from Maximilian and from Flanders, the former to beg King Henry to make war against France, alleging that the French king was usurping his grandson's (Prince Charles's) dominions. The ambassador also broached the subject of the prince's marriage with Princess Mary, King Henry's daughter. The Flemish ambassador, Don Diego de Gueyara, told the king that King Louis had declared war against all the seigniories of Burgundy, and invaded them with an army, excepting Flanders and Artois, which two provinces recognised the sovereignty of France, and the appeals from their tribunals went direct to the Parliament of Paris. The ambassador begged for King Henry's help against France and the Duke of Gueldres. The English king promised to ask the French monarch not to meddle in German affairs, but at the same time he wished to keep friends with France, and so put off the ambassadors with polite and general phrases which meant nothing. De Puebla adds in a postscript: 'The King of England sends six horses and some greyhounds to the Archduchess Margaret, and a letter.'

A few weeks later De Puebla tells King Ferdinand that Margaret had sent a very loving letter to King Henry the previous week, holding out hopes that her father would send a 'great personage' as ambassador to England with full powers to conclude all the treaties which her brother Philip had arranged, and if necessary to grant more favourable conditions. De Puebla states that when he asked King Henry what the treaties were about, the king replied 'they were very good treaties, and very advantageous to himself personally, and also to his kingdom, for, besides his own marriage with the Archduchess Margaret, an alliance had been concluded between the Archduke Charles and his daughter, Princess Mary, and all matters respecting commerce settled according to his wishes.' De Puebla wound up his letter by informing Ferdinand that King Henry was anxious to keep friends with the Emperor Maximilian, and not to break off negotiations with him, at any rate not without first consulting the King of Aragon.

On December 4th Maximilian wrote to Margaret acknowledging her letters and the articles concluded between the Flemish and English ambassadors. He told her that the French king had complained to the Pope, King Ferdinand, and even to the Diet of Constance, that he (Maximilian) had broken his word in marrying Prince Charles to Princess Mary. In order to satisfy his honour the emperor requests that a clause should be inserted in the marriage treaty to the effect that the whole treaty should be null and void, and not even the penalty paid if the King of France declare himself ready, within one year, to marry his daughter Claude to Prince Charles. On the 21st of December 1507 two treaties were drawn up and dated Calais. One, a treaty of alliance between Henry VII., Maximilian and Prince Charles, was practically the same as the former treaty concluded between Henry and the Archduke Philip; and the other, concerning the marriage of the Archduke Charles with the Princess Mary, was between Henry VII., Maximilian, the Archduke Charles and the Archduchess Margaret, but was unsigned. In this treaty the Archduke Charles is to conclude the marriage with the Princess Mary, either in person or by proxy, before the following Easter. He is to contract the marriage by ambassadors sent to England for the purpose within forty days after he has completed his fourteenth year. The King of England is to send Princess Mary to the Archduke Charles within three months after the marriage shall have been contracted per verba de præsenti. The dowry to consist of 250,000 crowns. The Emperor Maximilian, the Archduchess Margaret, Charles de Croy, Henry, Count of Nassau, bind themselves to pay 250,000 crowns to King Henry if the Archduke refuses to contract the marriage. The King of England and his nobles bind themselves to pay an equal sum to Maximilian if Princess Mary refuses to fulfil the agreement. The treaty to be ratified by the contracting parties before the following Feast of Easter.

