FOOTNOTES:
[20] Called 'Ernault' a little after, which agrees with Moreri's Arnold.—See ante, p. 14, note.
[21] In Moreri's list, Henry de Marle succeeds Arnauld de Corbie in 1413, and is succeeded by Eustache de Laitre in 1418.
[CHAP. XXII.]
THE AMBASSADORS FROM THE KING OF FRANCE RETURN WITH THOSE FROM THE PRINCES TO PARIS.—THEY ARE JOINED BY OTHERS, WHO NEGOTIATE A FOURTH PEACE AT PONTOISE.
On Wednesday, the 12th day of July, the ambassadors whom the king and the dukes of Acquitaine, Berry, and Burgundy, had sent to the princes of the blood, namely, the bishop of Tournay, the grand master of Rhodes, the lords d'Offemont and de la Viefville, master Peter de Marigny, and some others, returned from their embassy. The answer they had brought having been soon after considered in council, the king ordered the dukes of Berry and Burgundy to go with the aforesaid ambassadors to Pontoise, when the king of Sicily, the dukes of Orleans and of Bourbon, the counts d'Alençon and d'Eu came to Vernon, and thence sent their ambassadors to Pontoise, to explain to the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, and the other ambassadors, the causes of their griefs, and the great miseries that must ensue should the war take place that was on the point of breaking out.
One of their ambassadors harangued well in clear and good French on the above subjects: the substance of what he said was as follows. 'To explain what has been intrusted to us by our lords, namely, the king of Sicily, the dukes of Orleans and of Bourbon, the counts d'Alençon and d'Eu, to you, my very redoubted lords of Berry and Burgundy, and to the gentlemen of the great council of the king and of my lord of Acquitaine, now in their company, since it becomes me to speak the words of peace, trusting in Him who is the sole Author of peace, and in the good will of my hearers, I shall take my text from the 33d Psalm, 'Oculi mei semper ad Dominum;' that is to say, My eyes are always turned to the Lord; and continue my discourse from what the wise Plato says, among other notable things, that all princes or others intrusted with the affairs of government should obey the commands of their sovereign in all they shall do for the public welfare, laying aside every private consideration for their own advantage, and regard themselves as part of a whole, the smallest member of which being wounded, the effect is felt by the head or chief lord.
'I consider, therefore, the kingdom of France as a body, of which our sovereign lord the king is the head, and his subjects the members. But in what degree shall I place my lords the princes who have sent us hither, or you, my lords, who hear me? for we know of no other head but our sovereign lord.—I can neither liken you to the head nor to the aforementioned members, on account of your rank; but I think I may compare you to the members nearest to the head, for among them may be counted the eyes, which are of the greatest use to it. I shall consequently compare you to the eyes, and for three singularly good reasons.
'First, the eyes ought to be well placed and formed alike; for should one be placed differently from the other, half closed or awry, the whole person is disgraced and acquires the name of Blind or Squinter. Now, it seems to me, that as my lords who have sent us, and you, my lords, who hear me, have persons handsomely made, you ought to be of one mind, and tending towards good; for you have eyes of a clear understanding, and of real affection, 'Oculi sapientis in capite ejus.'
'Secondly, the eyes are the most striking parts of the human body, and have a full view over every part of it, as the prophet Ezekiel says, in his 33d chapter, 'Speculatorem dedi te domui Israel.' Just so are our princes of the blood, for from their singular and strong affection to their sovereign lord and his kingdom, they constantly watch over and guard him.
'Thirdly, from the nobleness of the eye, which is of a circular form, and of such sensibility that when any other member of the body is hurt, or struck with grief, it weeps, as the prophet Jeremiah says in the 19th chapter, 'Plorans, plorabit, et educet oculus meus lachrimam quia captus est grex Domini.' In like manner Valerius Maximus relates, in his 8th book, that when Marcellus the tyrant saw his city despoiled by the enemy, who had taken it by storm, he could not refrain from weeping, which was becoming a real eye. Certainly it ought to bewail the pain of its members, as Codrus, duke of Athens, did, who caused himself to be slain to gain a victory over his enemies, as is related by Julius Frontinus, and this same Valerius Maximus in his 8th book. And because all our lords are and ought to be of the same stamp, I have compared them thereto by saying, 'Oculi mei semper ad Dominum.'
