The First Governess of the Netherlands, Margaret of Austria

by Eleanor E. Tremayne

THE LADIES' PEACE

The eventful year 1526 was not to close without further troubles for the House of Austria. The Sultan Solyman, taking advantage of the war in Italy and the consequent absorption of the principal rulers of Europe, had pushed his conquests in the east until his vast hosts encamped before the walls of Vienna. Louis II., King of Hungary, who had married Margaret's niece Mary, seeing his kingdom thus invaded by the Turks, sent urgent appeals for help to all Christian princes. But either the neighbouring powers were too much occupied with their own affairs, or they did not realise the actual danger, for they returned cold and indifferent answers, and even the emperor delayed sending aid to his brother-in-law until too late. On the 29th of August a decisive battle was fought on the plains of Mohacs between the Hungarian army and the troops of Solyman, and ended in the utter defeat of King Louis, who before the day was over lost his crown and his life. Two months after, his body and that of his horse was found sunk in a bog, into which he had ridden during the retreat. His next heir was his sister Anne, who had married Margaret's nephew, the Archduke Ferdinand. And it was in right of his wife that a few months later Ferdinand was elected to the thrones of Bohemia and Hungary.

An interesting correspondence between Margaret and her nephew Ferdinand gives full details of these stirring events. On the 18th of September Ferdinand wrote to Margaret from Lintz:—'Madame, my good Aunt,—The news has just reached me that the Turk with two hundred thousand men met the King of Hungary, my late brother-in-law, about twenty miles from Buda, where he was with forty thousand men to defend his country. On the 29th of August last he gave battle, which (battle) was won by the Turk, and all the late king's large quantity of artillery was destroyed and he himself slain, some say whilst fighting, others, that seeing the said battle was lost, he retreated, and thinking to escape, entered a morass, where he remained, which seems most probable. Thus, madame, you can imagine how perplexed I am to be deprived of money and help against such a formidable power as the said Turk.... To-day news has reached me that the said Turk has taken the town of Buda and that he has despatched two of his principal captains, each with a good number of men, one to invade my country of Austria ... and the other to do the same in Styria, which they have already begun to do, and have gone within fifteen or sixteen miles of Vienna. And you ought, madame, as a good lady and experienced princess, to help the emperor, my lord and brother, to make peace with our common enemies to his greater honour and safety, as soon as possible ... and diligently make every effort to repulse this cursed Turk, which I very humbly beg you to do, for if his Majesty does not quickly find a remedy, not only I, our House of Austria, and all Germany will fall into complete ruin and desolation, but also the whole of Christianity....

'As to the affairs in Italy, they are, madame, also in a very bad way, owing to the enemies' great power and our insufficient number of men.... I have sent Messire George de Fronsberg ... to Augsbourg with the best jewels and rings that I have ... for, madame, I neither have or know of other means to raise money to send help ... so you can imagine to what poverty I am reduced.... And at present I do not know of anything else worthy to write to you about, excepting to beg you, madame, very humbly to send some help and succour if you can ... for I am so much in need of money, without which I can do nothing, because of the great expenses I have had since I came to Germany.... And it may be that for lack of help and succour you may soon have the same news of me as of the late King of Hungary. And as to the queen, my sister, she is about ten miles from Vienna, very unhappy and desolate, as you may imagine. I have sent for her consolation and also for her safety some good people and some infantry.... I will inform you of anything more that occurs....' Then follows a postscript in Ferdinand's handwriting: 'Madame, je vous suplie vouloir tenir la main à la pais; car vous voyés bien que c'est plus que besoin.'[124]

Margaret replied: 'My good Nephew,—I have received your two letters, one of the 18th and the other of the 23rd September, and by them have heard of the sad and pitiable news of the death of the King of Hungary, the loss of the kingdom, and the state of the poor queen, your sister, my good niece, and above all, the danger which you, your country and subjects are in. I do not know how to express to you the regret and sorrow that I feel, and you can believe that it is not less than if the misfortune had befallen me, and that I was in the position of the queen, your worthy sister, or yourself. In any case it becomes us to conform in all things to the will of God, our Creator, the refuge and consoler of the desolate, who never forsakes or abandons those who pray to Him with their whole heart....

