Verse.
There’s no exhilaration in decay, but to the eye
The glory of autumn is more brilliant than the Spring.
As the time was short and the hour of marching near, I took a short circuit and returned. These few days I passed pleasantly in catching[141] ducks. One day, in the midst of the sport, a boatman caught and brought me a young qarqara (the demoiselle crane, Ardea virgo). It was very thin and miserable. It did not live longer than one night. The qarqara does not live in Kashmir. This had become ill and thin at the time of coming from, or going to, Hindustan, and fallen there.
On Friday news came of the death of Mīrzā Raḥmāndād, s. the K͟hān-k͟hānān. He died a natural death at Bālāpūr. It appears that he had been suffering from fever for some days. When he was recovering, the Deccanis one day appeared with an army. His elder brother, Dārāb K., mounted with the intention of fighting. When the news reached Raḥmān-dād, with great bravery, notwithstanding his weakness and failing health, he went to his brother. After he had beaten the enemy, he returned and in taking off his jubba (quilted waistcoat) was not sufficiently careful. The wind immediately caught him, and he was seized with convulsions, and his tongue became powerless to speak. He remained two or three days in this state and died. He was a good and brave youth, was fond of sword-play, and was very zealous. In every place it was his idea to display his skill with the sword. Although fire burns equally what is green and what is dry, yet it appeared very grievous to me, and what must it have been to his broken-hearted old father? Hardly had the wound from the calamity of S͟hāh-nawāz K. healed, when he received this fresh wound. I trust that God Almighty may give him patience and resignation.
On Thursday, the 16th, K͟hanjar K. was promoted to the mansab of 3,000 personal and horse, Qāsim K. to that of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of K͟hwāja Jahān, who held the post of Bak͟hs͟hī to the army of Kāngṛa, that of 800 personal and horse. On the night[142] of Monday, the 27th of the Divine month of Mihr, after one watch and seven gharis had passed, the royal standards were raised auspiciously and happily to return towards Hindustan. As the saffron had blossomed, a march was made from the neighbourhood of the city to the village of Pāmpūr.[143] In the whole country of Kashmir there is saffron only in this place. On Thursday, the 30th, the feast of cups was held in a saffron field. Groves on groves, and plains on plains were in bloom. The breeze in that place scented one’s brain. The stem is attached (close?) to the ground. The flower has four petals, and its colour is that of a violet. It is of the size of a champa flower, and from the middle of it three stigmas of saffron grow. They plant the bulbs, and in a good year obtain 400 maunds of the current weight or 3,002[144] Khurasan maunds. The custom is for half to go to the government, and half to the cultivators. A seer is bought and sold for Rs. 10. Occasionally its market price is more or less, and it is an established custom that they bring the saffron flowers plucked, and according to the plan they have adopted from of old, they take half its weight in salt as wages. There is no salt in Kashmir, and they bring it from Hindustan. Again, among the excellencies of Kashmir are the plumes of feathers (kalgī) and the hawks (jānwar-i-s͟hikārī). As much as 10,700 feathers are yearly obtained. Hawks and falcons are taken in nets to the number of 260. It has also nest sparrow-hawks (bās͟ha),[145] and the nest sparrow-hawk is not bad. On Friday, the 1st of the divine month of Ābān, marching from Pāmpūr, I pitched my camp at K͟hānpūr. As it was reported to me that Zambīl[146] Beg, ambassador from my brother S͟hāh ʿAbbās, had reached the neighbourhood of Lahore, a dress of honour and Rs. 30,000 for expenses were sent to him by Mīr Ḥusāmu-d-dīn s. ʿAẓudu-d-daula Injū.[147] I ordered that whatever he might expend on entertaining the ambassador should be sent to him to the extent of Rs. 5,000.[148] Before this I had directed that from Kashmir to the end of the hilly country buildings should be erected at each stage for the accommodation of myself and the ladies, for in the cold weather one should not be in tents. Although the buildings at this stage had been completed, as they were still damp and there was a smell of lime, we put up in tents. On Saturday, the 2nd, I halted at Kalampūr. As it had repeatedly been represented to me that in the neighbourhood of Hīrāpūr there was a waterfall[149] very high and wonderful, as it was 3 or 4 koss off on the left of the road, I hastened there to see it. What can be written in its praise? The water pours down in three or four gradations(?). I had never seen such a beautiful waterfall. Without hesitation, it is a sight to be seen, very strange and wonderful. I passed the time there in enjoyment till the third watch of the day, and filled my eye and heart with the sight; but in the cloudy and rainy season it is not devoid of wildness. After the third watch had passed, in the evening I rode back to Hīrāpūr,[150] and passed the night at that stage. On Monday, the 4th, crossing over the kotal of Bārī Brārī,[151] I chose Pīrpanjal, at the head of the kotal, for a halting-place. Of the roughnesses of the pass and the difficulties of this road what shall I write? It is difficult for thought even to cross it. In these last few days snow had repeatedly fallen, the hills had become white, and in the middle of the path in some places ice had formed, so that the hoof of a horse had no hold, and a rider could only pass with difficulty. God Almighty bestowed upon us His mercy, for it did not snow on this day. The advantage was for those who went on in front. Those who followed came in for snow. On Tuesday, the 5th, going by the pass of Pīrpanjal the camp was pitched at Pos͟hāna. Although on this side there is a descent, yet as it is high, most of the people passed it on foot. On Wednesday, the 6th, we pitched at Bahramgalla. Near this village there is a waterfall and a very fine spring. According to orders, they had made a terrace for me to sit upon; indeed, this is a sight to be seen. I ordered that they should engrave on a stone tablet the date of the crossing, and place it on the top of the terrace (ṣuffa). Bī-badal K.[152] composed some couplets, and this mark of my fortune remains on the path of poetry as a memorial on the tablet of Time(?). There are two Zamindars on this road in whose charge are the arrangements for the traffic on it, and they are in reality the keys of the country of Kashmir. They call one Mahdī Nāyak and the other Ḥusain Nāyak. The charge of the road from Hīrāpūr to Bahramgalla is in their hands. Bahrām Nāyak, the father of Mahdī Nāyak, during the Kashmiri government, was an important person. When the authority passed to the imperial servants, Mīrzā Yūsuf K., during his government, made Bahrām Nāyak a traveller to the country of non-existence. It is now equally in the possession and charge of the two.[153] Although outwardly they are on good terms, they really bear great enmity towards each other. On this day S͟haik͟h Ibn Yamīn, who was one of the old trusted servants, went to the neighbourhood of God’s mercy (died).[154] On account of my great reliance on him, my opium and drinking water[155] were in his charge. On the night when we were encamped above the kotal of Pīrpanjal, the tents and furniture had not arrived. He was rather infirm and the cold affected him, and he became cramped so that he could not speak. He remained alive for two days in this state and then died. I gave over the private opium to K͟hawāṣṣ K., and the āb-dār-k͟hāna (the water department) to Mūsawī K. On Thursday, the 7th, the village of Thāna[156] became the encamping place. Many monkeys (maimūn) were seen in Bahramgalla, and from that stage a great difference was apparent in the climate, the language, the clothing, the animals, and whatever properly belongs to a warm country. The people here speak both Persian and Hindi. Evidently Hindi is their real language, and they have acquired Kashmiri on account of the proximity of Kashmir. Briefly, one enters India at this place. The women do not wear woollen clothing, and like Indian women, they wear nose-rings.
On Friday, the 8th, Rājaur was the camping-ground. The people of this country were in old times Hindus, and the landholders are called Rajas. Sult̤ān Fīrūz made them Muhammadans, but they are still called Rajas. They still have the marks of the times of ignorance. One of these is that just as some Hindu women burn themselves along with their husbands (bodies), so these women (the Rājaur women) are put into the grave along with their (dead) husbands. I heard that recently they put alive into the grave a girl of ten or twelve along with her (dead) husband, who was of the same age. Also, when a daughter is born to a man without means, they put her to death by strangulation.[157] They ally themselves with Hindus, and both give and take girls. Taking them is good, but giving them, God forbid! I gave an order that hereafter they should not do such things, and whoever was guilty of them, should be capitally punished. There is a river at Rājaur. Its water during the rainy season becomes much poisoned. Many of the people there get a swelling (būg͟hma) under the throat, and are yellow and weak. The rice of Rājaur is much[158] better than the rice of Kashmir. There are self-grown and sweet-scented violets in this skirt of the hills.
