FOOTNOTES:
[282] Jan. 15, 1870. “Whereas different persons and separate organizations are contending for recognition as the Central Republican Club of the State of Louisiana.... Resolved That the organization thus attempted be permitted to take a back seat in the gatherings of the great Republican party of this state, and that the door of the Republican Temple shall hereafter, like gospel gates, stand open night and day, until all political sinners, including even the erring ones from the New Orleans Customhouse, shall have time and opportunity to return decently and in order to their father’s house.” La. House Jour., 55.
[283] See above p. 29. House Journ., 1870, 252.
[284] Warmoth himself thought that “if it had not been for that amendment there would have been no division.” House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 380. Dibble, however, thought that opposition began when he refused to sign the civil rights bill of 1868. Ibid., 298.
[285] Ibid., 298. He alleged that the custom-house party printed 500,000 tickets in opposition to the amendment and distributed them through the State. It is also significant that almost all the Republican votes against the amendment were cast in the third ward where Dunn and Lowell lived. Ibid., 382.
[286] Ibid., 128.
[287] House Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 92, 9, and House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 299.
[288] It would seem that both sides used their patronage. Warmoth accused the custom-house of using its appointment of 400-500 Federal employees for the purpose of influencing the legislature in the fight. House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 356.
[289] Ibid., 155.
[290] House Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 92, 3.
[291] House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 384.
[292] The vote is indicative of the relative strength, 24 to 11. Sen. Jour., 1871, 11.
[293] Another bit of testimony would indicate that the bestowal on the Democrats of the patronage in their respective localities was a part of this bargain. House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 126.
[294] The finessing for coalition appears strongly here. A proposition had been made in writing by Dunn and Packard to the Democrats, whereby the former agreed to prevent any further legislation for mixed schools or social equality and to aid in the repeal of the obnoxious legislation, if the Democrats would help to defeat Warmoth. The offer was rejected by the Democrats. Ibid., 306-7.
[295] La. House Jour., 1871, 1.
[296] Ibid., 79. House Debates, 1871, 115. Jan. 31.
[297] On one occasion he apologized for so frequently vacating the chair, on the ground that he was sick and feeble, and broke down, “standing up and talking loud enough to keep the members in order.” House Deb., 1871, 200.
[298] Packard denied that Casey wanted the office, but the burden of proof is against him. He had acted with Warmoth prior to this time and a custom-house brother approached Warmoth on the question. Warmoth’s refusal to support him could hardly do otherwise than alienate him. House Misc. Docs., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 328-9.
[299] Ibid., 327.
[300] La. Sen. Jour., 1871, 20. House Jour., 21. It is interesting to note Pinchback’s appearance as a candidate thus early. He was a strong second though not in the race as yet. The vote stood 68 to 24, House Deb., 1871, 9.
[301] Sen. Jour., 1871, 23.
[302] There was no law against bribery in Louisiana.
[303] La. Sen. Jour., 1871, 27-9.
[304] La. Sen. Jour., 1871, 29.
[305] He later withdrew one of these vetoes. Ibid., 63. Only one of these ten bills passed over his veto. He should have credit for preventing the squandering of a million and a half dollars by his veto of the Nicholson pavement bill in 1870.
[306] This statement is based upon the table submitted by the governor himself in 1872 to a Congressional committee. House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 286-94.
[307] By 1872 he had vetoed 70 bills and refused to sign 40. Ibid., 285.
[308] See the laws of La. for 1871, Nos. 35, 40, 46, 53, 59, 70, etc.
[309] Ibid., No. 45.
[310] Ibid., No. 31.
[311] Ibid., No. 28. The Southeastern Railroad Company.
[312] Ibid., No. 41. The Louisiana Warehouse Company.
