Errata and Addenda.
Page [15], line 7 from foot. The figure 1 should be placed at Sult̤ānu-n-nisā Begam.
p. [24], l. 5. For my read his. With reference to n. 2, p. 120, l. 13, shows that the father meant is S͟hāhruk͟h.
p. [34], l. 2 of verse. Solomon’s greatness depended on the possession of a ring. When that was lost his power departed. See the story of its loss and recovery in Mīr K͟hwānd (Rehatsek’s translation, pt. i, 100). Probably then the line should be rendered ‘Call him the ring-wearing Solomon.’
p. [38], near foot. The words ‘the news,’ etc., are not a verse, and Naz̤ar-jīvī should be Naz̤ar Chūlī, i.e. the Naz̤ar who accompanied Humāyūn through the desert (chūl). See Akbar-nāma translation, i, 657, n. 3.
p. [39], l. 2. For near Lahore read a dependency of Lahore. Kalānūr is the Kalanaur of the maps, and is 15 miles west of Gurdāspūr (I.G., new ed., xiv, 297).
p. [43], note. For lithograph read text.
p. [46], l. 8. For Mīrzā read Mīrān.
p. [50], l. 1, and note 1. I.O. MSS. seem to have Tanam Bahādur. The reference to Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā is ii, 140. The name of Muz̤affar Gujarātī’s son was Bahādur.
p. [54], n. 1. For Price, p. 6 read Price, p. 68. The Iqbāl-nāma and Khulās̤atu-t-tawārīk͟h say he was put in charge of Ihtimām Kotwāl.
p. [58], n. 2. It is Nīlera in I.O. MS. No. 181.
p. [60], l. 6. The meaning is that ʿĀbidīn was the son of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān’s spiritual adviser. ʿĀbidīn is called ʿĀbidī in Akbar-nāma, iii, 832. He came to India in 1013 (1604–5), and Akbar gave him the rank of 1,000 and 500 horse (iii, 834).
p. [65], l. 11. For know read knew.
p. [66], l. 7. The MSS. seem to have Jaihāl.
p. [66], last line. Kilīn means ‘daughter-in-law’ in Turkī. Perhaps Kīlan here is a synonym for ‘son-in-law.’
p. [67], l. 8. The words ‘which in Hindustani is called ballī’ are not in the I.O. MSS. I do not know the word ballī as meaning a pole. Perhaps it is a mistake for laggī.
p. [76], l. 3 from foot. Omit the words ‘who is one of the k͟hānazādas of the State.’
p. [79], l. 6. For and cash read in cash.
p. [81], n. 1. Delete question mark and the words ‘near Multān.’ Nandanpur, i.e. Nandana (I.G., xviii, 349), and Girjhāk are in the Jhelam district. The Rām Dās garden was some place near Lahore, where Jahāngīr took up his residence on the way to the hunting-ground. He spent 3½ months in hunting.
p. [84], l. 19. For ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, read ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān.
p. [87], l. 21. Firis͟hta in his account of Bābar says the Daulat K͟hān of that time was descended from the Daulat K͟hān who in 816 A.H. (1413–14) was Sultan of Delhi. See Elliot, iv, 45.
p. [90], l. 4 from foot. Jahāngīrpūr is mentioned in account of 15th year, p. 317, last line (text). It is the S͟hek͟hopura of the maps, and is 22 miles from Ḥāfiz̤ābād and 18 miles west of Lahore. It was called S͟haik͟hūpūra in allusion to Jahāngīr’s pet name of S͟haik͟hū Bābā, and also in honour of S͟haik͟h Salīm. See K͟hulāṣa T. in account of Jahāngīr’s reign. The I.G., xxii, 270, wrongly ascribes its origin to Dārā S͟hukūh. Mullā Ḥusain Kashmīrī, mentioned on p. 91, died in 1037 (1627–8), Rieu, ii, 7756. The minaret is still standing. See Eastwick’s “Panjab Handbook,” 200. Instead of ‘the gravestone in the shape of an antelope’ we should render, I think, ‘a stone tomb with the figure of an antelope (engraved upon it).’ The I. O. MSS. have Marrāj as the name of the antelope. Perhaps we should read Manorāj ‘mind’s lord.’
p. [99], l. 3 from foot. I. O. MSS, have bahūr بهور as the name of the net.