On Sunday, the 10th, I encamped at Naus͟hahra. At this place, by order of my father, they had built a stone fort, and there is constantly here, by way of a station (thāna), a body of men from the governor of Kashmir. On Monday the camp was at Chaukī Hattī. A chela named Murād had exerted himself to complete the buildings at this place, and had done it well. In the middle of the royal abode there was a fine terrace, superior to those of other stages. I increased his mansab. On Tuesday, the 12th, I halted at Bhīmbar. Passing this day out of kotals and hills, we entered the broad plains of Hindustan. The hunters had previously been dispatched to form qamurg͟has, so as to prepare jirgas (hunting rings) in Bhīmbar and Girjhāk[159] and Makhiyāla. On Wednesday and Thursday they drove in the game. On Friday I rejoiced in a hunt. Hill qūchqār,[160] etc., to the number of 56 head were taken. On this day Rāja Sārang Deo, who was one of the intimate attendants, was promoted to the mansab of 800 personal and 400 horse. On Saturday, the 16th, I went towards Girjhāk, and in five marches encamped on the bank of the Bihat. On Thursday, the 21st, I hunted in the hunting-ring of Girjhāk. Less game than usual was taken, and I was not satisfied. On Monday, the 25th, I hunted with much enjoyment in the hunting-ring of Makhiyāla,[161] thence in ten stages I encamped at the stage of the hunting-place of Jahāngīrābād. When I was prince, this was my hunting-place. Afterwards, I founded a village with my own name, and erecting a small building, placed it in charge of Sikandar Muʿīn, who was one of my best huntsmen. After I came to the throne I made a pargana of it, and bestowed it as a jagir on him. I gave an order that they should construct there a building as a royal residence, with a tank and a minaret[162] (manāra). After his death this pargana was given in jagir to Irādat K., and the charge of the buildings was given to him. It has now been handsomely completed. Undoubtedly the tank was very broad,[163] and in the middle there is a delightful building. Altogether the buildings here cost Rs. 1,50,000. Really it is a kingly hunting-place. On Thursday and Friday, having halted, I enjoyed myself with various kinds of sport. Qāsim K., who was honoured with the charge of Lahore, had the good fortune to pay his respects to me, and presented 50 muhars.
In one march after this stage I encamped at the garden of Mūmin ʿIs͟hq-bāz,[164] which is on the bank of the Lahore River (the Ravi), and has some lofty plane-trees and handsome cypresses. It is certainly a rare garden. On Monday, the 9th of the Divine month of Āẕar, corresponding with the 5th Muḥarram of A.H. 1030[165] (20 November, 1620), mounting an elephant of the name of Indra, I went towards the city, scattering coin as I proceeded. After three watches and two gharis of day had passed, at the selected auspicious hour, having entered the royal residence, I alighted happily and auspiciously at the building recently brought to completion and finished handsomely by the exertions of Maʿmūr K. Without exaggeration, charming residences and soul-exciting sitting places had been erected in great beauty and delicacy, adorned and embellished with paintings by rare artists. Pleasant green gardens with all kinds of flowers and sweet-scented herbs deceived the sight.
Verse.[166]
From head to foot, wherever I look,
A glance plucks at the heart’s skirt (saying),
“This is the place” (to stop at).
Altogether, there had been expended on these buildings the sum of Rs. 700,000 or 23,000 current tumans of Persia.[167]
On this day the joy-enhancing news of the conquest of the fort of Kāngṛa rejoiced our mind. In thankfulness for this great boon and important victory, which was one of the renewed favours of the Bestower of Gifts, I bowed the head of humility at the throne of the merciful Creator, and beat with loud sounds the drum of gladness and pleasure. Kāngṛa is an ancient fort to the North of Lahore, situated in the midst of the hill country, famous for its strength and the difficulty of conquering it. Who was the founder of this fort God only knows. The belief of the Zamindars of the province of the Panjab is that, during this period the said fort has never passed to any other tribe, and no stranger has stretched out to it the hand of dominion. Wisdom is from Allah! But certainly from the time when the voice of Islam and the sound of the established religion of Muḥammad reached Hindustan, not one of the Sultans of lofty dignity has obtained the victory over it. Sult̤ān Fīrūz-s͟hāh, with all his power and might, himself went to conquer it, and besieged it for a long time. As he knew that the strength of the fort was such that as long as the means for holding it and provisions were with the besieged, victory over them was unattainable, nolens volens he was contented with the coming of the Raja to pay his respects to him, and withheld his hand. They say that the Raja prepared an offering and an entertainment, and at his request took the Sultan inside the fort. The Sultan, after going round and inspecting it, said to the Raja that to bring a king like him inside the fort was not according to the dictates of caution. What could he do if the body of men who were in attendance were to attack him and take possession of the fort? The Raja made a sign to his men, and instantaneously an army of valiant men armed and accoutred, came out from a concealed place and saluted the Sultan. The Sultan became suspicious and anxious about an attack from these men, and suspected some stratagem. The Raja came forward and kissed the ground of service, and said: “I have no thought but that of service and obedience, but as has been spoken by the auspicious tongue, I observe far-sighted caution, for all times are not the same.” The Sultan applauded him. The Raja, having accompanied him for some stages, obtained leave to return. After this, whoever sat on the throne of Delhi sent an army to subdue Kāngṛa, but the thing went no further. My revered father also sent a large army once under the leadership of Ḥusain Qulī K., who, after approved service, was honoured with the title of K͟hān Jahān. Whilst the siege was in progress, the outbreak of Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Mīrzā took place. That ingrate fled from Gujarat, and raised the flag of rebellion and calamity towards the Panjab. K͟hān Jahān was compelled to raise the siege, and to turn to extinguish the flame of his sedition. Thus the acquisition of the fort fell into the knot of delay. The thought was continually lurking in the royal mind: “The longed-for Fair one does not show her face from the secret place of Destiny.” When by the Grace of the Glorious God the throne of the State was adorned by the existence of this suppliant, this was one of the holy wars which I considered incumbent on me. In the first instance I dispatched Murtaẓā K., who was governor of the Panjab, with a force of brave men skilled in war, to conquer the fort. This important matter had not been completed when Murtaẓā K. attained to the mercy of God (died). After this Jauhar Mal,[168] s. Rāja Bāso, undertook this duty. I sent him, giving him the command of the army. That wicked one, taking to evil revolt and ingratitude, committed sin, and dispersion found its way into that army, and the acquisition of the fort fell into the knot of delay. No long time elapsed before that ingrate received the recompense of his deeds and went to hell, as has been described in its own place.[169] In fine, at this time K͟hurram undertook that duty, and sent his own servant Sundar[170] with all haste, and many of the royal servants obtained leave to go to his support. On the 16th S͟hawwāl, A.H. 1029, (5 September, 1620), the armies, having invested the fort, erected batteries. Looking to the ways of entrance into and exit from the fort with the eye of caution, they closed the road for the entrance of provisions. By degrees the besieged became straitened, and when there remained in the fort no grain that they could eat, for four months more they boiled dry grasses[171] with salt and ate it. When destruction was imminent, and no hope of escape was left, they asked for quarter and surrendered the fort.
On Thursday, the 1st Muḥarram, A.H. 1030,[172] Hijrī (16 November, 1620), the victory unattainable by all preceding Sultans of lofty dignity, and which appeared distant to the short-sighted, God Almighty of His own grace and mercy granted to this suppliant. The troops, who had displayed praiseworthy activity in this service, were exalted according to their exertions and fitness by increase of mansab and dignities.
On Thursday, the 11th, I went, at the request of K͟hurram, to his newly-built house. I took those of his offerings that pleased me. Three elephants were placed in the private stud. On the same day I appointed ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K. Naqs͟hbandī to the faujdārship of the district of Kāngṛa, and his mansab was fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse. I gave a private elephant to Iʿtiqād K. Alf K. Qiyām-k͟hānī K. obtained leave to take charge of the fort of Kāngṛa, and his mansab, original and increased, was fixed at 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse. S͟haik͟h Faiẓu-llah, son-in-law of Murtaẓā K., was appointed in company with him to stay at the top of the fort (bālā-i-qilʿa).
On the night of Saturday, the 13th of the same month, a lunar eclipse took place. Having performed the dues of humility at the throne of the highest and most powerful God, cash and goods were distributed by way of charity among the faqīrs and poor, and deserving people. On this day Zambīl Beg, ambassador of the ruler of Persia, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. After performing salutation, he laid before me the gracious letter of that brother of high degree, containing expressions of sincerity and perfect friendship. He presented 12 ʿAbbāsī[173] (coin) as naẕar, four horses with trappings, three tūyg͟hūn (white) falcons, five mules, five camels, nine bows, and nine scimitars. The Shah had given him leave, in company with K͟hān ʿĀlam, but for certain necessary matters he could not come with him. On this day he arrived at Court. I presented him with a superb dress of honour, with a plume and a jewelled turban fringe, and a jewelled dagger. Wiṣāl Beg and Ḥājī Niʿmat, who had come with him, were honoured by waiting on me. Amānu-llah, s. Mahābat K., was promoted to the mansab, original and increased, of 2,000 and 1,500 horse. At the request of Mahābat K., I added 300 horse to the mansab of Mubāriz K. Afg͟hān, and brought it up to 2,000 personal and 1,700 horse. One hundred horse were also added to the mansab of Kabak[174] (?). I sent winter dresses of honour to ʿAbdu-llah K. and Las͟hkar K. At the request of Qāsim K. I went to his garden in the neighbourhood of the city, and in the course of the procession, scattered 10,000 charans (4-anna pieces). Out of his offerings I selected one ruby and one diamond, and some cloths.
On the night of Sunday, the 21st, the advanced camp proceeded auspiciously and happily towards Agra. Barq-andāz K. was appointed superintendent of artillery with the army of the Deccan. S͟haik͟h Isḥāq (Isaac) was appointed to duty at Kāngṛa. The brother of Allah-dād, the Afghan, I released from prison, and made him a present of Rs. 10,000. I gave also a tūyg͟hūn falcon to K͟hurram. On Thursday, the 26th, the usual entertainment took place. The presents from the ruler of Persia, which had been sent by Zambīl Beg, were laid before me. I gave an elephant to Sult̤ān Ḥusain, and made a present of Rs. 1,000 to Mullā Muḥammad Kas͟hmīrī.[175] The mansab of Sardār Afg͟hān, at the request of Mahābat K., was fixed at 1,000 personal and 400 horse. As Rāja Rūp Chand of Gwalior[176] had been very active in his service at Kāngṛa, an order was given to the chief diwans to hand over half of his native place to him in free gift, and the remaining half as a tank͟hwāh jagir.