An interesting account exists of an interview between King Henry's ambassador and the Emperor Maximilian. In it we learn that the emperor had long conferences with his daughter respecting her marriage with King Henry, which had been settled by her brother Philip. In order to persuade Margaret, Maximilian told her that the marriage was necessary for the good of the House of Austria, besides being honourable to her, the King of England being 'such a pattern of all the virtues.' He added that it was also necessary on account of commerce, and in order to secure the Spanish succession, and keep the Duke of Gueldres at bay; without it the King of England might marry into another family and endanger the marriage between Prince Charles and Princess Mary. The emperor told the English ambassador that the Archduchess was fully aware of King Henry's many virtues, and that should she marry again, she would marry no one else but him. But as she has already been three times unfortunate in her marriages, she is much disinclined to make another trial. Besides, she said she believed she should have no children, and that she might thereby displease the King of England. Seeing that he could not prevail on Margaret to change her mind, her father called the Privy Council together, his grandson Charles being present. The question of the marriage was once more discussed, but the Archduchess remained firm in her decision. The ambassador remarks: 'From all this it is clear that the emperor has done all in his power to persuade his daughter to consent to the marriage, and that he can do nothing more.' But in spite of Margaret's absolute refusal to marry Henry, his agents for more than a year pressed her to reconsider her decision. The utmost that could be obtained was to prevail on her to write, from time to time, flattering letters to him in order to secure some advantages for her father.

On January 28th, 1508, Maximilian wrote to Margaret from Bolzano to tell her that 'he is sending Andreas de Burgo to England, and that he has ordered him to see her before he starts. Andreas has some money, but it may not be enough to defray his expenses; he has therefore given him directions to take some money for his own use from the 100,000 gold crowns which the King of England is expected to give.' He also begs her to write a pleasant letter to King Henry.

A few weeks later Maximilian again wrote to Margaret excusing himself for not having sent the ratifications of the treaties with England. He has been so much occupied, he says, with his great undertakings in Italy and Spain, that he has really had no time to attend to that business; but he has now done so.

In May of the same year Henry VII. wrote a letter to Sir John Wiltshire, Comptroller of Calais, about a correspondence with Margaret, in which King Henry tried to persuade her to arrange a meeting with him at Calais to treat with him in person about her nephew's marriage with Princess Mary. He suggests that some 'discreet and able personages' should be sent on before to 'reduce the said matters to a final and perfect conclusion' before he and Margaret met, so that when they did meet they could talk of 'other pleasant and comfortable matters,' and all business could be concluded before their meeting. But Margaret does not seem to have accepted this invitation, and the meeting so much desired by King Henry did not take place.

On July 23rd Maximilian wrote to tell her that he has received her letters, in which she begs him to alter the instructions given to his ambassadors who are starting for England. He says he cannot do so, as she knows that the principal reason which has induced him to betroth Prince Charles to Princess Mary is to get a good sum of money from the King of England. King Henry has promised 100,000 crowns, but has requested that in the security to be given by the towns of Flanders, each town should be responsible for the whole sum. But the utmost that the towns can be induced to do is that each town would be responsible for a certain portion. If the King of England is not content with this proposal, it will show that he loves money more than his friend, and the marriage of his daughter with Prince Charles shall not take place. But Maximilian adds, 'should the Flemish towns after all be willing to sign the bonds in the manner the King of England wishes, he will not object.'

Henry VII., who had been ailing for some time, now fell seriously ill, and his illness appears to have been the cause of the postponement of Prince Charles's marriage with Princess Mary, which was to have been solemnised before the Feast of Easter. Johannes de Berghes was deputed to go to England and perform the ceremony according to the rites of the Church, in the name of the Archduke.

'On the 7th of October 1508 Charles was indeed wedded by proxy to the English princess, and at the age of eight wrote or rather signed his first love-letter, addressed to little Princess Mary Tudor, to whom he presented a jewel bearing the monogram K., and the posy, Maria optimam partem elegit, quae non auferetur ab ea.

'This was the last of Henry VII.'s many diplomatic triumphs; and it was no nominal momentary union, but was confirmed in 1513, and the boy-bridegroom then visited his brother-in-law Henry VIII. in his newly-won city of Tournay, his first royal visit. The following year the future King of Spain and Queen of France were parted in the shuffling of the cards, and although Mary Tudor married the old French king, statesmen on both sides regretted the more natural alliance. Before six years more had passed Charles was pledged to his betrothed's younger namesake, and thirty-four years later he showed all a young lover's eagerness in courting this second Mary Tudor for his son Philip.'[32]