p. [109], n. 1. Delete note. The rang is the ibex.
p. [110], n. 1. See J.A.S.B. for February, 1908, p. 39.
p. [117]. The Iqbāl-nāma mentions in connection with the story of the mummified saint that many Sabzawār saints lived in Bāmiyān. See also Kāmgār Ḥusainī.
p. [120], l. 1. Delete word ‘Georgians.’ I. O. MS. No. 181 has g͟hurja.
p. [122], l. 10. Insert ‘and’ after ‘sheep.’
p. [125], l. 13. For garden read gardens.
p. [133], l. 4. For £ read rupees.
p. [134], l. 15. For he died on the 29th read he died in his ninth decade (i.e. between 80 and 90). The Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 143, says he was 82 when he died.
p. [134], l. 13 from foot. Instead of ‘he went off alone’ the MSS. have ‘carrying off his life’ (i.e. escaping) with difficulty.
p. [136], n. 1. The opinion expressed in this note is proved to be wrong by General Cunningham’s Report, Arch. S., xiv, p. 58. The tombs are those of a musician and his pupil.
p. [140], l. 8. Delete Sylvia olivacea.
p. [143], l. 7. Apparently there were twelve balls, or at least objects, ten being as large as an orange, another being a citron, and the twelfth a surk͟h. So instead of ‘one to a citron’ we should read, perhaps, ‘a citron and a surḵh.’
p. [143], l. 3 from foot. For Ilf read Alf.
p. [147], l. 4 from foot. Delete the word ‘Egyptian’ and also n. 1. It appears from the G͟hiyās̤u-l-log͟hāt that a Qut̤bī ruby is a broad ruby suitable for a ring (signet?).
p. [153], l. 13 from foot. For Hamaẕānī read Hamadānī.
p. [156]. According to Terry, Jahāndār was called Sultan Tak͟ht because born when Jahāngīr first sat on his throne.
p. [158], l. 9. Perhaps Yūzī = Yūz-bāshī, i.e. centurion. But I. O. 181 has not the word, only saying ‘S͟hāh Beg K͟hān,’ and No. 305 has S͟hāh Beg K͟hān Būrī(?).
p. [158], l. 10. The passage is wrongly translated. No elephant was presented to Salāmu-llah. The sentence should end on l. 9 after the word ‘panther-keeper,’ which word is probably a mistranslation. Then this new sentence should come, i.e. ‘Salāmu-llah ʿArab, who is a young man of a distinguished Arabian family (kih az jawānān-i-qarār-dāda-i-ʿArab ast) and related to Mubārak, the governor of Dizfūl, came to wait upon me on account of his being suspicious of the designs of S͟hāh ʿAbbās (against himself).’ ‘I patronized him,’ etc. (as on p. 158).
p. [158], n. 3, and p. 162, n. 1. Both notes are wrong. The place meant by Jahāngīr is Dizfūl, a town in the K͟hūzistān province of Persia, and Jūyza is evidently a copyist’s error for K͟hūz or K͟hūza, another name for K͟hūzistān. Dizfūl is an ancient name, and according to Yāqūt, Barbier de Meynard’s translation, p. 231, the proper spelling is Dizpūl, i.e. ‘the Bridge of the Citadel,’ the town being named after a famous bridge built over the river. For K͟hūz see B. de Meynard, 216.
p. [160], l. 12 from foot. Qabūlah was a town in the Bet Jālandhar Dūʾāb.
p. [163], l. 9. It is 2,000 rupees in I. O. MSS.
p. [163], l. 12. It is not Qāchā Dakhanī in I. O. MSS., but I am not sure what the clause, as given by them, means. No. 181 seems to have bafatāhāīgī for ‘assistance’ (?). Two B. M. MSS. have apparently bafatāhāī kapī, but Add. 26,215 has the Arabic ḥa, while Or. 3276 has the ordinary h, so that the words possibly mean ‘the young of the monkey’ (kapī).
p. [166], l. 2. Ḥusāmu-d-dīn was married to Abū-l-faẓl’s sister, Blochmann, 441.
p. [167], l. 16. The word rojh in brackets is wrong. The MSS. have qara-quyrag͟h and qarā-quyrāg͟h. P. de Courteille gives quyrūg͟h as meaning a tail, so perhaps qarā-qūyrūg͟h means a black-tailed sheep or deer. See p. 129, l. 17, where the qarā-qūyrūg͟h is said to be the chikāra.