On the 3rd I demanded in marriage for my son S͟hahriyār the daughter’s daughter[177] of Madāru-l-mulk Iʿtimādu-d-daula, and sent Rs. 100,000 in cash and goods by way of sāchaq (dowry given as part of the marriage rites). Most of the Amirs and the chief servants went to his house with gifts. He prepared a grand entertainment with much ceremony. It is hoped that it may be auspicious to him. As that Chief of the State had erected lofty buildings, and highly decorated bowers in his house, he invited me to an entertainment. I went there with the ladies. He had prepared a great feast, and laid before me appropriate offerings of all kinds. In order to please him, I took such as I approved of. On this day Rs. 50,000 were presented to Zambīl Beg, the ambassador. The mansab of Zabar-dast K. was fixed at 1,000 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. Maqṣūd, brother of Qāsim K., was promoted to the mansab of 500 personal and 300 horse, and Mīrzā Dakhanī, s. Mīrzā Rustam, to that of 500 personal and 200 horse.
At this auspicious time[178] when the standards of victory and conquest were in Kashmir, the province of eternal spring, happily employed in sight-seeing and sport, representations constantly came from the officials in the Southern territories to the effect that when the victorious standards went to a distance from the centre of the Khalifate, the rulers of the Deccan, owing to their wickedness, broke their promises and raised their heads by giving trouble and exciting sedition, and placing their feet beyond their own boundary, took possession of many of the districts of Ahmadnagar and Berar. It was constantly reported that the chief object of these evil-fortuned ones was to plunder and ruin the cultivated fields and the grazing-lands. When at the first time the world-opening standards had proceeded to the conquest of the regions of the south and the overthrow of that band, and K͟hurram, with the vanguard, had gone to Burhanpur, they, by feline tricks suitable to such seditious people, made him their intercessor and evacuated the royal dominions. They also sent by way of tribute large sums in cash and goods, and promised that they would not let loose from their hands the rope of service, and would not place their feet beyond the boundary of respect, as has been recorded in the preceding pages. At the request of K͟hurram, I had halted for a few days at the Fort of S͟hādīʾābād Māndū, and at his intercession, and on their humiliation and bewailing, they were pardoned.
As they had now broken their agreement through evil disposition and quarrelsomeness, and had turned back from the way of obedience and service, I sent off the hosts of good fortune again under his leadership, that they might receive retribution for their evil deeds, and be an example to all those of crooked fortune and turned heads. But as the important business of Kāngṛa had been entrusted to him, he had sent most of his experienced men there. For some days, accordingly, he could not arrange the matter. At last, report followed on report one after another, that the enemy had gathered strength, and that nearly 60,000 vagabond horsemen had collected together and taken possession of royal territory, and wherever there were posts, had removed them, and joined together in the town of Mahakar. For three months the imperialists had passed their days in strife and fighting with their rascally enemies, and during this time three pitched battles had taken place, and each time the self-sacrificing servants (of the State) had proved superior to the evil-fortuned rebels. As grain and provisions could not reach the camp by any road, and the enemy was plundering on all sides of the army of good fortune, a great scarcity of grain resulted, and the animals were in bad plight. Having no choice, they came down from the Bālāg͟hāt, and took up their position at Bālāpūr. The rebels, waxing valiant in their pursuit, engaged in plundering in the neighbourhood of Bālāpūr. Of the servants of the Court 6,000 or 7,000 horsemen, well mounted, were selected, and they made an attack on the enemy’s camp. They (the enemy) numbered about 60,000 cavalry. Briefly, a great fight took place, and their camp was plundered. Having killed and taken prisoners many of them, they returned in safety and with plunder. When they turned back those wretches again attacked them from all sides, and they came on, fighting as far as the camp. On both sides about 1,000 were killed. After this fight they (the imperialists) remained about four months at Bālāpūr. When the scarcity of grain became excessive, many of the qulaqchīs (servants) ran away and joined the enemy, and constantly bands of them, taking to the road of disloyalty, were enrolled among the rebels. On this account, not considering it advisable to delay any longer, they (the imperialists) came to Burhanpur. Again, those wretches followed them and besieged Burhanpur, and they were six months shut up there. Many parganas of the provinces of Berar and Khandesh passed into their possession, and they stretched out the hand of oppression over the cultivators and poor, and engaged in collecting the revenues. As the army had undergone great hardships and the animals had fallen into bad condition, they could not leave the city to inflict substantial punishment. Thus the pride and conceit of those short-sighted ones became greater. Just at this time the royal standards returned to the capital, and by the grace of God Kāngṛa was conquered.
Accordingly, on Friday, the 4th of Dai, I despatched K͟hurram in that direction, bestowing on him a dress of honour, a sword, and an elephant. Nūr Jahān Begam also gave him an elephant. I told him after he had conquered the province of the Deccan he should take as a reward two[179] crores of dams from the conquered country. 650 mansabdars, 1,000 Aḥadīs, 1,000 Turkish musketeers, and 1,000[180] gunners on foot, in addition to the 31,000 horse already in that quarter, and a large force of artillery, and many elephants, were appointed to accompany him. I also gave him a crore of rupees for the expenses of the victorious army. The servants (of the Court) who were appointed on this duty received each, according to his standing as a reward, horses, elephants, and dresses of honour.
At the same auspicious hour and favourable time, the standards of the expedition were turned toward Agra, and a halt was made at Naus͟hahr.[181] Muḥammad Riẓā Jābirī was appointed Diwan to Bengal, and K͟hwāja Mulkī to the post of Bakhshi in the same, and were promoted in mansab. Jagat Singh, s. Rānā Karan, came from his native place, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 6th of the same month the open space on the bank of Rāja Todar Mal’s tank[182] became the alighting place of the Court of good fortune. Here I halted for four days. On this day some of the mansabdars who had obtained leave to go to the conquest of the Deccan were promoted as follows: Zāhid K. held the mansab of 1,000 and 400 horse; he received that of 1,000 and 500 horse; Hardī Narāyan Hāḍā I promoted to 900 and 600 horse, original and increased; Yaʿqūb, s. K͟hān Daurān, was given that of 800 and 400 horse, and in the same manner a great number of the servants of the State received increase of mansab according to their capabilities. Muʿtamid K. was appointed to the post of Bakhshi and newswriter to the royal army, and was honoured with a tūg͟h. The offering of Lachmī Chand, Raja of Kumaon, consisting of hawks and falcons and other hunting animals, was brought before me. Jagat Singh, s. Rānā Karan, obtained leave to proceed as an auxiliary to the army of the Deccan, being presented with a private horse and saddle. Rāja Rūp Chand, having been honoured with the gift of an elephant and a horse, took leave to go to his jagir. On the 12th my son K͟hān Jahān (Lodī) was made governor of Multan, and was given leave. There were conferred on him a complete dress together with a nādirī (a robe of Jahāngīr’s invention), a jewelled dagger, a special elephant with trappings, a female elephant, a special horse of the name of K͟hadang (i.e., Arrow), and a pair of hawks. Sayyid Hizabr K. held the mansab of 1,000 and 400 horse. Increasing these by 500 and 200 horse, I gave him leave to accompany K͟hān Jahān. Muḥammad S͟hafīʿ was appointed Bakhshi and newswriter to the Subah of Multan. Bhawāl (or Bahwāl), who was one of the old servants, was made As͟hraf-i-tūp-k͟hāna (head of the artillery?), and received the title of Rāy. On the 13th the bank of the river Gobindwāl became the camp of the army of prosperity, and a halt of four days was made. A special elephant called Jai Singh, with a female, were given to Mahābat K., and sent to him by Ṣafiyyā his servant. Robes of honour were also forwarded to the Amirs of the Subah of Bangash by ʿIsā Beg.
On the 17th[183] the feast of my lunar weighing took place. As Muʿtamid K. had been appointed Bakhshi to the army of the Deccan and given leave, the post of ʿArẓ-muqarrir was given to K͟hwāja Qāsim. Mīr S͟haraf was made Bakhshi of the Aḥadīs, and Fāẓil Beg made Bakhshi of the Panjab. As Bahādur K., governor of Qandahar, in consequence of a disease in his eyes, had requested to be allowed to kiss the threshold, entrusting the government of Qandahar this day to ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K., an order was issued to Bahādur K., that when he arrived he should hand over the fort to him and come himself to Court. On the 21st of the same month I took up my quarters at Nūr-sarāy.[184] At this spot the Vakils of Nūr Jahān Begam had built a lofty house, and made a royal garden. It was now completed. On this account the Begam, having begged for an entertainment, prepared a grand feast, and by way of offering, with great pains produced all kinds of delicate and rare things. In order to please her, I took what I approved. I halted two days at this place. It was settled that the officials of the Panjab should send Rs. 200,000, in addition to the Rs. 60,000 already ordered for provisions for the fort of Qandahar. Mīr Qiwāmu-d-dīn, the diwan of the Panjab, obtained leave to go to Lahore, and received a dress of honour. Qāsim K., with a view to punish the seditious in the neighbourhood of Kāngṛa, and to preserve order in those regions, was given leave to go, and I presented him with a special nādirī, a horse, a dagger, and an elephant. His mansab, original and increased, was fixed at 2,000 personal and 500 horse. At his request, I allowed Rāja Sangrām (of Jammu) to proceed to that region, conferring on him a robe of honour, a horse, and an elephant.