'I have ordered your courier in Zealand to cross the sea with the first good company that leaves, which is the safest way, and I have written to the emperor reminding him of your conduct and the services you have rendered him, exhorting and imploring him first to assist you in your great and extreme necessity, as I hope he will, and on my part in this and other matters I will do what I can for you and your service. John Seigneur de Temstel, whom Monseigneur de Bourbon sent to you, and also Messire George de Fronsberg have been to see me and told me that the said Messire George has not been able to raise money from the Fuggers or others on the rings you gave him ... for which I am sorry. I have informed the King of England and the legate of the loss of Hungary and the death of the king.... Monseigneur, if it should happen that you should see the Queen of Hungary, your sister, or ... that you should send or write to her, I beg you to recommend me to her, and console her for her misfortune as much as is possible, and comfort her and forward a letter which I have written to her.... I beg you, monseigneur, to often send me your news, and I will send you mine from here, and assist you in every way in my power, with the help of our Lord.'[125]

Ferdinand also received a sympathetic letter from Charles, in which the emperor said that 'he could not well express his grief on hearing of the misfortunes and death of King Louis of Hungary, and at first could not believe the news, although it reached him from various parts.... When his (Ferdinand's) letter arrived he had already sent his last penny to Italy, and was therefore unable immediately to send help, but he had done his best to procure money, and would shortly send 100,000 ducats in bills by a gentleman of his bedchamber, whom he was sending on a mission to him and their sister Mary with instructions to carry out his (Ferdinand's) wishes in every respect, and hoped that the archduke's affairs would soon be satisfactorily settled....'[126]

On the 17th of December Queen Mary announced that her brother, the Archduke Ferdinand, had been duly elected King of Hungary and Bohemia on the 16th by all the barons and nobles present at the Diet. When Charles heard this welcome news he at once sent to congratulate his brother and thanked the States for the part they had taken in his election, promising 'to spend all his treasures and all his blood in their defence.'[127]

But other important events now claimed the emperor's attention. Francis I. had no sooner gained his liberty than he deliberately evaded his promises and refused to ratify the Treaty of Madrid. On May the 22nd, 1526, he entered into an alliance with the Pope, Venice, the Duke of Milan, and Henry VIII. This League of Cognac had for its ostensible object the peace of Christendom, but in reality aimed at expelling the emperor from his possessions in Italy, and checking his growing power. As soon as the treaty was concluded, Clement VII. absolved Francis from the oath he had taken to observe the Treaty of Madrid on the plea that he had acted under compulsion. When the emperor discovered that the King of France intended to break faith and elude his most solemn promises, his wrath knew no bounds, and he publicly denounced Francis as a prince without faith or honour, at the same time accusing the Pope of base ingratitude. To these reproaches Francis replied by challenging the emperor to single combat, but this interesting duel was not allowed to take place. The peace for which Margaret had 'grandement tenu la main' was broken, and war broke out again fiercer than ever.

The North Italian towns made overtures to the French, and the imperial troops received a decided check in Lombardy. Money was very scarce, and, worried on every side, Charles grumbled that Margaret showed lack of energy in raising funds, and reproached her for not squeezing more out of the Netherlands. To his other troubles was added the knowledge that Lutheranism was making enormous strides in the Belgian provinces. Margaret's attitude towards the reformers showed great moderation considering the irritation she felt against those sects who added religious dissension to the troubles of a foreign war. She was convinced that overmuch zeal on the part of the orthodox could only do harm, and addressed a circular letter to all religious houses within her jurisdiction, recommending that only wise, tactful, and enlightened orators should be allowed to preach, and advising them always to speak gravely and prudently, and never mention either the reformers or their doctrine. She also forbade all meetings where the divine office was reduced to only the reading of the Bible. 'These meetings,' she said, 'aim at alienating the people from the reverence due to the sacraments, to the honour which belongs to the Mother of God and the Saints, to prayers for the dead, fasting, and other precepts of the Church.' She imposed various fines on those who were convicted before a magistrate of reformed practices—twenty francs for a first offence, forty for a second, and eighty for a third. All who were unable to pay were to be banished. But these measures had no effect, and a little later a new edict appeared in which it was proclaimed that in order to check the progress of heresy, those who possessed books written by Luther or his followers were to bring them to the governor of the place, under pain of confiscation of goods, or even death. Extreme measures were against Margaret's nature, but circumstances and the spirit of the times forced her into them.