p. [168], last line. The MSS. has ḥabs-i-mazīd, which does not necessarily mean imprisonment for life.
p. [170], n. 2. For Akbar’s wives read Jahāngīr’s wives.
p. [172], l. 21 seq. Is this the story referred to by Hawkins (Purchas), about Muqarrab having taken a Banian’s daughter?
p. [177], note. For one-third of an inch read one and a third inches.
p. [183], l. 8. This is the annular eclipse entered in Dr. R. Schramm’s Tables, Sewell’s Indian Calendar, as having occurred on 5th December, 1610, which corresponds to 28th Ramaẓān, 1019.
p. [185], n. 3. Persian text, p. 309, l. 11, has the phrase majrā girifta ātas͟h dādand, ‘took aim and fired’ (a cannon).
p. [188], l. 7 from foot. For Naz̤īrī, see Rieu, ii, 807b, and Blochmann, 579. He died in 1622 (1613).
p. [191], l. 10. For dhīk (?) read dhīk, i.e. adjutant bird.
p. [191], l. 8. Pātal means ‘red’ or ‘rose-coloured’ in Sanskrit. Query ‘red deer.’
p. [192], l. 2. Add year 1020.
p. [195], last line. The passage is rather obscure, but the meaning seems to be that though formalities are not regarded by the wise, yet weak persons (qāwāsir, which apparently is a plural of qāṣir), regard externals as the means of paying the dues of friendship (and so we must attend to them). Hence when at this auspicious time a province which had gone out of my (ʿAbbās’s) possession has been settled by the exertions of angelic servants in accordance with the hopes of well-wishers, I (ʿAbbās) have returned to the capital, and have despatched Kamālu-d-dīn, etc.
p. [197], l. 7. For Khankhānān read K͟hān.
p. [197], l. 12. The I.O. MSS. have a different reading here. They say nothing about three ratis. What they say is, “At this time I had made some increase in the amounts of weights and measures. For instance, I added one-fourth (siwāʾī) to the weight of the muhrs and rupees.” The sih ratī of text is a mistake for siwāʾī.
p. [197], l. 12 from foot. I.O. MSS. have ‘Sunday in Ṣafar,’ but they wrongly have 1022.
p. [197], l. 9 from foot. Both I.O. MSS. have ‘Neknahar’ instead of ‘in the interior.’
p. [198], l. 11. Or Lohgar.
p. [205], l. 14. I do not think that the translation ‘should not force Islam on anyone,’ or the version in Elliot, vi, 325, ‘Not to forcibly impose Musulman burdens on anyone,’ gives the full force of the words taklīf-i-Musalmānī bar kasī nakunand. I think the reference clearly is to circumcision, and that the words taklīf-i-Musalmānī should be rendered ‘the Muhammadan ceremonial.’ This explains why the injunction comes in immediately after the prohibitions against blinding and mutilation. It has been said, and I believe with truth, that the members of the Delhi royal family never were circumcised. Probably one reason for this was that in many instances they had Hindu mothers. As pointed out in Elliot, the passage is omitted in the Iqbāl-nāma. It also does not occur in the version given in ʿAlī Muḥammad’s “History of Gujarat,” vol. i, p. 200 of lithograph.
p. [214], verse. For red read a river.
p. [216]. See picture of a turkey in Havell’s “Indian Sculpture,” pp. 214–15.
p. [218], l. 10 from foot. About S͟hāpūr see Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 180.
p. [224], n. 1. For infra read supra, pp. 27 and 30, note.
p. [229], ll. 9 and 14. For Patna read Tatta.
p. [229], note. For brother read brother’s son.
p. [231], l. 14 from foot. For Nihālpūr substitute Thālner as in the MSS. The news of the death seems to have reached Agra very quickly.
p. [232], l. 1. Insert the word ‘and’ before ‘allowed.’
p. [234], l. 2 from foot. The word translated ‘cranes’ is kārwānak, and probably means ‘a little crane.’ In Blochmann, 63, karwānak is rendered by ‘stone-curlew.’
p. [234], l. 5 from foot. The word seems to be kunjis͟hk, ‘sparrow,’ in the MSS., but probably it should be kunjak, ‘a curiosity, a rarity.’