'As for me, being the spokesman of those who have been charged to come hither by our lords, we do not think of comparing ourselves to eyes, but solely to the very humble servants of the eye, being no greater parts of the members than the nail on the little finger, ready at the calls of our superiors; and from their commands have we been led to speak of such high concerns, which was matter of great grievance to us; but it is for the sake of peace, and in obedience to the eye, 'Oculi mei semper ad Dominum;' for in all times, every one should obey his lord, more especially when he is in adversity,—as Tully says in his treatise on Friendship,—Come to thy friend in prosperity, when he calls thee; but when he shall be in adversity, wait not to be called. I apply this to all landholders who are not the immediate ministers of a king, or of the Lord, according to the apostle St Peter, who says in his second chapter, 'Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, whether it be to the king as supreme,' &c. And again, 'Be obedient in the fear of our Lord, not only to the good and just but to the ignorant.' Thus may every one repeat the text I have chosen, 'Oculi mei semper ad Dominum.'
'Notwithstanding my lords who have sent us hither having the eyes of clear understanding, and affected with a true love to their sovereign as the head of the whole body of this Christian kingdom, are fearful that what Isaiah says in his 8th chapter may be applied to them; 'Speculatores ejus cæci omnes;' and that they may be said to resemble the hog who devours the fruit that falls from the tree, without ever looking up to the tree whence it falls. Nevertheless, they having considered the events that have lately taken place in Paris, are full of grief lest the whole body of the kingdom should consequently suffer such destruction as, from its continuation, may be mortal to it, which God, out of his gracious mercy, avert!
'In the first place, they have heard of the arrests and executions of the servants of the king, queen and duke of Acquitaine, to whom alone belongs the cognizance of any offences committed by them, and to none others. They have also been informed that the same conduct has been followed in regard to the ladies and damsels of the queen and the duchess of Acquitaine, which things, from honour to the queen their mistress, as well as for the respect due to the female sex and to modesty, ought not to have been done.
'The laws declare and command, under heavy penalties, that modest women shall not be publicly handled; and the honour of their families would seem to assure them of not being so treated, for which they make loud lamentations.
'Notwithstanding that the cognizance of any crime committed by a prince of the royal blood belongs solely to the king, the duke of Bar has been imprisoned, who is cousin-german to the king our lord, which causes much sorrow to our lords, more particularly to the king and queen of Sicily (who is his niece), who loudly cry out for his deliverance, as well as for that of duke Louis of Bavaria, brother to the queen. They are more hurt at the form and manner in which they were arrested; for, according to what has been told them, they were seized by those who were not king's officers, nor had any authority for so doing from him, but merely by a mob of common people, who forcibly broke down the doors of the king's and the duke of Acquitaine's apartments, saying to the latter many rude and impudent things, which, as is reported, have greatly displeased him; and they are particularly anxious to know why such disgraceful acts were done, as they are ignorant what could have caused them.
'Could any just reasons be alledged, they would not be so much astonished as they now are. But to continue: it has been told them that my lord is even deprived of his liberty, and that he cannot leave his hôtel, or at least that he is not suffered to go out of Paris; and that no one of his kindred, or of any high rank, are suffered to converse with him, but only those who guard him, as is done to common prisoners in many cases. This is matter of as serious grief to him and to my said lords, thus to be deprived of the conversation and sight of their sovereign lord on earth, as it would be to be debarred the vision of God in another life.
'Item, they complain, that since these events letters have been sent by the town of Paris to the aforesaid lords, and to others, and also to the chief towns in the kingdom, to declare that these arrests, imprisonments and executions, have taken place with the approbation of the duke of Acquitaine. They therefore lament such letters being sent, for none but the princes of the blood ought to be made acquainted with the acts of government, or with such charges as are made against different lords. There was, beside, no pretence for these letters, for no one had ever interfered with the government of the duke of Acquitaine; and it should seem to have been done solely with a view to inflame and instigate the people to some acts prejudicial to the king, to my lord of Acquitaine, his whole family, and even against these lords now present.
'They also complain, that through the importunity of these same Parisians, orders have been sent to their barons, knights, esquires and vassals, not to obey any summons they may receive from them, but to remain at home until the constable, or some other of the lords within Paris, shall send for them; and at this grievance they feel very indignant, for they have never done any thing, or had intentions of so acting, as to deserve to be deprived of the service of their vassals; and when the king should have occasion for them, they should have served in their company, &c.
'Item, they likewise complain of many expressions, and other orders, by which several officers take possession of castles and forts, and place in them new governors, dismissing very able captains, noble and valiant knights, who have loyally served their whole life without reproach, and still intend to serve the king.