In May of the following year (1527) she received the joyful tidings that a son and heir (Philip II.) had been born to Charles on the 22nd at Valladolid. But in the midst of the rejoicings that followed the infant's birth came the startling news that Rome had been taken and sacked by the imperial troops, that the Constable of Bourbon had fallen whilst leading the assault, and that the Pope was a prisoner in the castle of St. Angelo. This astounding information caused the christening festivities to be brought to an abrupt conclusion, the emperor ordering instead that the Court should go into mourning and Bourbon's obsequies should be celebrated for five days. Charles expressed himself as horrified at the outrages which his lawless troops had committed against the Holy See, and was anxious to disclaim any share in the tragedy, which he stoutly maintained had been perpetrated without his knowledge and against his wish. He even addressed a circular letter to the various crowned heads, in which he said: 'His soldiers, perceiving that the Pope had been unfaithful to every treaty made with him, were determined to march to Rome in spite of their generals. Though the excesses and cruelty of the exasperated soldiery have not been so great as his enemies chose to represent at the time, he is still very sorry for what has happened, and can assure them that he has felt the disrespect of his troops towards the Apostolic See more than he can express, and certainly would have much preferred to be conquered than to conquer under the circumstances.'[128]

We can imagine, too, with what horror Margaret received the news from Rome, and how her compassionate heart must have bled as she heard the ghastly tales of murder, rapine, and sacrilege which had been committed in the sacred city.

On May the 30th the emperor wrote to Mendoza, his ambassador in England: ' ... We shall not fail to inform you ... of whatever is being done here (Valladolid) with regard to the French and English ambassadors, and their commission. We shall likewise apprise madame, our aunt, but as the cipher which you possess is safer than hers, we will use yours for the purpose of transmitting our orders and wishes thereupon.... Meanwhile you will write to madame in our name, that without appearing to distrust the English in any way, she may, as of her own accord, immediately provide for the defence of the frontiers both by sea and land, in Flanders as well as in Holland and Zealand, and remember what his Reverence the Legate of England (Wolsey) said on a previous occasion, that once the Flemish frontier is broken in upon, the conquest of the land would be an easy matter. Should madame require our assistance for the protection of our dominions in those parts, you will tell her in our name that we shall do our utmost to provide her with money and troops for the emergency, and that she is to inform us, as soon as possible, of the military preparations she intends making, in doing which madame is to use your own cipher, of which a copy shall be sent to her immediately, that she herself may write to us, if she so prefers.'[129]

About this time rumours of the unhappy matrimonial relations existing between Queen Katharine and King Henry reached Charles from his ambassador in England. On the 13th of July Mendoza wrote from London that ' ... the king and his ministers were trying to dissolve the marriage between the queen and himself, alleging that the Pope had no power to grant a dispensation for the queen to marry two brothers as she had done.... The emperor may believe him (Mendoza) that there is so much feeling expressed here ... about the queen's divorce, not only on her own account, but because ... her daughter the princess would be declared illegitimate, that should six or seven thousand men land on the coast of Cornwall to espouse the cause of both mother and daughter, forty thousand Englishmen would at once join them....'[130]

In a sympathetic letter to Queen Katharine on the 27th of August Charles said:—'Madame and my Aunt,—I have perfectly understood the verbal message brought by Francisco Phelipez from you respecting the affair (of the divorce), and the reason why you sent him to me.... You may well imagine the pain this intelligence caused me, and how much I felt for you. I cannot express it otherwise than by assuring you that were my own mother concerned, I should not experience greater sorrow than in this your case, for the love and affection which I profess to your Serene Highness is certainly of the same kind as that of a son towards his parent. I have immediately set about taking the necessary steps for the remedy, and you may be certain that nothing shall be omitted on my part to help you in your present tribulation. But it seems to me that in the meantime your Serene Highness ought not to take this thing so much to heart, as to let it impair your bodily health, for if this is preserved, all other matters will be remedied with God's help.'[131]

Early in September of this same year (1527) Margaret sent a courier to the Spanish Court to announce the birth of a son and heir to Ferdinand.[132] Charles was delighted to receive the news, and at once sent a letter of congratulation to his brother, saying 'that he rejoiced more at the birth of his nephew than at that of his own son Philip.'