On Thursday the camp was pitched outside the town of Sihrind. I halted one day, and amused myself with going round the garden. On Sunday, the 4th, Abū-l-Ḥasan was sent on service for the conquest of the Deccan. A dress of honour, with a nādirī, a special shawl, an elephant named Ṣubḥ-dam (breath of morn), a horsetail banner, and drums, being given him. I gave leave to Muʿtamid K., presenting him with a dress of honour, and a special horse called Ṣubḥ-i-ṣādiq (the true dawn). On the 7th of the same month the bank of the river Sarasatī (Saraswatī) was the place of encampment of good fortune in the neighbourhood of the qaṣba of muṣṭafāʾābād. The next day I encamped at Akbarpūr,[185] whence I sat in a boat on the river Jumna, to reach my object. On this day ʿIzzat K. Chāchī,[186] with the faujdār of that region, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Giving Muḥammad S͟hafīʿ leave to proceed to Multan, I presented him with a horse, a dress of honour, and a nūr-s͟hāhī muhar, and sent by him a special turban (chīra) to K͟hān Jahān, my son (farzand).
Thence, in five marches, I reached the pargana of Kirāna, the native country of Muqarrab K., and the Court encamped there. By way of offering, his Vakils laid before me 91 rubies[187] and 4 diamonds, 1,000 gaz of mik͟hmal (satin) as a pā-andāz (foot-carpet), with a petition from him, presenting also 100 camels as charity. I ordered them to be distributed among deserving people. From this place, in five marches Delhi became the halting-place of the standards of good fortune I sent Itʿimādu-d-daula to my fortunate son S͟hāh Parwīz with a special farjī (a dress), for him, and it was settled that he should return in the space of one month and wait on me. Having halted for two days at Salīmgaṛh, on Thursday, the 23rd, I passed through the district of Delhi with the intention of hunting in the pargana of Pālam, and halted on the bank of the S͟hamsī tank. On the road I scattered 4,000 charans (Rs. 1,000) with my own hand. Twenty-two elephants, male and female, had arrived from Bengal as an offering from Allah-yār, s. Iftik͟hār K., and were passed before me.
Ẕū-l-Qarnain[188] obtained leave to proceed to the faujdārship of Sambhar. He is the son of Iskandar, the Armenian, and his father had the good fortune to be in the service of ʿArs͟h-ās͟hyānī (Akbar), who gave him in marriage the daughter of ʿAbdu-l-Ḥayy,[189] the Armenian, who was in service in the royal harem. By her he had two sons. One was Ẕū-l-Qarnain, who was intelligent and fond of work, and to him, during my reign, the chief diwans had entrusted the charge of the government salt works at Sambhar, a duty which he performed efficiently. He was now appointed to the faudjarship of that region. He is an accomplished composer of Hindi songs. His method in this art was correct, and his compositions were frequently brought to my notice and were approved. Laʿl Beg[190] was selected for the daroghahship of the records in the place of Nūru-d-dīn Qulī. I passed four days pleasantly in sporting in the neighbourhood of Pālam and returned to Salīmgaṛh. On the 29th, 19 elephants, 2 eunuchs,[191] 1 slave, 41[192] fighting cocks, 12 bullocks, and 7 buffaloes were brought before me as offerings from Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang. On Thursday, the 30th, corresponding with the 25th Rabīʿu-l-awwal, the ceremony of my lunar weighing[193] was performed. I had sent Koka K. to the K͟hān-k͟hānān, and forwarded some messages by him. On this day a petition from him arrived. Mīr Mīrān, who had been appointed to the faujdārship of Mewāt, on this day came and paid his respects, and was dignified with the governorship of Delhi, in the room of Sayyid Bahwa.
On this day Āqā Beg and Muḥibb ʿAlī, the envoys of the ruler of Persia, paid their respects, and presented a loving letter from that noble brother, together with a black and white plume (kalgī-i-ablaq), valued by the jewellers at Rs. 50,000. My brother also sent me a ruby weighing 12 tānks,[194] which had belonged to the jewel-chamber of M. Ulug͟h Beg, the successor of M. S͟hāh-ruk͟h. In the course of time, and by the revolutions of fate, it had come into the hands of the Ṣafawī family. On this ruby there were engraved in the Nask͟h[195] character the words: “Ulug͟h Beg b. M. S͟hāh-ruk͟h Bahādur b. Mīr Tīmūr Gūrgān.” My brother, S͟hāh ʿAbbās, directed that in another corner they should cut the words:
Banda-i-S͟hāh-i-Wilāyat[196] ʿAbbās
“The slave of the King of Holiness, ʿAbbās.”
in the Nastaʿlīq character. He had this ruby inserted in a jīg͟ha (turban ornament), and sent to me as a souvenir. As the ruby bore the names of my ancestors, I took it as a blessing for myself, and bade Saʿīdā, the superintendent of the goldsmith’s department, engrave in another corner the words “Jahāngīr S͟hāh b. Akbar S͟hāh,” and the current date. After some days, when the news of the conquest of the Deccan arrived, I gave that ruby to K͟hurram, and sent it to him.
On Saturday, the 1st of Isfandārmuẕ, I marched from Salīmgaṛh, and going first to the glorious mausoleum of Humāyūn (may the lights of Allah be his testimony!), performed the dues of humility, and presented 2,000 quarter rupees (charan) to those who sat in seclusion in that pure cemetery. I encamped twice on the bank of the Jumna in the environs of the city. Sayyid Hizabr K.,[197] who had been appointed an auxiliary to K͟hān Jahān, was sent off with the distinction of a dress of honour, a sword, a dagger, a horse, and a standard. Sayyids ʿĀlim and ʿAbdu-l-Hādī, his brothers, were also each honoured with a horse and a dress of honour. Mīr Baraka Buk͟hārī was allowed to go to Transoxiana. I entrusted Rs. 10,000 to him, 5,000 of them to be conveyed to K͟hwāja Ṣāliḥ Dihbīdī, who from his fathers was one of the well-wishers of this State, and the other 5,000 to be divided among the mujāwirs (custodians) attached to the tomb of Tīmūr (may the lights of Allah be his testimony!). I also gave a special turban (chīra) to Mahābat K., and sent it to him by Mīr Baraka. I also ordered Mīr Baraka to make every effort to procure mottled fish-teeth, and to procure them from any possible quarter, and at any price.
I went by boat from Delhi, and in six stages reached the plain of Brindāban. I gave an elephant to Mīr Mīrān, and permitted him to go to Delhi. Zabar-dast K. was selected to be Mīr Tūzuk (master of ceremonies) in the place of Fidāʾī K., and I presented him with a special shawl (parm-narm). Next day, Gokul[198] was the place of encampment. At this stage, Las͟hkar K., the governor of Agra, ʿAbdu-l-Wahhāb Dīwān, Rāja Nath Mal, K͟hiẓr K. Fārūqī, ruler (deposed) of Āsīr and Burhanpur, Aḥmad K., his brother, the Qāẓī, the Muftī, and other chief men of the city (of Agra), had the good fortune to wait[199] on me. On the 11th I halted auspiciously at the Nūr-afs͟hān[200] garden, which is on the opposite side of the Jumna. As the auspicious hour for entering the city had been fixed for the 14th, I halted here, and at the selected auspicious hour proceeded to the fort, and entered the palace happily and victoriously. The propitious journey from Lahore to Agra was accomplished in the period of two months and two[201] days, with 49 marches and 21 halts. No day either of marching or halting, on land or water, passed without sport. 114 deer, 51 duck, 4 heron (kārwānak), 10 black partridge (durrāj), and 200 bodna[202] were taken on the way.
As Las͟hkar K. had satisfactorily performed his duties at Agra, I increased his mansab by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and made it 4,000 personal and 2,500 horse, and sent him as an auxiliary to the army of the Deccan. Saʿīdā, superintendent of the goldsmith’s department, was dignified with the title of Bī-badal K. Four horses, some silver ornaments and cloths, which the ruler of Persia had sent me by Āqā Beg and Muḥammad Muḥibb ʿAlī, were produced before me on this day. The entertainment of Thursday, the 20th, took place in the Nūr-manzil garden. I gave a present of Rs. 1,00,000 to my son S͟hahriyār. Muz̤affar K., according to order, came from Thatta, and had the good fortune to wait on me. He offered 100 muhars and Rs. 100. Las͟hkar K. produced a ruby as an offering. It was valued at Rs. 4,000. A special horse of the name of Muṣāḥib (companion) was given to ʿAbdu-llah K. ʿAbdu-s-Salām, s. Muʿaz̤z̤am K., having arrived from Orissa, had the good fortune to wait on me: 100 muhars and Rs. 100 were laid before me as his nazar. The mansab of Dūst Beg, s. Tūlak K., was fixed at 900 personal and 400 horse. The entertainment of Thursday, the 27th, was held in the Nūr-afs͟hān garden. A special dress of honour was given to M. Rustam, and a horse to his son, who was called Dakhanī, and a special horse and an elephant to Las͟hkar K.