[313] Sen. Jour., 1871, 67, House Jour., 35. In all, the New Orleans, Mobile, and Chattanooga Railroad Company received from the State $4,250,000 or over $58,000 a mile besides a grant of the use of a part of the New Orleans levee, valued at $1,000,000, for it completed only seventy miles. It remains to be added that two different companies of Northern capitalists offered to build the Houston and New Orleans road without subsidy or aid, but the legislature would not grant a charter. Nordhoff, 58.
[314] Annual Cyclopedia, 1871, 474.
[315] La. House Jour., 125, Sen. Jour., 121. For the full act see Session Laws, 1871, No. 4.
[316] In 1871 the total number of schools was 640, the number of teachers 1240, and the attendance 90,000. Annual Cyclopedia, 1871, 474.
[317] Feb. 1, 1872.
“January the 9th 1872.
Cor J P York I visited new Welashe Peish in the critmas finnen the White People rebelling Jest as much as the dead When You Was on the ball field Dod Swan leven in bellvue says by god he Wald like See the Dam Yankes start a public School in bellvu are minden ore any Whare beteew monre and Scheveport he Shat down a Young man I sew Well my names Simon ford on Widarvne lone Plac all so Jhon head and Jhon alfard liven in bellvue cauth a young man name Anderson Smith Who Went to see a Young collard lady step him Struck Him 3000 licks With a new caw hide do for God Sake Send them Peple Petectheon. I promised them that I Wold Send You”
[318] National Republican, Feb. 6, 1872.
“Mr. Spaker. I ask the unimus consent of the house to rise to a question of privilege. I find in one of the issures of the Times last week a burlest on one of my carstituent which was takened from a private letter adressed to my collegue who ocuppies a seat on this floor as a representative who sent the private letter up to the Chief Clerks desk to be read as a memoral. I think that the gentlemen my collegue who occupies a seat on this floor he acted very injustice with one of his constituents which he stands here to represent, end not only don injustice to his constituents he have I consider Mr. Speaker have shone a disrespecte this heaverbal body by sending a privat letter up to the Clerk desk to be read as a memoral in order to flatter one of his constituent he have not had a chance of an education, as he have had &&&”
[319] Laws of Louisiana, 1871, No. 42, Sec. 7.
[320] Annual Cyclopedia, 1871, 474.
[321] House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 40. According to the National Republican, Conway was “devoted to the fortunes of his Excellency just as ardently as he is opposed to the interests of the people of the State.” Jan. 3, 1872.
[322] This bill immediately upon its appearance from the committee was made the special order for a certain date, but does not reappear in the Journal after Feb. 10. Sen. Jour., 1870, 102. Election law appeared Feb. 1, Sen. Jour., 73.
[323] Passed by the Senate Feb. 16. Sen. Jour., 131; by the House, Feb. 18, House Jour., 157.
[324] Sen. Jour., 220; House Jour., 222. Passed by both houses Mar. 2.
[325] Even during this session fourteen new parishes were proposed.
[326] House Jour., 68.
[327] The governor asserted that there was not the slightest possibility that those roads would be built, and that if every one were built, the State would be amply secured from ever having to pay the indorsement, as the road would be worth four times the amount guaranteed. Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, Pt. i, 197.
[328] Ibid., 193. The governor’s figures vary slightly in different statements, 194.
[329] The following total compiled by Secretary Bragdon for the governor is suggestive:
| Public debt for | 1860 | $10,099,074.32 | |
| 1868 | 14,347,051.02 | ||
| 1870 | 23,427,952.29 | ||
| 1871 | 22,357,999.05 | ||
| 1872 | 23,045,790.00 | Ibid., 200. |
[330] Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, Pt. i., 205.
$3,658,879 is quoted by Scott from the Financial Chronicle, see Scott, Repudiation of State Debts, 110.
[331] Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, Pt. i., 205. Cf. Scott, Repudiation of State Debts, 100.
[332] Sen. Jour., 1871, 27, House Jour., 87.
[333] Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, Pt. i., 358.
[334] National Republican, Jan. 2, 1872.