Although, after several months' imprisonment in the castle of St. Angelo, the Pope had at length come to terms with the emperor, still the war in Italy dragged on, with many recriminations on all sides. France and England had joined hands against Spain, and trade with the Netherlands was at a standstill. At length, when all Europe was sick of war and longed for peace, Wolsey suggested to Margaret that she should use her influence to try and bring about a better understanding among the nations, and especially between France and Spain.

On March 12th, 1528, Margaret wrote to her secretary, Guillaume des Barres, from Malines, instructing him to 'go with all diligence to London to Monsieur de Burgues' (Iñigo de Mendoza, just appointed Bishop of Burgos),[133] the emperor's ambassador at that Court, and present his credentials, and tell him 'that we have received his letter of the 11th instant and heard of the overtures of peace made by the legate. We are indeed very happy,' she says, 'to see the good turn the affair is taking. You will tell him that we shall spare no personal trouble or fatigue to bring about a general peace, ... though it seems to us, and indeed to almost all other people of honest intentions and quick understanding, that King Francis ought to have accepted at once the emperor's offers, by recalling his Italian army and giving up Genoa and his other conquests before his sons were actually released from captivity.... You will ... request Mons. de Burgues to acquaint the legate with our readiness to help towards the accomplishment of peace, ... that we have sent you for that purpose, and wish this affair to be conducted between us without the intervention of any other person whatsoever ... and,' she adds, 'it is but proper that he himself (Wolsey) should have the honour of the affair since the proposal originated with him.'

A conference was held in London, and at Wolsey's request Margaret was invited to take in hand the arrangements for a general peace, and more particularly one between France and Spain. She was asked to work at it conjointly with the cardinal. Des Barres then proceeded to declare his mistress's intentions and wishes respecting the peace, expatiating at large on the evils resulting from the war to Christendom in general, and more particularly to the dominions and subjects of the emperor and the King of France, as it afforded the Turk every facility for an invasion, and encouraged the Lutheran heresy to spread far and wide. After discussing the subject at length, Wolsey begged Margaret immediately to send a messenger by land to the emperor, to acquaint him as soon as possible with the result of the conference held with his ambassadors, and the means which they and he conjointly propose for the furtherance of peace. The cardinal promised to apply for a safe conduct through French territory for the gentleman whom Madame Margaret might choose to appoint.[134]

About this time Margaret seems to have conceived the idea that it would be better for the interests of all concerned if the arrangements for the peace were made by ladies only, and she accordingly proposed to the emperor that she should meet her sister-in-law Louise of Savoy at a neutral town and discuss the conditions with her. In a letter to M. de Rosymboz, her chief steward, dated Malines, 3rd of January 1529, containing instructions to be laid before the emperor, Margaret gives her reasons for this suggestion, and says:—'First, that the bitterness of the reproaches written and spoken on either side were such that ill-will and hatred were the inevitable consequences. The hostilities also which ensued were so fierce that neither of the two sovereigns could compromise his dignity by being the first to talk of reconciliation, a challenge having been given and accepted for settling the differences and disputes by single combat. On the other hand, how easy for ladies ... to make the first advances in such an undertaking! Secondly, that it is only by a mutual forgiveness of all offences, and the total oblivion of the causes of the war, and of everything that had passed in writing concerning them, that the idea of peace could be entertained. This could not be thought of or proposed by the princes without a sacrifice of what they held most precious, their honour; but ladies might well come forward in a measure for submitting the gratification of private hatred and revenge to the far nobler principle of the welfare of nations. Thirdly, were the King of France to conduct negotiations with the emperor, it would be necessary for him to act with especial reference to allies and co-operators, the Venetians, Florentines, etc., and here a difficulty would arise in effecting a reconciliation with the emperor, not to be surmounted without the probability of some stain upon his honour; but the act of the Lady of Angoulême, his mother, would in such case take away all responsibility on the part of the king, whilst a similar advantage would present itself to the emperor in silencing the complaints of his friends, who might make objections to the terms of peace. Again, in the event of any of the great powers being called in as mediators in a negotiation, such as England or the Pope, their own particular interest it is probable would be too much considered, and something perhaps required in little territorial concessions as the price of their interference; whilst the intervention proposed could be subject to no such inconvenience; as the mother of the king and the aunt of the emperor, who regarded him as her son as well as heir, would keep in view one sole object which they had mutually at heart—the general good of Europe, in the reconciliation of these two great princes.'[135]

To these wise arguments the emperor lent a willing ear, and invested Margaret with full powers to treat with Louise of Savoy; and chose the neutral town of Cambray as their meeting-place.