On Friday, the 28th, I went to hunt to the village of Samonagar, and returned at night. Seven Persian horses, with their trappings, were laid before me as an offering from Āqā Beg and Muḥibb ʿAlī. I presented Zambīl Beg, the ambassador, with a Nūr-jahānī muhar of the weight of 100 tolas, and gave a jewelled penholder to Ṣādiq K., the chief Bakhshi. I also gave a village[203] in Agra, by way of inʿām, to K͟hiẓr K. Fārūqī. In this year 85,000 bīghās of land, 3,325 k͟har-wārs (of rice), 4 villages, 2 ploughs (of land), and a garden, Rs. 2,327, 1 muhar, 6,200 darbs (half rupees), 7,880 quarter rupees (charan), 1,512 tolas of gold and silver, and 10,000 dams from the treasury were given, in my presence, as alms to faqīrs and necessitous people. Thirty-eight elephants, of the value of Rs. 2,41,000,[204] were presented as offerings, and were placed in the special elephant house, whilst 51 were presented by me to the great Amirs and the servants of the Court.
[1] Each sidereal hour being equal to 2½ gharis. [↑]
[2] Sag-i-ābī. Probably otters are meant, as a name for them is pānī kuttā (“water-dogs”). But in the dictionaries sag-i-ābī is given as meaning the beaver. The otter occurs in Kashmir, and is known as wudar. Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, 111. [↑]
[3] Properly Būlīyāsa. See Stein, A.S.B.J., for 1899, p. 85. It is the Peliasa of the maps. Later on, Jahāngīr indicates its position by saying that it is 11 koss on the Kashmir side of the Kis͟han Gangā. [↑]
[4] That is, I presume, he did not really utter the words, but his appearance represented them. The Iqbāl-nāma has, p. 138, mihmān chū Bīga (“a guest such as a Begam”). MS. 181 has nāgah chū Sult̤ān. I.O. MS. 305 has nāgah chū mihmān. The reading Bega or Begam certainly seems preferable. The text is wrong as usual, and has mihān (“the great”), unless it is to be read mahān, and taken in the sense of Moons—i.e., ladies. [↑]
[5] The Iqbāl-nāma, 139, has Kahtāʾī. [↑]
[6] The Iqbāl-nāma, 139, has 500 horse. [↑]
[7] The name of M. Rustam’s son, who was drowned. [↑]
[8] Kus͟htīgīr, which means a wrestler. But Jahāngīr puns on the word as if it were kis͟htīgīr (“a boatman”). Perhaps kus͟htīgīr was his name. I presume that the person meant is the other servant. There was no boat there. The Iqbāl-nāma has either kis͟htīgīr, or kus͟htīgīr. [↑]
[9] There is an extraordinary account of the Mīrzā’s death in Price’s “Jahangir” which quite differs from the story told here. See Price, p. 138. It is also stated there that he had been married six months before to a daughter of Iʿtimādu-d-daula. There is also an account of the accident in the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 139. [↑]
[11] Perhaps we should read Būniyār. See Stein, loc. cit., p. 87. Jahāngīr seems to have crossed over to the left bank of the Jhelam in the course ot his march. Perhaps he did so at Ooriu of the map (Ūrī). Būniyār seems to be the Bhaniar of the map. I.O. MS. 181 has Butiyār. [↑]
[12] The allusion may be to the tuft of leaves at the top of a pineapple. [↑]
[14] Pūs͟h means flower in Kashmiri. Does the name mean “flower of ʿAlī the Perfect”? [↑]
[15] Bāramūla is on the left bank of the Jhelam according to the I.G., new edition. But maps and travellers seem to place it on the right bank. [↑]
[16] Fourteen koss seem too little. The distance to Srinagar seems to be 31 miles by the road. The old city Vāramūla was on the right bank. Stein, 201. It is 32 miles from Srinagar. [↑]
[17] There is an omission in the text here. The MSS. have: “As Monday had been fixed for entering Srinagar, I did not think it advisable to halt at this stage, but immediately entered boats with the ladies and proceeded on with blessings towards the goal. On Sunday, the 10th, when two watches of the day had passed, I arrived at S͟hihābu-d-dīn-pūr.” [↑]
[18] See Jarrett, II. 310, n. 7. [↑]
[19] The MSS. have Lā? Apparently the kah of text is a relative pronoun and not part of the name. Perhaps Lah in Ladakh is the place meant. [↑]
[20] Dar kull (“in general, in bulk”) (?). [↑]
[21] The MSS. have also Mandal Badr. They have not Mulk after Badr as in text. [↑]
[23] Zar here does not, I think, mean gold. [↑]
[24] The silver sāsnū of Jarrett, II. 354, and n. 2. [↑]
[25] Jahāngīr went part of the way by water. [↑]
[26] Perhaps he is the Raja Bhagwān Singh mentioned by Drew in his book on Kashmir, p. 119. [↑]
[27] Abū-l-Faẓl, Jarrett, II. 347, puts Kashmir into the third and fourth climates, but at Vol. III., p. 89, he puts Kashmir into the fourth climate. Probably both he and Jahāngīr mean by Kashmir Srinagar. The appellation “White Islands” is probably a mistake for “The Fortunate Islands,” safīd (white) being written instead of saʿāda, which is the word in the Iqbāl-nāma. Jazāʾir-i-Saʿāda (“The Fortunate Isles”) is also the expression used in the Z̤afar-nāma, II. 178, which is probably the source of the Āyīn and the Tūzuk. In the extract from the Z̤afar-nāma given in the T. Ras͟hīdī translation, 430, the longitude is given as 105° from the “Fortunate Islands.” The text of the Āyīn, Bib. Ind. edition, II. 42, gives 105.40° as the longitude. [↑]
[28] See Rieu, I. 296. The translator was Mullā S͟hāh Muḥ. of S͟hāhābād. See also Blochmann, 106. [↑]
[29] The Peliasa of the maps and the Bolvasaka of Stein. Qambarbar is Farūtar in text. The Iqbāl-nāma, 147, has Qambarbar. It is evidently the Qambarber of Jarrett, II. 347 and 361. It lies in the south-east of Kashmir. Measured by the compass, Jahāngīr’s 67 is much more correct than Abū-l-Faẓl’s 120. The I.G. new edition gives the area of Kashmir and Jammu as 80,900 square miles. Lawrence states the approximate length of the valley as 84 miles, and the breadth as from 20 to 25 miles. [↑]
[30] The word used by Jahāngīr is daraʿ, which is given by Steingass as Arabic, and as meaning a yard. Ẕaraʿ again, is given as equal to a cubit. Clearly Jahāngīr uses the word here as equivalent to a gaz or yard, for he says that there are 5,000 daraʿ in the koss adopted by himself and his father, and Abū-l-Faẓl in the Āyīn (Jarrett, II. 414) says the koss is 5,000 gaz. The word daraʿ is also rendered gaz in the Hindustani translation of the Memoirs. There is an important discrepancy between the two I.O. MSS. and the printed text of the Memoirs. The former, instead of saying that the daraʿ or yard is = 2 s͟harʿī daraʿ, say that 1¼ daraʿ are = 2 s͟harʿī daraʿ. In the Āyīn (Jarrett, II. 417) the gaz is given as equal to 24 digits. See later on, p. 303 of text, where, in describing S͟hāh S͟hujā’s accident, 7 daraʿ are said to be equal to 10 s͟harʿī, or ordinary, gaz. [↑]
[31] See text (thirteenth year), p. 234, where it is stated that the Ilāhī gaz is 40 finger-breadths. [↑]
[32] Vīr is willow, so Vīr-nāg means Willow-fountain. [↑]
[33] Jarrett, II. 387. The I.G., XXIII. 100, says it was built by Zainu-l-ʿābidīn. The inscription shows that Zainu-l-ʿābidīn built it (Lawrence, 290). It is stated there that it was also burnt in 1029. A.H.—i.e., in the year of Jahāngīr’s visit. [↑]
[34] K͟hānaqāhī. Lawrence, 292. [↑]
[35] So in text and MSS., but perhaps dū is a mistake for Dal. However, the I.G. speaks of two lakes, the Dal and the Anchar (north of Srīnagar). See also Lawrence, 20 and 36. [↑]
[36] Probably the meaning is that the water never causes indigestion. Abū-l-Faẓl speaks of the streams being k͟hūs͟h-guwār—i.e., their water is digestible. [↑]
[37] The number of boatmen, when compared with the number of boats, seems very small, but the figures are the same in the I.O. MSS. and in the Iqbāl-nāma, 149. Perhaps the word bīst, 20, has been omitted, and we should read 27,400 boatmen. Lawrence states the number of boatmen at 33,870, and the boats, exclusive of private ones, at 2,417. The revenue of Kashmir, as stated by Jahāngīr, is that mentioned in the Āyīn, Jarrett, II. 366, and is according to the assessment of Qāẓī ʾĀlī. In the two I.O. MSS. the corresponding number of dāms is given as 7,46,70,400 (Rs. 1,866,760), being only 11 less than that given in Jarrett, II. 367, line 3. The figures given in Lawrence, 234, are taken apparently from the Persian text (compare Bib. Ind. edition, I. 571), corresponding to Jarrett, II. 368. The pargana Der, which Lawrence failed to trace, is a mistake for the well-known Ver, dal having been written or read by mistake for wa. [↑]