p. [235], l. 2. It is Thursday, the 28th, in the MSS., and instead of ‘night’ we should read ‘eve.’ The English date corresponding to 28th Muḥarram is 10th March, 1613.
p. [237], l. 8. It is 1,000 in the MSS., and this is probably correct, though B.M. MS. 1645 has changed the word for 1,000 into one for 100. The ordinary kaukab-i-t̤āliʿ was 100 tolas in weight, see p. 11. At p. 406 two kaukab-i-tali’s are mentioned of 500 tolas each. It is a mistake, I think, to regard the word muhr as always implying gold. The ordinary kaukab-i-taliʿ was of silver, and these large muhrs were no doubt also of silver. The note 1 to Elliott, vi, 355, is probably incorrect.
p. [237], l. 10. ‘The feast went off well,’ etc. The passage is obscure, but probably the translation should be ‘There was a splendid assemblage (majis s͟higufta gas͟ht), and after it was over I ordered that they should arrange an illumination.’ The words in text, p. 116, l. 3, are ḥukm kardam kih asbāb u āyīn bār kunand. The MSS. have asbāb-i-āyīn rā. No. 181 seems to have bāz kunand, and so has B.M. MS. 1645, but No. 305 has bār kunand, as in text. It may be that the meaning is that Jahāngīr told the servants they might appropriate the decorations, but I rather think the order was to make an illumination. It may also simply mean that he ordered the decorations to be taken down. Bāz kunand ordinarily means ‘to open out,’ bār kunand ‘to load.’
p. [237], l. 12. Delete ‘the’ before Muqarrab.
p. [237], note. I.O. MSS. seem to have zarīn, ‘golden’(?).
p. [241], l. 5 from foot. I.G., new ed., xvii, 309, speaks of a handsome mosque in Mairtha having been founded by Akbar, but probably it is this one of S͟haik͟h Pīr. Perhaps S͟haik͟h Pīr is the old beggar referred to in Roe’s Journal.
p. [247], l. 5 from foot. For chakrī read jhakkaṛ. It was not necessarily a dust-storm.
p. [250], l. 6. The MSS. have Rūp instead of Rāwal, and so has Elliot, vi, 335. They have ‘hill country of Mewāt,’ as in text. They have Chitor, and not Jaipūr, as in Elliot, and they make (by error) Jahāngīr speak of the year as the 10th, instead of the 8th. Instead of ‘have’ at l. 12 we should read ‘had,’ and instead of ‘from the Rāwal who was first known as Rāwal,’ they have, as also has Elliot, ‘Rahab, who was the first to take the title of Rānā.’ Rahab is the Rahup of Tod, who says he came to the throne in 1201 A.D.
p. [253], ll. 10 and 11. I cannot find the word pūlta-bāzī. My friend, Mr. Irvine, suggests that we should read paṭṭā bāzī. Paṭṭā means a ‘foil,’ or ‘wooden sword,’ and paṭṭā bāz is given in Forbes as meaning a ‘fencer.’ Paltha mārnā occurs in Forbes as meaning a ‘peculiar posture.’ The yagānagī of l. 11 should be yakāngagi, meaning ‘one body,’ or ‘one limb,’ and corresponds to the yakhāth of Blochmann, 252, both phrases meaning apparently ‘that the fencer fights with one hand,’ that is, ‘without using a shield.’
p. [260], l. 8. This Iʿtiqād is the father of Mumtāz-maḥall, the wife of S͟hāh Jahān. He now became Āṣaf K͟hān, and apparently the title of Iʿtiqād was transferred to his younger brother (or cousin?) S͟hāhpūr, who was afterwards governor of Kashmir. See Maʾās̤ir, i, 180. The two previous Āṣaf K͟hāns of the family are G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn of Qazwīn (Blochmann, 433), and Mīrzā Jaʿfar Beg, who was G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn’s nephew. The father of Nūr-Jahān was G͟hiyās̤ Beg of Tīhran (Blochmann, 508). Blochmann, in his Table, 512, has not mentioned S͟hāhpūr, i.e. the Iʿtiqād who became governor of Kashmir.
p. [261], l. 17 from foot. For mother read mothers (i.e. stepmothers).