On May the 15th Margaret wrote to Jehan de la Sauch from Brussels, whom she had sent on an embassy to England, bidding him tell King Henry how often she had been requested by Louise of Savoy to listen to overtures of peace. She had informed the emperor of the said overtures through Rosymboz, her chief steward, and her secretary, Des Barres, whom she had sent to Spain; and the emperor, not wishing to be an obstacle to the said peace, sent her at once full powers to treat with all Christian princes in general and with King Francis and his mother in particular. This fact having been communicated to the Duchess of Angoulême, measures had been taken to appoint a time and place wherein the preliminaries of peace might be at once discussed and settled. 'She has no doubt,' she says, 'that King Henry will be glad to hear the news, and will help to the utmost of his power in establishing peace. For her part she need hardly say how glad she will be to labour for so meritorious a purpose.' Maistre le Sauch is ordered to return as soon as possible after delivering his embassy and report every word the king and Wolsey may say on this occasion, and also what impression the idea of the proposed meeting has produced on each of them.[136]

On May the 26th Margaret wrote a long letter to the emperor in cipher from Brussels, informing him that she had, with the advice of her Council, agreed to meet Louise of Savoy on the 15th of the following June at Cambray, and there discuss with her the preliminaries of a lasting peace, which she (Margaret) had no doubt would be easily obtained, provided the French king felt disposed to be as reasonable as the emperor. She also said it was important to keep on good terms with the English, as their assistance would certainly be required with regard to the indemnity and the debts. And for this end Maistre Jehan le Sauch has been sent to inform King Henry of the proposed meeting, stating that nothing shall be negotiated without his being comprised in it.... Respecting the emperor's visit to Italy (for his coronation), the arrangement of which has given much pleasure to all his faithful vassals and servants, she hopes that he will provide himself with plenty of means, money, provisions and men, for money cannot be procured in Italy, and as to reinforcements from Germany, it will be next to impossible to procure any under two or three months' notice.... In short, all things considered and 'subject to the emperor's superior wisdom,' her opinion is that the embarkation ought to be delayed until after the negotiations at Cambray are concluded, for if the meeting takes place and is brought to a happy conclusion, the emperor will be able to carry out his plans at less cost and with greater chance of success. The French king being unable to help his allies in Italy, the Pope and Venetians will soon come to terms, and everything will turn out well.... She then goes on to point out the various difficulties that may arise at the forthcoming conference, and asks for further instructions from the emperor. In a postscript written on the following day she adds that a gentleman from Queen Katharine's household has just arrived from England with a message that King Henry has recommenced judicial proceedings for his divorce more briskly than before, and Queen Katharine begs her (Margaret) to send two qualified persons to England to counsel and help her. Margaret says that 'she intends sending to Malines to obtain the opinion of experienced lawyers in that place; and if the person appointed by the emperor to replace Don Iñigo (Mendoza) has not yet left Spain, his departure should be hastened, for the poor queen is much perplexed, and there is no one in England who dares take up her defence against the king's will.'[137]

On May the 27th, Wolsey wrote to Margaret from Richmond thanking her for her letter received through her secretary, Le Sauch, and informing her how glad the king was to hear the news of the prospect of peace. 'As to himself he need hardly say that he is entirely at her service.' The letter is addressed to 'Madame ma bonne mère,' and signed 'Votre très humble serviteur et filz.'

Early in June Margaret received Le Sauch's report of his visit to England. On the 23rd of May he had had a message from Cardinal Wolsey ordering him to present himself at Windsor on the following day before the dinner-hour. He was introduced to the king on the 24th, who made many inquiries after Madame Margaret's health and her present place of residence, and asked what news he (Le Sauch) brought from Flanders. The king then said: 'The news brought by madame's ambassador is very gratifying to me ... for certainly I am a man of peace.... You are welcome to my Court; I am very glad to hear that the emperor is so well disposed towards peace....' The king also said: 'You will offer madame our most cordial and affectionate commendations, and will tell her that we thank her most earnestly for the good news she has been pleased to send us ... and nothing shall be left undone on our part to forward her views, when we have seen the articles, which will, we presume, be sent for our inspection before peace is finally concluded.' Le Sauch then saw the cardinal, who, after likewise expressing his joy at Margaret's message, said: 'You ought to remember that last year I confessed to you that madame was, in my opinion, an excellent princess, and that something good might in that sense be expected from her.' After which flattering speech Le Sauch took his leave, and the next day left London for Flanders.