[38] Compare Jarrett, II. 366. “Some part of the Sair Jihat cesses are taken in cash.” [↑]
[40] Compare Jarrett, II. 348, where we have “the country is enchanting, and might be fittingly called a garden of perpetual spring surrounding a citadel terraced to the skies.” [↑]
[41] That is, the flowers. [↑]
[42] Text jawānīhā, but I.O. MSS. have k͟hūbīhā. [↑]
[43] Apparently the proper spelling is jūg͟hās͟hī. See Vullers’ s. v. and Bahār-i-ʿajam, 368, col. a. It is a black tulip. Sir George King thought it might be the Fritillaria imperialis. See Jarrett, 349, and n. 1. [↑]
[44] Nūr-afzā garden. See infra. [↑]
[45] Tagetes patula. The genda of Bengal? [↑]
[46] Compare text, p. 235. [↑]
[47] Compare Jarrett, II. 349, where the words “Besides plums and mulberries” should be “except cherries (s͟hāh-ālū) and s͟hāh-tūt” (a large mulberry). [↑]
[48] Blochmann, 411. Abū-l-Faẓl, Āyīn, Blochmann, 65, speaks of cherries coming from Kabul. But cherries both sweet and sour are mentioned in the T. Ras͟hīdī as growing in Kashmir (Translation, p. 425). [↑]
[50] S͟hikananda, query, melting. The word occurs also in Iqbāl-nāma, 152. Possibly it means “with good markings.” [↑]
[51] But see I.G., XV. 124, where s͟hāh-tūt is mentioned. See also Lawrence, 348. [↑]
[52] Compare Jarrett, II. 349. [↑]
[53] Mus͟hang or mus͟hanj, a small pea (“pisum arvense”). [↑]
[54] Text k͟hus͟hka-tar. MSS. have k͟hus͟hka narm. Perhaps we should translate “it is inferior and dry. They boil till it is soft, etc.” The Iqbāl-nāma has k͟hus͟hka narm mī-pazand. [↑]
[55] The sentence about wheat is omitted in the text. [↑]
[56] Text kūhī (“hill”); but this is opposed to the MSS. and also to the Āyīn-i-Akbarī which Jahāngīr is evidently copying. See Jarrett II. 350, and n. 3, and Persian text, I. 563. The I.O. MSS. of Tūzuk have kaddī or gaddī. Gaddī is the name of a pastoral tribe (see Lawrence, 12), and there is a Turkish word kedī meaning a cat, and a word gaddī which means “horned.” The Iqbāl-nāma, 153, has “kadī-i-Hindustān.” Jarrett, loc. cit. states that handū in Kashmiri means a domestic ram. The word for tailless is bī-dumba, and perhaps means that the sheep have not the enormously thick tails of some kinds of hill sheep. [↑]
[57] Possibly nahrma (“like a river”), is right, for the garment is said to be mauj-dār (“having waves”). The word mauj-dār occurs in the Iqbāl-nāma, 153, and in the two I.O. MSS. [↑]
[58] Jul is a coverlet, and k͟hirsak means a little bear, but is applied to a rough woollen coverlet—a drugget. Darma is a name in Bengal for a reed mat. [↑]
[59] Perhaps “tie it at the waist.” But see Lawrence, 252: “The Panditana wears a girdle, but no drawers.” [↑]
[60] The MSS. have ṭaṭṭū. Both they and the text have also the words chahār s͟hāna ba-zamīn nazdīk. Chahār s͟hāna means a dwarf. Literally it means “four shoulders,” and Vullers following, the Bahār-i-ʿAjam, defines it as a man of small stature with thick shoulders. Evidently the words ba-zamīn nazdīk are meant as an explanation or addition to Chahār-s͟hāna, and signify that the yābū or ṭaṭṭū has his withers near the ground. The words also occur in the Iqbāl-nāma, 154. [↑]
[61] Jangrah u s͟hak͟h-jilau. Jangrah, however, may refer to their gait, and may mean that they don’t go straight, and very likely we should read changrah “going crookedly.” S͟hak͟h-jilau is not in the dictionaries, and I only guess at the meaning. The phrase is also in the Iqbāl-nāma, 154. [↑]
[62] Text īlchī-i-sāmān. The real word is īlk͟hī, which is also spelt īlqī and īlg͟hī, and is a Turki word meaning a horse, and also a troop of horses. See Pavet de Courteille Dictionary, p. 132, and Vullers I. 149b, who refers to the Burhān-i-qāt̤iʿ, Appendix. See also Zenker, p. 152. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 155, top line, wrongly has balk͟hhā (from Balkh?). [↑]
[63] Jarrett, II. 352, and n. 1, also T. Ras͟hīdī, translation, 435. But perhaps all that is meant is the followers of the national saint S͟haik͟h Nūru-d-dīn. Lawrence, 287. [↑]
[64] Taken from the Āyīn, see Jarrett, II. 353. There they are called brahmans, but this seems to be an error of the Bib. Ind. text. Gladwin has “Rishi.” The Rīs͟hīs were Muhammadans. See Jarrett, II. 359, where mention is made of Bābā Zainu-d-dīn Rīs͟hī. See also Colonel Newall’s paper on the Rīs͟hīs or Hermits of Kashmir, A.S.B.J., 1870, p. 265. [↑]
[65] Text Bārān. MSS. have Mārān, and Eastwick has Koh-i-Mahran. He calls it an isolated hill 250 feet high. It is on the north outskirts of the city. See also Lawrence, 184, and n. 2, and Stein, 147–48. [↑]
[66] The Dal Lake is 3.87 miles long and 2.58 broad, the Ānchar Dal is 3.51 miles long and 2.15 broad. Lawrence, 20. [↑]
[67] MSS. have kīl, and so has the Iqbāl-nāma. Kīl is given in Lawrence, 114, as the Kashmir name for the ibex. [↑]
[69] This is the Ilāhī gaz. [↑]
[70] Blochmann, 252, and note. [↑]
[71] So called because in S͟hujāʿ’s horoscope. [↑]
[72] A village called ʿAis͟h-maqām is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 359, n. 1, but it is probably not the ʿAis͟hābād here mentioned, for ʿAis͟h-maqām was on the Lidar and a long way S.S.E. Srinagar. [↑]
[73] S͟higūfa-i-sad-barg (“the blossoms of the hundred-leaved rose”?). [↑]
[74] Allah-dād was s. Jalālu-d-dīn Tārīkī, also called Raus͟hānī, and he became a distinguished officer of S͟hāh-Jahān under the title of Ras͟hīd K. See Maʾās̤ir, II. 248, and Dabistān, 390. [↑]
[75] There are different readings. No. 181 has Maud and Mihrī. Apparently it is the Mau and Nabah of Jarrett, II. 319, where also there are various readings. See also Tūzuk, 263, where the text has Mau u s͟hahra. [↑]
[76] Or Chārvara. See Rieu Catalogue, I. 297. Ḥaidar Malik wrote a history of Kashmir. It was he who protected Nūr-Jahān after her first husband’s murder. Stein has Cadura, recte Isādur p. 43; it is 10 miles south of Srinagar. [↑]
[77] An allusion to Nūr-Jahān and to Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr. [↑]
[78] See Akbar-nāma, III. 542, and T̤abaqāt-i-Akbarī extract in Appendix, translation of Tārīk͟h-i-Ras͟hīdī, p. 490. The place was K͟hānpūr or near it. Perhaps the tree is the Adansonīa. See also Jarrett, II. 363. According to Stein, 191, Halthal is the name of the village, and is a corruption of Salasthala. This agrees with the Āyīn I. 569, but not with Akbar-nāma III. 542, where halthal is given as the name of the tree. [↑]
[79] I have not found this passage in the Akbar-nāma. The Iqbāl-nāma, 159, says that 70 people stood erect inside of the trunk. Rāwal-pūr is marked on the map of Kashmir, a little to the south of Srinagar. Niz̤āmu-d-dīn, in his chapter on Kashmir in the T̤abaqāt-i-Akbarī, speaks of a tree under the shade of which 200 horsemen could stand. [↑]
[80] Possibly bī-ṣarfa only means “unsuccessful.” But it is used lower down (text 308, line 8), in the sense of immoderate or unprofitable. [↑]
[81] Text has Turks (Turkiyān). [↑]
[82] Apparently the Rohankhed of I.G., XXI. 304. [↑]
[83] Literally, “raised the foot of ignorance.” [↑]
[84] Perhaps Sukh Nāg is the Shakar Nāg of Jarrett, II. 361. The Sukh Nāg River is mentioned in Lawrence, 16. It may also be the waterfall mentioned by Bernier, which he says Jahāngīr visited and levelled a rock in order to see properly. [↑]
[85] From Dr. Scully’s list it appears that this is the sāch, the rose-coloured starling, Pastor roseus. See also Vullers, Dictionary, s. v. The bird seen by Jahāngīr may have been a dipper, Lawrence, 153. [↑]
[86] The MSS. have kulhai. [↑]