p. [261], l. 10 from foot. For nephews read nephew.
p. [278], l. 13. For named read namad, and it should be in italics.
p. [281], l. 2. The permission to beat his drums is explained by the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 79, where it is said that he was permitted to beat his drums in the capital, dar pāy-i-tak͟ht.
p. [281], l. 6 from foot. This eclipse is noted in Dr. Schram’s Tables as occurring on 19th March, 1615.
p. [282], l. 10 from foot. Delete word ‘Egyptian.’
p. [286], l. 6. For Frank read Venetian. Kār-i-Wanadik, as in MSS.
p. [288], l. 5. Chatūr, instead of Taḥayyur, in No. 305, and Bak͟htar (?) in No. 181.
p. [293]. According to the Iqbāl-nāma, 80, Kunwar Karan, son of Rānā Amar Singh, became an officer of Jahāngīr, receiving the rank of 5,000 personal and horse. He was the first of the direct royal line of his family to accept office.
p. [293], l. 2 from foot. No. 181 has 102 horses.
p. [294], n. 2. No. 181 has Ras͟ht.
p. [300], l. 18. According to Vullers’ Dict., i, 482, a tūlcha is 96 grains or about half a tola. The G͟hīyas̤u-l-log͟hāt, however, says that tūlcha is merely the Persian form of the Hindustānī tūlā. According to the Burhan-i-qātiʾ a tola is only 2½ māsha in Upper India. Generally it is reckoned as 12 māsha. According to Sir Thomas Roe 2½ tolas were equal to 1 ounce.
p. [317], MS. No. 181 has A.H. date 1025.
p. [321], l. 11. For several bits read some marten skins. See Tūzuk text, p. 308, l. 3 from foot, and Vullers’ Dict, ii, 6. The MS. No. 181 has ṣad dāna-i-kīsh, ‘one hundred marten skins.’
p. [321], l. 13 from foot. For transit dues read for keeping open the Pass (rāh-dārī).
p. [321], n. 2. The words in I.O. MSS. seem to be īgāna begāna, which is perhaps a mere jingle on the word afghāna, but may mean ‘known, unknown.’ Jahāngīr puns on the name Qadam, which means ‘a foot, a pace.’ The words occur again at p. 323.
p. [322], last line. Probably ʿāqirī is, or is derived from, ʿaqār, which means a bird whose feathers were used for ornamentation. According to P. de Courteille, Turkī Dict., 384, ʿaqār is a heron.
p. [328], l. 13 from foot. For S͟hāh S͟hajāʿat read S͟hāh S͟hujāʿ. He was S͟hāh Jahān’s second son, and was born at Ajmir on the eve of Sunday, and on 11th Tīr. Apparently this corresponds to 24th June, 1616, which is the date of birth mentioned by Sir Thomas Roe. Beale’s date of 12th May is wrong.
p. [332], l. 6 from foot. Here the word tūlcha is used again, and apparently as meaning the same thing as tola; 6,514 tūlchas or tolas would be about 82 sīrs, or over 2 maunds and about 12 stone. Next year Sir Thomas Roe saw Jahāngīr weighed, and he understood that his weight was 9,000 rupees. If so, his weight would appear to have considerably increased during the twelve months. Perhaps we should read 8,514, instead of 6,514 tūlchas. Has͟ht (8) and s͟has͟h (6) are often confounded.
p. [341], l. 8 from foot. For times read days, the word rūz (days) having been omitted from the text.
p. [344], n. 1. Apparently we should read Toda. The difference between it and Nauda is, in Persian writing, only one dot. Toda is mentioned by Roe as the place where he overtook Jahāngīr, and the stages given by him come to 21 kos, counting from Rāmsar, and this agrees very nearly with Jahāngīr’s stages from the same place.
p. [351], l. 15 from foot. The MS. No. 181 has the word gaz twice, and makes the pahnāʾī, or width, 175½ gaz (yards).
p. [351], last line. For Būlgharī read Pūlkharī.
p. [352], l. 1. Delete the words ‘of Tīr.’ The month was Bahman, corresponding to January-February, 1617, and 23rd Bahman would be about 1st February. In Sayyid Aḥmad’s edition the word Tīr is a mistake for nīz, ‘also,’ the meaning being that the 23rd was a halt as well as the 22nd.