[335] Testimony of Eustis, House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 534.
[336] Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, Pt. i., 205. The National Republican reported September 22, “The regular broker shuns all dealings with it—city paper—and capitalists scorn it, it is hawked around by its unfortunate owners—clerks and laborers—and sold to the first man who offers to buy it.”
[337] $493,324. Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, Pt. i., 358.
[338] Note Herbert’s table comparing the cost in 1871 with that under the Democrats before the war, 403.
[339] Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, 360. Tax Collector Sheridan said that he cleared about $32,000 in 1871 and $14,000 in 1872. Ibid., 42 Cong., 3 Sess., No. 457, 707. Warmoth defended those figures as the usual receipts for the office. Ibid., 713-14.
[340] House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 396.
[341] Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, Pt. i., 359.
[342] Governor’s Message, 1872. Annual Cyclop., 1871, 471.
[343] Some committees were authorized to continue during the recess, some thirty, some sixty days, some longer.
[344] The Enrollment Committee had over eighty clerks at $8 a day, when not more than ten could be required, according to the governor’s statement.
[345] The printing bill for the House journals was $68,000, exclusive of New Orleans. House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 38.
[346] $20,000 was spent in extra mileage above the amount allowed by law, $40,000 for mileage and per diem of special traveling committees of the House alone. Carter stated that there were thirty-one standing committees and twenty special committees with a full complement of clerks. House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 39.
[347] National Republican, Jan. 2, 1872.
[348] Sen. Jour., 1871, 74.
[349] House Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 92, 21. The largest sum ever spent before the war, when they were printed in both English and French, was $60,000.
[350] This paper was said to pay a dividend of 110 per cent. But the governor denied receiving any dividend. House Misc., Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 368.
[351] Ibid., 38. Sometimes papers were opposed merely because others were entitled to the same privileges. House Deb., 4.
[352] Ibid., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 39. See House Jour., 55 and 129 for a list.
[353] Ibid. He asserted in the Press Convention that his patronage should not be used against him, and in several cases where papers asserted this independence, the contracts were revoked. House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 298.
[354] Phelps says: “The corruption was so general and so notorious that no one connected, directly or indirectly, has escaped from the mess without taint in the eyes of the people.” Louisiana, 369.
[355] Moncure declared that he did not know a public official who was not worthy of impeachment. Ibid., 53-4.
[356] House Misc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 38.
[357] Ibid., 238. Another man brought conclusive evidence and stated that he had witnessed money paid to Carr, Dewees, and Pinchback. Ibid., 474. Nordhoff had the original of the following interesting document: “Gentlemen of the Finance Committee of La. Levee Co.: Please pay to Hon. A. W. Faulkner the amount you may deem proper to pay on account of Levee Bill, I being absent at the time under orders of the House. But I would have voted for the bill had I been there. Mr. Faulkner is authorized to sign a receipt for me—Stamps.” Nordhoff, 59. The value of quotations from Nordhoff may be proved by stating that he declared himself a Republican, never having “voted any other Federal ticket than the Republican; I have been opposed to slavery as long as I have had an opinion on any subject except sugar, candy and tops; and I am a thorough believer in the capacity of the people to rule themselves, even if they are very ignorant, better than anybody else can rule them.” 10.
[358] Most telling is the reluctant reply of the governor to the question: “Are you able to say from your knowledge, personally or officially, that all or nearly all of these bills incorporating monopolies or granting individuals private valuable franchises are passed through the legislature by corrupt means?” “I wouldn’t like to say that.” House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 400.
[359] Ibid., 534.
[360] The Picayune had combated this measure in 1869 as an act of folly then. Sep. 24, 1869.
[361] Nordhoff, 62.