On the 22nd of June he sent Margaret an account of his interview with King Francis and Louise of Savoy at Chantilly. 'After presenting his respects to Madame Louise, he was conducted to King Francis, who asked after Madame Margaret's health and when she was likely to return to Cambray,' adding that 'it was his earnest wish to see the present preliminary negotiations come to an issue that he might himself see and speak to madame.' After delivering polite messages from his mistress, Le Sauch informed the king that she had intended leaving Brussels on the previous Wednesday or Thursday, and hoped to arrive at Mons on Saturday, stay there over Sunday, and go to Valenciennes on Tuesday, and there wait for news. Le Sauch mentioned that Margaret had been warned not to go to Cambray for fear of King Francis taking her prisoner, but that her answer had been that 'she had no mistrust or fear of any sort as regarded Madame Louise or the king, and that if any of her councillors or courtiers were afraid, they might go home.'

When it was suggested that at least she ought to have a strong escort sufficient to cope with the French, and, if required, with the people of the town, her answer was 'that if she brought one single armed man in her suite people might imagine she was going on a warlike enterprise, and not on a work of peace. She had started on a mission of peace, and hoped, God willing, to be successful.'

The Duchess of Angoulême then said there was nothing she desired so much as to see her sister (Margaret), whom she loved extremely, and cooperate with her in the establishment of a solid and lasting peace. She would have come much sooner had she not been prevented by a severe illness.... She then told Le Sauch to announce that on Wednesday next without fail she would be at St. Quentin, and 'that you, madame, would do well to inform the emperor of the impediments thrown in her way by the English and the rest of the Italian confederates.... She had no objection to make respecting the arrangements and preparations at Cambray for your mutual visits, and was glad to hear that your dwelling and hers were close to each other.'

Le Sauch ends by saying that he hears the meeting is not likely to take place before the following Sunday or Monday, for 'it is not likely that the queen-mother will travel from St. Quentin to Cambray, a distance of eight leagues, in twenty-four hours, and most probably she will not stop at Crève-cœur. However ... nothing has yet been officially announced.'

In another despatch, written on the following day, he says: 'Madame, the queen and the king, her son, arrived last evening in this town (Compiègne). The next day ... I repaired to the apartments of the queen, who was just going to dinner. I found, however, means of penetrating into her chamber, and so contrived that she saw me, beckoned me to approach, and asked whether I had news of madame. I answered that I had heard of your departure from Brussels on Thursday, and that I had been particularly requested to inform her of the fact, and send back what news I had of her intended movements. The queen then observed that she could not well arrive at St. Quentin before Saturday, and went on to say: "I depart upon this journey frankly and full of confidence in my sister (Margaret), sincerely hoping that our meeting and conference will turn out as I wish, and that whatever is agreed upon between us the emperor will approve and ratify. I know not whether you are aware that some of the conditions have already been settled between madame and myself by letter, and that I hardly think madame would like me to undertake this journey for nothing, though I confess that I would have taken even a much longer one for her sake, and to have the pleasure of seeing her." My answer was: "There can be no doubt that both of you will agree on all points—the emperor is sure to consent, and madame herself is not likely to propose anything that he cannot approve."

'The Duchess of Angoulême then said: "Madame need not be jealous of the English, or imagine that they can prevent my journey to Cambray, for in no case would I miss the appointment.... The King of England has sent full powers to treat in his name; he and my son being allies, they are therefore unable to discuss peace separately." ... She then asked if the Cardinal of Liége were coming with madame, and if he was a man who would aim at good? I answered: "Yes, he is coming ... and is strongly attached to peace, and that Madame Margaret is incapable of bringing in her suite people who do not desire peace."