'These things are very unusual and extraordinary, and create much uneasiness, by the bad example they afford as well to the head as the other members, to the producing of subversion and total ruin. This good kingdom has long been prosperously governed, chiefly by its regular police and strict justice, which are founded on three things, and have caused it to excel all other kingdoms.
'First, by its great learning, by which the Christian faith has been defended, and justice and equity maintained.
'Secondly, by its noble and gallant chivalry, by which not only this kingdom, but the whole of the faith has been supported and encouraged.
'Thirdly, by the numbers of loyal subjects, who, by their subordination and obedience, have given strength to the government.
'But now these three things, by the present perverse mode of acting, will be completely overturned; for all seems running to disorder, and one fills an office suited to another, so that the feet which ought to support the body, head and arms, now want to take the place of the head, and thus every thing will fall into confusion, and all the members quit the situations they were naturally designed for, as the civil law says, 'Rerum commixtione turbantur officia.'
'For these reasons, my lords have sent us to supplicate the king, the queen, and my lord of Acquitaine, and to request of you, our very dear and redoubted lords, and of you gentlemen of the great council of the king and the duke of Acquitaine now present, that each of you would, according to the exigence of the case, apply a sufficient remedy. It seems to my lords, that, according to the opinion of physicians, abstinence is the grand preservative of the body natural from sickness: we therefore pray you, that all such acts as have lately taken place may be put an end to, and that all extraordinary commissions may cease, that honour and justice may have due attention paid to them, and that liberty and the accustomed prerogatives be restored to the king and the duke of Acquitaine, as to the eyes of justice; and that they may be preserved from all offence from churchmen, nobility, and people, as the body, the arms, and the legs are bound to guard and defend the head,—for this will be the only and secure means of establishing peace, and as the Psalmist says, 'Quia justicia et pax osculatæ sunt.'
'St Augustin declares, that every one wishes for Peace in his house; but Justice, who is her sister, lodges in the house of another; and all who wish for true Peace must have also her sister Justice. Should any one say, that abstinence would be dangerous from fear of two different things, such as war and rigorous justice, we reply, in the name of our lords, that they will eschew both to the utmost of their power, and will employ themselves heartily in following this abstinence, and in the expulsion of all such men at arms as shall injure the country by every means they can use.
'In regard to rigorous justice, they intend to follow in this the manner of all princes, keeping in mind the sentence of Plato, that when a prince is cruel to the commonwealth, he resembles the guardian who unwisely chastises his ward, whom he had undertaken to watch over and defend. They will carefully imitate the conduct of their predecessors of the most noble house of France, who have been accustomed to show nothing but good humour and kindness, laying aside all rancour against the good city of Paris, and all other towns that may have been guilty of improper acts; and they supplicate the king, the queen, and my lord of Acquitaine, that an entire oblivion may be passed over what may have been done on one side as well as on the other.
'My lords are particularly desirous that the king, the queen, and the duke of Acquitaine should have full liberty to make their residence at Rouen, Chartres, Melun, Montargis, or at any other place more suitable than Paris, for their loyal subjects to have access to them; not through any malevolence toward this town, or against its inhabitants, but to avoid any sort of riot that might take place between their servants and some of the citizens.
'And I beg the lords now present to consider on the most secure means for the meeting of my lords with their majesties and the duke of Acquitaine, and to obviate all pretence of suspicion or alarm, when my lords shall attend at any proper place to provide for the better government of the kingdom, and for the establishment of a solid peace. Let this matter be well weighed, for our lords and ourselves are perfectly well inclined to attend to the honour and advantage of the head and of all its members.
'Should I have said too little, my lords and companions will be eager to amend it; and should I have said too much, or any thing that may have angered any of my lords here present, they will be pleased to attribute it to my simplicity and ignorance, and to the strong affection I bear to the king, and my earnestness that a firm and lasting peace may be concluded. I am naturally bound to this by my oath of fidelity, and also from the anxiety my lord the king of Sicily has to promote this desirable end. Should I therefore have said more than was necessary, you will not of course attribute it to any rashness, or disaffection that I may feel; for such has never entered my thoughts, or those of my lord of Sicily or his companions.'
After this, several propositions for peace were made on each side, that tranquillity might be restored to the kingdom, and an end put to the present disorders. Some articles were drawn up, of the following tenour.