[362] The most damaging charge against him was that of a bribe of $50,000 offered him to sign the Nicholson paving bill. Walsh published a card, saying that the governor had refused it because it was too little. The latter, naturally, denied this and tried to disprove it by the unsupported statement of another man, whereupon Walsh sent the governor a challenge. And so the matter stood—the unproved assertion of one man against the other. House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 376.
But Scott on the other hand swore that it cost more to get the governor’s signature than to get it through the legislature. It is to be regretted that the defense which Mr. Warmoth still expects to write, based, the writer understands, upon the fact that he prevented still more outrageous wrongs from being perpetrated, has not yet appeared, as it may throw additional light upon this question. The writer has applied to him repeatedly in vain for a statement of his position now after the lapse of forty years.
[363] House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 380. He said that he had learned from the Democrats that “to the victors belong the spoils.” 369.
[364] Ibid., 358.
[365] Ibid., 351. He declared in a series of replies to direct questions that he had never tampered with the election of members, never counseled nor advised such tampering, never held any stock that he had not paid for, nor had stock presented to him, nor been promised stock on condition of approving a bill incorporating monopolies, and never been influenced in any way in his official acts by any reward or the hope or promise of it. But he admitted having signed bills after expiration of the constitutional time limit in order to “quiet the people.” Ibid., 351, 371-2.
[366] House Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 92, 25.
[367] House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 374.
[368] Lowell was a defaulter for a large amount.
[369] House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 395-6.
[370] Ibid., 396. Carter was an apostatizing preacher and ex-Confederate colonel, who had turned loyal patriot and anti-Warmoth leader.—Cox, Three Decades, p. 561. With this statement might be compared Carter’s opinion of Warmoth as voiced in a speech in February, 1872: “Louisiana is afflicted with worse laws and worse administrators thereof than can be found in ten states of the Union. Henry Clay Warmoth is the Boss Tweed in Louisiana, except that that amiable villain, with all his infamies, is a gentlemen and a saint compared with the unscrupulous despot who fills the executive chair of this state.”—Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation, 560.
[371] House Rpts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 92, 23. Of course the men attacked made counter charges against the governor.
[372] Ibid.
[373] House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 475; and House Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 92, 26.
[374] E. W. Dewees, another leader of the House, contended with Carr and Carter for eminence. The investigating committee of Congress reported that he had been under arrest with seven sworn charges of burglary against him, and had then obtained of the chief of police a certificate that his picture was not in the rogues’ gallery.—Ibid., 27.
The conclusion to which the Congressional committee came is worth noting when we recall that they were Republicans: “The world has rarely known a legislative body so rank with ignorance and corruption.”—Ibid., 24. In May, 1875, five members of this legislature were indicted for bribery.—Times.
In this revolting catalog it is refreshing to find one person free from the taint of dishonesty. The lieutenant-governor was regarded by the Democrats as incorruptible. “In the view of the Caucasian chiefs, the taint of honesty and of a scrupulous regard for the official proprieties, is a serious drawback and enervating reproach upon the Lieutenant Governor.”—Times, August 4, 1871.
[375] House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 396. The fraud took the form of substituting one bill for a similar one which had been tabled but purported in the journal to have been taken up that night. It was supposed that the delay was due to the loss of the original bill alleged to have been passed.
[376] It is only fair to add, as Carr pointed out, that the testimony of the commission did not bear out these charges.—Ibid., 230.
[377] Annual Cyclopedia, 1871, 471. The over issue of the vouchers forced the value of the warrants down to 2½ cents on the dollar.—Herbert, Why the Solid South, 403.
[378] National Republican, Jan. 2, 1872.
Strangely enough the report appeared in the Picayune, Dec. 29, 1871.
That paper printed one of its rare expressions of approval of the governor: “The efforts of the governor to defeat so glaring an infringement of the law will meet with general approval. The court has issued the injunction asked for by the Executive, and in consequence over three thousand dollars will be saved to the State.”
[379] 23 La. Ann. 402-8, State of Louisiana ex rel. Salomon and Simpson vs. James Graham.