p. [353], l. 2. G͟haznīn K͟hān is mentioned by Finch under the name of Gidney K͟hān, and he is said to have been originally a Hindu. But this seems doubtful, as his father’s name is given in the Mirʾāt-i-Aḥmadī as Malik K͟hānjī Afg͟hān. See also Bayley’s “Gujarat,” p. 15. Jālor is now in Jodhpūr. It is described by Finch.
p. [353], l. 2. This seems to be the case of matricide mentioned in Terry’s “Voyage,” p. 362, of ed. of 1777. His statement that it occurred at Aḥmadabad is presumably an oversight. Terry says the matricide was put to death by being bitten by two snakes. See also Irvine’s “Manucci,” iv, 422. Apparently the punishment recorded by Jahāngīr took place on the 4th February, for Sir Thomas Roe mentions that they reached Kāliyādaha, the next stage, on 6th February. The bi in biyāsa should be deleted. Jālaur, or Jalor, is in Jodhpūr (I.G., xiv, 29). It used to be in Ajmir. It is not quite clear if Terry was with Roe at Kāliyādaha, but if not he was with him at Ujjain. The execution may have taken place there.
p. [355], l. 16. For ‘from the city of Ujjain,’ etc., read ‘to a rural spot near the city of Ujjain.’
p. [360], l. 22. For 128¼ cubits read 28¼ cubits. I.O. MS. 181 has 28¼ yards. The printed text of Sayyid Aḥmad has 128¼ cubits.
p. [362], l. 8 from foot. Delete (Bālchha?).
p. [373], l. 11 seq. This Iʿtiqād was the younger brother or perhaps cousin of Āṣaf K͟hān, the brother of Nūr-Jahān. He was also known as S͟hāhpūr. See Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 180.
p. [375], n. 2. Read two diamonds.
p. [406], n. 3. Dīk͟htān or Daik͟htān seems right. It is so in both the I.O. MSS.
p. [406], l. 11 from foot. These muhrs were probably of silver, and were called muhrs because they were medals rather than coins. Dr. Kehr has given an account of a large muhr which is now apparently in Dresden. See also Richardson’s Dict., article Sikka.
p. [407], l. 4. This is Jūna K͟hān, son of G͟hiyās̤u-d-dīn Tug͟hluq. He ascended the throne in 1325 under the title of Muḥammad bin Tug͟hluq.
p. [407], l. 15. This is the prince known as Naṣīru-d-dīn. He ascended the throne as Muḥammad bin Fīrūz in 1387, and again in 1390.
p. [413], ll. 11 and 3 from foot. I.O. MSS. show that Sar-farāz should be Sarafrāz; apparently his present was ‘seven bullock-carts’ (haft rās gāw bahal) and not two bullocks.
p. [417], n. 2. Cancel note. Nārangsar seems right.
p. [417], l. 2 from foot. The words are dah bīst wazn muhr u rūpiya maʿmūl. Elliot, p. 354, renders this ‘ten and twenty times heavier than the current gold muhr and rupee.’
p. [418], l. 10. See n. 2 in Elliot, vi, 355. Apparently Jahāngīr means that he was the first person to coin double muhrs and double rupees. There is an account of tankas in the Bahār-i-ʿAjam, 261, col 2, p. 421, n. 2. But it is 27 in I.O. MSS. 113, p. 423, l. 14. A t̤assū is more than a finger-breadth, it is the 1/24 of a gaz or yard, and should be about 1⅓ inches.
p. [437]. I am indebted to my friend Dr. Hoernle for the explanation of the names of the two sects of Sewras. They should be Tapā and Kharatara. Mān Singh’s name in religion was Jīn-simha. See Epigraphia Indica, i, 37, and Ind. Antiquary, xi, 250. Mān Singh died at Mairtha (in Jodhpūr) according to the Jain books, in the beginning of 1618. The head of the Tapā sect in Jahāngīr’s time was Vījayasena. There is an elaborate paper on the Jains of Gujarat and Marwar by Colonel Miles in the Transactions R.A.S., iii, pp. 335–71.
p. [442], l. 8. There is no previous reference to the outbreak of plague in Kashmir, though there is one to its occurrence in the Panjab. There is an interesting account of the plague in K͟hāfī K͟hān, i, 286–8, in which the description is carried down to the time of Aurangzīb.