'First, there shall be perfect union and love between the princes of the blood, which they will keep, and swear to observe, like affectionate relatives and friends, and shall mutually interchange letters to this purpose; and, for a greater confirmation of the above, the principal officers and servants of each lord shall do the same.
'Item, the princes of the blood who have sent ambassadors will cease from all acts of warfare, and will not summon any more men at arms; and if any summonses should have been issued, they will instantly annul them.
'Item, they will do every thing in their power to recal those who form the companies of Clugnet, Louis Bourdon, and others their adherents, by every possible means. Should these companies refuse to comply, these lords would then unite themselves with the king's forces, and compel them to obedience, or destroy them, and all others the king's enemies, who might wage war against him or his kingdom.
'Item, they will promise that they will not bear any malice or revenge for whatever things may have been done in the city of Paris, nor do by themselves or others any mischief to that town, or its inhabitants, under pretext of justice, or any other cause whatever; and should any security be required for the observance of this article, they shall suffer it to be given, and even afford every assistance thereto to the utmost of their power.
'Item, these princes will make oath upon the true cross of God, on the holy evangelists, and on the word of honour of a prince, that they will strictly observe every article of this treaty, without any fraud or subterfuge, and will give to the king letters containing the above oath, signed with their seals.
'Item, on the accomplishment of the above, the ambassadors from the aforesaid princes require, that the king would be pleased to annul and revoke all his summonses for assembling men at arms, and order all warfare to cease in the realm, except against the above mentioned companies.
'Item, he will also revoke all orders lately issued, to take possession of different castles and forts, and to dismiss from them the governors appointed by the princes, placing others in their room; and all such castles and forts shall be delivered up in the same state in which they were taken possession of; and, after a certain time, all who for any act by them committed, in opposition to the king's ministers, may have been imprisoned or banished, shall have their liberties, and be recalled home; and this shall take place in the course of the king's ordinary justice, without any commissioners being appointed, or interfering therein.
'Item, when all these things shall have been done, the king, the queen, and my lord of Acquitaine shall, on an appointed day, come out of Paris to a fixed place of meeting, where the princes of either party shall meet, to confirm the good union among them, and to advise on the necessary business for the welfare of the king and his realm; and should any one suspect that these princes, or any of their party, have the intention of instigating the king, the queen, or my lord of Acquitaine, to take vengeance on the town of Paris, or, in revenge to any of its inhabitants, seize on the government, or to carry off the king and my lord of Acquitaine, or that this meeting was proposed with any evil design, they are willing to give whatever security may be thought advisable.'
These propositions having been reduced, to writing, and agreed to by the different lords who had been commissioned for that purpose, each party returned to the places they had come from. The dukes of Berry and Burgundy, with their companions, reported to the king the points of their embassy, as contained in the memorial which had been drawn up for the good of the kingdom.
When this matter had been well considered, in a council to which the members of the university and of the municipality of Paris had been admitted, it was agreed on by the king and the duke of Acquitaine, that what had been settled by the commissioners on each side should be confirmed. In consequence, various ordinances were drawn up, to be transmitted to the bailiwicks and seneschalships in the realm, in order to their promulgation at the usual places, of which copies follow underneath.
During this melancholy time, Clugnet de Brabant, sir Louis de Bourdon, and other captains of that party, advanced with sixteen thousand combatants, wasting and despoiling the country of the Gâtinois, and giving out that they were on their march to make war on the Parisians. These latter were much angered thereat, and dispatched sir Elyon de Jacqueville with sixteen hundred helmets, and a large body of other combatants, to meet them as far as Montereau-faut-Yonne; but the two armies did not meet,—and that of the Parisians was disbanded without fighting.
At this time, the constable and admiral of France were, with the bishop of Tournay, sent by the king to Boulogne-sur-mer, to meet ambassadors from the king of England, namely, the earl of Warwick, the bishop of St Davids and others, who had arrived at Calais. They met at Leulinghen, and, after some negotiations, agreed on a truce between the two kingdoms, to last until the ensuing Easter, which was proclaimed throughout both realms.
Here follows a copy of those royal ordinances before mentioned.