'The queen-mother then said that she intended bringing her own chancellor ... but would not have any princes or nobles in her suite because "her good sister was bringing none, and in truth they were not needed.... Of women," she said, "I only take with me those of my own chamber, who are numerous enough, for when Queen Claude died we kept them all in our service, and many are also wanted for the children.... You may tell my sister what my plans are, and that I hope we may hear of each other daily. Write also to her boldly that we must necessarily contend and argue, but that I sincerely hope it will be without anger or ill-will. I will tell her things which she will be astonished to hear. She thinks that the Pope is the emperor's friend, but I can assure her that he is very far from being such, for he is evidently trying to prevent the emperor's journey to Italy before the treaty is concluded between the parties, and in all other matters he will be found very different from what you think. I do not mean to imply thereby that he acts any better towards us; such is, however, his condition, that he is of no good to us, nor to you, nor to the Church itself."'[138]

Margaret made her entry into Cambray at three o'clock on the afternoon of July 5th, 1529, accompanied by a brilliant suite, and was welcomed by the Cardinal of Liége and Monseigneur von Ysselstein, who had preceded her. The Bishop of Cambray, the Archbishop of Palermo, Count Hochstrate, and many others accompanied the procession which slowly wound its way through the town to the abbey of St. Aubert. Margaret was seated in a magnificent litter, surrounded by a guard of twenty-four archers on horseback, dressed in black suits edged with velvet, and followed by a train of ladies mounted on palfreys. At the abbey, where rooms had been retained for her and her ladies, she alighted, and awaited the arrival of the queen-regent. Two hours later Louise of Savoy made her entry, accompanied by her daughter, the Queen of Navarre, and the Countess of Vendôme; and were immediately conducted to Margaret's apartments, where they remained in conversation with her for two hours. They then retired to the Hôtel St. Paul, opposite the abbey, but connected with it by a temporary covered way which had been erected for the convenience of the princesses, who could thus visit each other unseen. Many years had passed since Margaret and Louise had last met, for they had parted when Margaret set forth on her wedding journey to marry Louise's brother, Philibert of Savoy, and we can imagine that the meeting between the two princesses must have been one not unmixed with pain. For three weeks they remained together, discussing the political situation from all sides. At last, on the 24th of July, at ten o'clock in the morning, peace was proclaimed, but was again broken for various reasons, and in despair the queen-mother threatened to leave. However, a few days later all differences were satisfactorily settled, and the treaty ratified on the last day of July. Margaret again won general admiration for the able way in which she conducted this difficult negotiation. For this treaty, known as 'the Ladies' Peace,' was as advantageous to Spain and the Netherlands as it was humiliating to France. The terms were, in fact, a mitigation of those of the Treaty of Madrid. It was agreed that the restitution of Burgundy was not for the present to be insisted on, though the claim was still maintained. But the king's sons were to be set at liberty on the payment of 2,000,000 crowns, and the marriage with the emperor's sister Eleanor was now to be consummated. King Francis was to abandon all his allies, and renounce his claims on the suzerainty of Flanders and Artois, and abstain from sending further help to the Duke of Gueldres or Robert de la Marck. Charolais was to belong to Margaret for her lifetime, and after her decease to the emperor, but was to revert to the crown of France at his death. The possessions of the Duke of Bourbon and the Prince of Orange were to be ceded to Francis. On the 5th of August the two princesses, attended by the Papal Legate, Salviati, the ambassadors of King Ferdinand and of the King of England, repaired to the cathedral of Notre-Dame, where a solemn mass was celebrated by Robert de Croy, Bishop of Cambray, who preached a sermon on the benefits of peace. The princesses and the English ambassador then knelt before the high altar, and swore on the consecrated Host and the Gospels to faithfully observe the peace just concluded. After which the Dean of Cambray advanced and in a loud voice proclaimed that peace had been concluded between the Pope; the Emperor Charles; Francis, King of France; Ferdinand, King of Bohemia and Hungary; and Henry, King of England. A separate peace between King Henry and Madame Margaret was also proclaimed. The choir chanted a Te Deum, and with a blare of trumpets and clashing of cymbals the heralds announced to the waiting crowds that 'Peace was made.'