[87] According to the two I.O. MSS.—which are corroborated by the Iqbāl-nāma—the text has here omitted an important part of the report—presumably a written one—submitted by the Qāẓī and the Mīr ʿAdl. After the words “denied it,” there comes in the MSS. the statement: “The Ḥakīm-zāda (Ḥakīm’s son) produced two witnesses in court. The Sayyids invalidated (or impeached) the testimony of one of them, and the Ḥakīm-zāda brought a third witness and proved his case according to law.” The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 161, has not the whole of this, and it has k͟hārij instead of jārih, but it has the words guwāh-i-s̤ālis̤ (“a third witness”). [↑]
[88] The meaning seems to be that he would in corroboration and ex cautela take the oath. He had already proved his claim in the ordinary way by witnesses and the production of the bond. See the account in the Iqbāl-nāma, 160–63, which is fuller than that in text. [↑]
[89] Muʿāmala-i-kullī ast. “The case was involved” (like a bud?), or perhaps “the case was important.” [↑]
[90] The text wrongly omits the negative. See Iqbāl-nāma, I. 62. [↑]
[91] Apparently this was Ṣāliḥa Bānū d. Qāʾim K. Blochmann, 371, and 477, n. 2. She had the name of Pāds͟hāh-maḥall. See Hawkins’ account in Purchas, IV. 31, and K͟hāfī K. I. 259. He calls the father Qāsim. [↑]
[92] It is G͟hairat K. in I.O. MS., 181. [↑]
[93] For Jalāl K., see Blochmann, 455 and 486. He was grandson of Sult̤ān Ādam. [↑]
[94] Rasīd. See lower down text 308, where it is noted that the cherries came to an end. [↑]
[95] This represents A.H. 1029, or 1620. [↑]
[96] Mat-treading or beating = house-warming. This was in honour of the new picture-gallery. [↑]
[97] Dānahā-kīs͟h. See Vullers, s.v. Kesh. The kīs͟h is a marten of whose skin neckcloths, etc., are made. This note corrects the one at p. 321 of translation, as also the text there. [↑]
[98] It is Būsī-marg in the I.O. MSS. But perhaps the text is right, and the place is the Tosh Maidān of Lawrence, 16. [↑]
[99] The gun is now at Bijapur, I.G., VIII. 186. [↑]
[100] Compare Iqbāl-nāma, 163–64. The text has rān (“thigh”) instead of zabān. [↑]
[101] Blochmann, 382. The name of the son is given in the MSS. as Mīr ʿAlī Aṣg͟har. [↑]
[102] Perhaps this is the Gurais Valley of Lawrence, 16, for Kūrī may be read Gūrī. [↑]
[103] See Jarrett, III. 121 and n. 5. The bird is either the common hawk-cuckoo of Jerdon (Hierococcyx varius) or his Coccystes melanoleucos—i.e., the pied-crested cuckoo, for both birds seem to have the native name of Papīhā. The Hierococcyx varius is the “brain-fever” bird of the Anglo-Indian, I.G., I. 250. The pied-crested cuckoo occurs in Kashmir, and so also apparently does a bird of the genus Hierococcyx. Lawrence, pp. 138, 139. [↑]
[104] I am not sure what bird this is. G͟haug͟hāʾī means a turtle dove in Bengal, but I doubt if this be the bird meant by Jahāngīr. G͟haug͟hāʾī would mean a noisy bird, and perhaps is the Bengal Babbler of Jerdon, or the Sāt Bhāʾī (seven brothers) of the Indians. It belongs to the Malacocircus genus, and Jerdon, I. 340, states that the pied-crested cuckoo generally lays her egg in the nest of the Malacocirci. The babbling thrushes occur in Kashmir. In Blochmann, 296, there is an account of how g͟haug͟hāʾīs are caught. [↑]
[105] MS. 305 has G͟hairat K., but No. 181 has ʿArab K., and this agrees with Stanley Lane Poole’s Muhammadan dynasties (p. 279), which has ʾArab Muḥammad as ruling down to 1623. Ūrganj is in K͟hīva. [↑]
[106] Jahāngīr called K͟hān-Jahān his farzand (son). [↑]
[107] Not the famous ʿAlī Mardān, but ʿAlī Mardān, who was killed in the Deccan. Blochmann, 496. [↑]
[108] Dandān-i-ablaq-i-jauhar-dār. Jauhar-dār here does not mean “jewelled,” but veined or striped. See Vullers, I. 542a. Walrus-teeth may be meant by Jahāngīr, but tortoise-shell is more likely. [↑]
[109] Sundar is another name for Rāja Bikramājīt, and the reference must be to the Siege of Kāngṛa. Jauhar Mal was a son of Rāja Bāso, and appears to be the same person as Sūraj Mal. It is Jauhar in I.O. MS., 181. [↑]
[110] Deotānī in No. 181. Blochmann has the name Dutānī, apparently as a tribal name (p. 504), and Elphinstone speaks in vol. II., p. 82, of a small tribe called Dumtauny. [↑]
[111] Veth is the Kashmiri name for the Jhelam (Lawrence, 18). It is contracted from Vitasta. It is curious that the date of the festival should be given according to a Muhammadan month (S͟hawwāl), which must recur at different seasons. Apparently the meaning is that the birth of the Jhelam took place on that day.
Apparently the festival is not much celebrated nowadays, for it is not mentioned by Lawrence (264–266), except that in a note to p. 266 the Vathtrwah is mentioned as a day on which daughters receive presents. The 19th S͟hahrīwar, the corresponding date mentioned by Jahāngīr, would answer to the end of August or beginning of September, and to the Hindu month of Āsin. 13 S͟hawwāl, 1029, would correspond to 1 September, 1620. Possibly the S͟hawwāl of text is a mistake for the Hindu month Sāwan—i.e., Srāvan. The legend of the birth of the Jhelam is told in Stein, 97. Possibly S͟hawwāl does not here mean the month, and we should read s͟hag͟hal-i-chirāg͟hān, “the business of lamps.” [↑]
[112] The crane visits Kashmir in winter, but Jahāngīr was never there in that season. [↑]
[113] The text wrongly gives this as a list of birds which are found in Kashmir. The Iqbāl-nāma 159 and the MSS. show that the text has omitted a negative, and that the list consists of Indian birds which are not met with in Kashmir. Several of the names do not occur in the dictionaries. No 2 (the sāras) is described in Babur’s Memoirs, 321. No. 4 is the florikan, or Otis Bengalensis. For Nos. 5–7 see Babur’s Memoirs, 321. Karawān is a crane in Arabic, apparently, and so Karwānak should be a little crane. It is also described as a kind of partridge. Perhaps the Karwānak is the demoiselle crane. No. 9 may be the oriole, or mango-bird, but that, too, is common in Kashmīr. For No. 12, which may be the ibis, see Babur’s Memoirs, 322. For No. 14 see Babur’s Memoirs, p. 321, and for No. 18 Babur’s Memoirs, 320. For the S͟hārak (No. 19), see Babur’s Memoirs, 319. No 22 may possibly be the bee-eater (Merops viridis). For No. 23 see Babur’s Memoirs, 267 and 321. No. 25 may be one of the parrots, as Ḥāfiz̤ called the Indian parrots and poets ṭuṭiyān-i-s͟hakar-s͟hikan. See Āyīn-i-Akbarī, Persian text, I. 415, and Jarrett, II. 150. The ṭaṭīrī, No. 30, is apparently the black partridge Francolinus vulgaris. The names of the birds seem to be often wrong in the text, and so I have followed the I.O. MSS. [↑]
[114] Kurg, but perhaps Gurg, “the wolf,” is meant. The wolf is very rare in Kashmīr (Lawrence, 109). [↑]
[115] Query, mūs͟hak-i-kūr—i.e., mole. [↑]
[116] According to Wilson’s Glossary, the tola is = 180 grains Troy, and the mis̤qāl = 63½ grains Troy. [↑]
[117] Elliot, VI. 373, and Iqbāl-nāma 165. [↑]
[118] Vernag of Lawrence, 23. [↑]
[119] Text u ān; in MSS. ū. [↑]
[121] Jarrett, II. 356, where it is written Vej Brára. [↑]
[123] This must be the Nandīmarg of Jarrett II. 357 and of Akbar-nāma III. 551. In the Āyīn (Jarrett II. 356), mention is made of a place where there are seven fountains. Stein, 182, speaks of a spring sacred to the seven Rīs͟hīs. Is it possible that c͟has͟hma in the A.N. (Persian text, I. 565) is a mistake for c͟hinār? [↑]
[124] Satha phūlī? Seven fountains? [↑]
[125] K͟hān Daurān is the S͟hāh-Beg K. Arg͟hūn of Blochmann, 377. [↑]
[126] See Maʾās̤ir, II. 155, and Blochmann, 483, for an account of Rām Dās. Inch is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 356. Perhaps Inch is the Yech pargana of Stein, 190–191. [↑]
[127] Rām Dās had died eight years before this. [↑]
[128] Akbar-nāma, III. 725, last line; Lawrence, 298; Stein, loc. cit., 176, 177. [↑]
[129] The Achh Dal of Jarrett, II. 358, and the Achabal of Lawrence, 22. [↑]
[130] Jarrett, II. 361. The Dīr Nāg of Iqbāl-nāma, 165. See also Jarrett, II. 361. The Vernag of Lawrence, 23. Jahāngīr interpolates an account of Vīrnāg into the annals of the second year. See p. 92 of translation. [↑]
[131] So in text, but a few lines lower down the depth is spoken of as four gaz. The Ibqāl-nāma has “fourteen yards.” [↑]
[132] The Iqbāl-nāma has “to the end of the garden.” [↑]
[133] Iqbāl-nāma, 165, has “186 yards.” [↑]
[134] Compare Iqbāl-nāma, 166. [↑]
[135] The meaning is that the Marāj (or Marrāj), the upper part of Kashmir, is superior to the lower part, or Kāmrāj. See Tūzuk, 298. [↑]
[136] Iqbāl-nāma, 166. Perhaps the Bawan Send of Jarrett, II. 361. Loka Bhavan (bhavan means “abode”) is mentioned in Stein, 180. It is the Lokapūnya of the Rājataranginī. It is five miles south of Achbal. [↑]
[137] Is this a corruption of Ānantanāg—i.e., Islāmābād? [↑]
[138] Author of Iqbāl-nāma, 166. The appointment was that of examiner of petitions. [↑]
[139] I presume that the ends laid hold of by the boatmen were the disengaged ends—i.e., the ends 14 or 15 yards apart. But see Iqbāl-nāma, 166–167. [↑]
[140] Text Panj Hazāra. The MSS. are not clear. It may be the Sendbrary of Bernier. [↑]
[141] The word is s͟hikār, but, as he had renounced shooting, netting is probably what is meant. [↑]
[143] Or Pāmpar, the ancient Padmapūra. See Stein, J.A.S.B. for 1899, p. 167; Elliot, VI. 375. But the passage, as in Elliot, does not come directly from the Tūzuk or the Iqbāl-nāma. [↑]
[145] I.e., hawks taken from the nest, and not born in captivity. [↑]
[147] This is Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn, the dictionary-maker and friend of Sir Thomas Roe. [↑]
[148] The sentence appears obscure, but probably it was an order to the authorities at Lahore to supply Ḥusāmu-d-dīn with the cost of entertaining the ambassador up to the amount of Rs. 5,000. [↑]
[149] Perhaps the waterfall described by Bernier in his ninth letter, and mentioned as having been admired by Jahāngīr. [↑]
[150] Hīrāpūr is Hūrapūr and the ancient Sūrapūra. [↑]
[151] Marī or Nārī Brāra in the MSS. [↑]
[152] Bī-badal K. is the name given by Jahāngīr to Saʿīdā or S͟haidā who was chief goldsmith. See end of 15th year, p. 326 of text. For S͟haidā, who died in Kashmir in 1080 (A.D. 1669–70), see Rieu, III. 1083a, and I. 251, and Supp. Catalogue, p. 207, and Sprenger’s Catalogue 124. [↑]
[153] Text calls them brothers, but the MSS. show that birādar is a mistake for barābar, “equally.” [↑]
[154] The MSS. add: “He was a good youth (jawān) and without guile.” [↑]
[155] Āb-i-ḥayāt, “water of life,” a name given by Akbar to his āb-dār-k͟hāna, or supply of drinking-water, etc. See Blochmann, 51. [↑]
[156] Text wrongly has Thaṭṭa. [↑]
[157] Elliott, VI. 376. Apparently Satī was not practised by burning, but by burying. [↑]
[158] Bisyār bihtar, MS., 181. [↑]
[159] Girjhāk is said to be the Hindu name for Jalālpūr, and the probable site of Bukephala, Jarrett, II. 324. Makhiyāla is also mentioned there. It seems that Mūkhyāla is the famous Mānikiyāla, where the Buddhist tope is which was first described by Elphinstone. Abū-l-Faẓl says in the Āyīn that it was a place of worship. See I.G., new ed., XVII. 182. [↑]
[160] Mountain-sheep. Apparently three rings were made. [↑]
[161] The I.O. MSS. add here 76 head of mārk͟hwur, etc., were taken. [↑]
[162] Perhaps the reference is to the tomb he formerly put up over a favourite deer. [↑]
[163] MSS. have “is very noble.” [↑]
[164] Pigeon-fancier. He belonged to Herat, and is mentioned in Blochmann, 302. [↑]
[165] Text wrongly has 1031. It should be 1030, as in the Iqbāl-nāma, 171. [↑]
[166] The couplet is given in Iqbāl-nāma, 171, with some verbal differences. [↑]
[168] Jauhar Mal is mentioned at p. 310. Perhaps he was not Sūraj Mal, but it looks as if he was the same person. Cf. corresponding passage in Iqbāl-nāma, 173, where he is called Sūraj Mal. [↑]
[170] Rāja Bikramājīt. See ante, p. 310. [↑]
[171] Text wrongly has g͟halla grain, instead of ʿalafhā fodder, grasses, etc. See MSS. and Iqbāl-nāma, 174. [↑]
[172] Text wrongly has 1031, but it is 1031 in the MSS. and in Elliot, VI., 375. See, however, Elliot, VI. 378, and text, 326, which shew that the 16th year began in 1030. [↑]
[173] The ʿAbbāsī is also the name of a dress. The MSS. have fourteen, instead of four, horses. Apparently the presents were Zambil’s own offering, not that of his master. See below. [↑]
[174] Mansab-i-kabak. Perhaps we should read katak, and regard the increase as made to the office of guarding the palace. It is katak, apparently, in I.O. MSS. It may, however, be Kang or Gang and a man’s name. [↑]
[175] Apparently the translator of the Rājataranginī. [↑]
[176] Doubtless the Gwalior in the Panjab. [↑]
[177] Nūr Jahān’s daughter by S͟hīr-afgan. The date of the asking is given in the text as the third, but should be the 30th, as in the I.O. MSS. [↑]
[179] The Iqbāl-nāma, 176, has “ten crores.” [↑]
[180] The MSS. have 5,000. The word for “gunners” is tūpchī. [↑]
[181] The MSS., instead of Naus͟hahr, have sawād-i-s͟hahr, “the environs of the city” (cf. Lahore?). [↑]
[182] It was in the vicinity of Lahore. Akbar-nāma, III. 569. [↑]
[183] But the next page of text records another feast of the lunar weighment. Can it be that the lunar weighment refers to Nūr Jahān’s birthday, not to Jahāngīr’s? The 17th here mentioned is the 17th of the solar month of Dai, and corresponded to about December 28, 1620. In the following page (324) we are told that the lunar weighment took place on 30 Bahman, corresponding to 25 Rabīʿu-l-awwal—i.e., February 8, 1621: Jahāngīr’s birthday was on Rabīʿu-l-awwal 17, so the anniversary fell this year on 22 Bahman. Consequently, if he celebrated it, as stated on p. 323, on 17 Dai, he did so more than a month too soon! Evidently there is a mistake somewhere. [↑]
[184] This place is mentioned again in the account of the 16th year, p. 338. It evidently received its name from Nūr Jahān. [↑]
[185] Akbarpūr, twelve miles N.W. Mathurā. J. Sarkar’s India of Aurangzeb, 171. [↑]
[186] That is, of Chāch in Transoxiana, but according to I.O. MS. 181, the word is K͟hāfī—i.e., from K͟hāf or K͟hwāf. [↑]
[187] Ninety-one rubies is surely a mistake. The Iqbāl-nāma, 177, only speaks of one. It is, however, 91 yāqūt in I.O. MS., 181. [↑]
[188] This is the Armenian of whom so much is said by Father Botelho and other missionaries. It is mentioned in M. Wāris̤’s continuation of the Pādis͟hāh-nāma, p. 392, of B.M. MS., that Ẕū-l-Qarnain Farangī came from Bengal and presented poems which he had composed on S͟hāh Jahān’s name, and got a present of Rs. 4,000. He it was, probably, who entertained Coryat. The passage in the text seems to show that Akbar had an Armenian wife. [↑]
[189] He is mentioned in some MSS. of the Akbar-nāma, vol. III., as taking part in the religious discussions. [↑]
[190] Probably this is the Laʿl Beg who wrote a book about the Naqs͟hbandī order. See Maʾās̤iru-l-Umarā, II., 382. [↑]
[191] The Iqbāl-nāma has “42 eunuchs.” [↑]
[192] The MSS. have 40 cocks, 12 buffaloes, and 7 buffalo-horns. The text also has shāk͟h, horns, but this has been taken as a pleonasm. [↑]
[193] But there was such a ceremony a few days before (see p. 323 of text). [↑]
[194] For tānk see Blochmann, 16 n. The Iqbāl-nāma, 178, has “twelve mis̤qāls.” [↑]
[195] For the Nask͟h character see Blochmann, 99–100, and for the Nastaʿlīq, 101. See also the elaborate article on Writing in Hughes’ Dictionary of Islam. [↑]
[196] By S͟hāh-i-Wilāyat is meant the Caliph ʿAlī b. Abī T̤ālib. [↑]
[197] The Houshabarchan of Hawkins. [↑]
[198] Mahāban, five or six miles from Mathura. [↑]
[199] They had made an istiqbāl, or visit of welcome, from Agra. [↑]
[200] This was Bābar’s garden. It was on the opposite side of the Jumna to Agra. [↑]
[201] So in text, but two (dū) must be a mistake for “ten,” as 2 months, 2 days = 62, and the marches and halts 49 + 21 amount to 70, or 8 more. It is 10 in I.O. MSS. [↑]
[202] The būdna, or bodna, is a species of quail. See Bābar’s Memoirs, Erskine, p. 320, where it is spelt budinah. There is a description in the Āyīn, Blochmann, 296, of the mode of catching them. [↑]
[203] The word “village” is omitted in both the I.O. MSS. [↑]
[204] This gives an average of Rs. 6,342 for each animal. [↑]