The princesses were then conducted with much pomp to their lodgings, and money was thrown broadcast amongst the people, whilst wine flowed freely from fountains in the streets, and the whole town gave itself up to merriment and rejoicing.[139] A beautiful carved wooden mantelpiece was also erected in the council-chamber of the Hôtel of the Liberty at Bruges to commemorate the capture of Francis I. at Pavia, and the consequent treaty of peace between the nations at Cambray. In the centre the statue of Charles V. stands in complete armour, surrounded by twenty-seven shields of various kingdoms with which he was allied. On his right are his paternal grandparents, Maximilian I. and Mary of Burgundy, whilst on his left are his maternal ancestors, Ferdinand and Isabella. This beautiful wooden trophy was the work of Hermann Glosencamp, Andreas Rasch, and Roger de Smet, after a design and under the direction of Lancelot Blondel of Bruges and Guyot de Beaugrant of Malines.[140]

CARVED WOODEN MANTLEPIECE IN THE PALAIS DE JUSTICE, BRUGES,
TO COMMEMORATE THE PEACE OF CAMBRAY
[View larger image]

Clémont Marot and Jean Second also celebrated 'the Ladies' Peace' in verse, though their poems are not of a very high order.

Francis I. awaited the issue of the Congress at the abbey of Mont Saint Martin, and on hearing of the conclusion of peace he set out on the 9th of August to pay Margaret a visit at Cambray, and was present at the festivities given by his mother at the Hôtel Saint Paul. Margaret was anxious to conciliate Francis, who was so soon to become the husband of her niece Eleanor, and during the days they all spent together at Cambray she succeeded in making great friends with him; and Massé, who was an eye-witness, tells us that he left on the 20th for Paris 'quite delighted' with his visit.

A few weeks later we find him writing pathetic letters to Margaret begging her to use her influence with the emperor that his sons (who were kept in Spain until their ransom was paid) might be better treated, for he heard through his officer, Bodin, that they were not as happy as he could wish. Margaret was touched at this mark of the king's confidence, and wrote a long letter to the emperor, begging him to grant Francis's request, for 'Monseigneur, God has given you the blessing of beautiful children, so that you may better feel what a father's love is worth, and can sympathise with the sorrow of the said king; wherefore I beg of you to ... grant his request, which is so just and reasonable....—Your very humble aunt, Margaret.'

Shortly after, the long-delayed marriage between Francis and Eleanor was consummated, the king receiving his sons from the hands of his bride at Bayonne, where he met them at the frontier. The Marshal of Montmorency, who accompanied King Francis, thus writes to Margaret from St. Jean de Luz:—'Madame, I found the queen, whom I have been to see the last few days since her arrival at the frontier, so wise, beautiful, and honest a lady, who conversed with me in as kind and pleasant a manner as possible ... and we ought again to thank God for having given us so good and virtuous a lady, of whom it seems to me that I cannot express to you a third part of the good and honesteté that I found in her.'

Margaret also received constant news from England concerning the progress of Queen Katharine's affairs. In September 1529 Eustace Chapuys had written to her from London telling her of an audience he had had with King Henry, and later with Queen Katharine. The conference with the king, he said, would have been much longer and more to the purpose had not his Majesty been in a hurry to go to dinner in order to repair afterwards to the hunting-field ... as he is in the habit of doing at this season of the year. As usual the conversation turned chiefly on the queen's business, the king treating the matter as one in which he was deeply concerned, and which he had much at heart, and trying to appear very learned in canon law. After dinner the king gave permission for Chapuys to be conducted to the queen's apartments in order that he might deliver the emperor's letter to her. During the interview her Majesty thanked him for all he had said in her favour. On the 27th of September Chapuys wrote another long despatch to Margaret giving lengthy details of a further audience with the king, in which the subject of the queen's divorce was once more fully discussed.[141]

Immediately after the ratification of the Treaty of Cambray Margaret and Louise entered into a negotiation to consolidate the peace by a double marriage between the emperor's children and those of King Francis. From Bologna, where he had gone for his double coronation, Charles sent Margaret the necessary powers to treat in his name. In this document, which is published amongst the State papers of the Cardinal of Granvelle, he says:—'Because of the very great, perfect, and entire confidence which we have in our said lady and aunt, as in ourselves, and in her experience and prudence, which was shown in the conducting, concluding, and perfecting of the said peace made at Cambray, we have by these presents constituted and made our aunt our general and special proxy, etc....'

But Margaret did not live long enough to carry out this interesting negotiation which would have worthily crowned her political career. As it was, the Peace of Cambray was her last great diplomatic triumph, but she lived just long enough to see her nephew Charles attain the zenith of his power, and receive the double crowns of Lombardy and the empire from the hands of the Pope, an honour for which her father, Maximilian, had sighed in vain.