'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France, to the bailiff of Amiens, and to each of the inhabitants of that town, greeting.—We make known to you, that on account of the improper and unjust imprisonment of our very dear and well beloved cousin and brother in law, the dukes of Bar and of Bavaria, with other of our officers, as well as of the households of our dear companion the queen, and of our well beloved son the duke of Acquitaine, and other ladies and damsels attached to them; our very dear cousin and nephew, the king of Sicily, the duke of Bourbon, the counts of Alençon and of Eu, have made heavy complaints, as well respecting the manner in which these imprisonments were made, as likewise regarding the disgust which these events, and others that have taken place in our good town of Paris, have caused to our very dear son; and on this occasion the disaffected princes have lately come to the town of Verneuil, whither we sent, on our part, properly-instructed ambassadors, and also with them our very dear uncles the dukes of Berry and of Burgundy.
'Some of the inhabitants of Paris went by our orders to Pontoise; and our aforesaid cousin and nephews the king of Sicily, the dukes of Orleans, of Bourbon, and the counts d'Alençon and d'Eu, came to the town of Vernon, and thence sent their ambassadors to explain and signify to our aforesaid uncle and cousin the dukes of Berry and of Burgundy, and to our ambassadors, the cause of their complaints, and to remonstrate on the perils of the war that would speedily ensue unless their grievances were redressed.
'These matters having been fully discussed, proposals of peace and union between all parties were brought forward to avoid the miseries of a civil war. Many articles were agreed on: the first was, that a solid peace should be established between the princes of the blood royal, which they were solemnly to swear to observe, and mutually to exchange deeds to this effect; but every one was to have the same liberty as before of declaring his opinion.
'The whole of the articles seemed very reasonable to the members of the university of Paris and of our court of parliament, as well as to many of the good citizens of our town of Paris, who were ready to examine them more fully, and report their opinion to us on the Thursday following.
'But notwithstanding this approbation, there were some of low degree and narrow minds, who by their own authority had seized on the government of the city of Paris, and who have been the cause of the war continuing so long, in order the better to keep their authority. These persons excited some of the princes of the blood and others to war by their false machinations, with the hope that their murders and robberies would remain unpunished, and that they should escape the vengeance due to their crimes. In consequence, by persevering in their wickedness, they practised so effectually that the meeting which had been appointed for Thursday was put off to Saturday the 5th of the month, in the expectation that they should before that day be enabled, by their base intrigues, to prevent peace from being agreed to,—the truth of which, under the pleasure of God, shall shortly be made public. But through the grace of God, the university of Paris, our chambers of parliament and of accounts, the different religious orders, and the principal inhabitants of Paris assembled,—and having many fears of the ill-intentioned preventing that peace which they most earnestly wished for, by every attempt to obstruct so great a blessing as peace and union throughout the kingdom, came to us at our hôtel of St Pol in the afternoon, and desired an audience for the purpose of remonstrating on the happy effects that would ensue from the establishment of peace.
'They demonstrated the blessings of peace and the evils of war, and the necessity there was for proceeding instantly to the completion of the articles that had been agreed to by the ambassadors on each side,—and demanded, that the Saturday which had been fixed on should be anticipated, by naming the ensuing Friday, and that proper regulations should be made for the security of the city.
'On the Friday, those who were desirous of peace went to the town-house in the Greve, thinking to meet their friends, and come with them to us in our hôtel of St Pol; but they were prevented by those ill inclined to peace, who, though of low degree, had before come to our said hôtel, and with them some varlets, all armed under authority of the government which they had usurped over the city of Paris.—On this account, therefore, these prudent wellwishers to peace assembled in the square of St Germain de l'Auxerrois in Paris, and in other places, in great numbers and with firm courage; and though the others did every thing in their power to throw obstacles in their way, in all their attempts they were baffled.
'This assembly, on breaking up, left St Germain in regular order, as they had determined on; and on appearing in our presence, as well as in the presence of our son, our uncle and cousins, the dukes of Acquitaine, Berry, and Burgundy, with others of our council, a peace was agreed on, and the articles ordered to be carried into execution. Punishment was at the same time, to the great joy of the sober citizens, ordered to be inflicted, according to reason and justice, on all who had any way attempted to prevent a peace being made.
'Immediately after this had been done, and our will declared, our son, our uncle and our cousin aforesaid, mounted their horses, and went to set at liberty our cousin and brother-in-law the dukes of Bar and of Bavaria, who had for a long time been confined in the Louvre, and also many other knights and officers of our own and our son's households, who had been imprisoned for some time in the dungeons of the palace and of the Châtelet, by force of the aforesaid evil minded and low persons, who, now perceiving that good government was likely to be restored, according to reason and justice, hid themselves like foxes, or fled,—and since that time, it has not been known where they may be found or arrested.
'This inclines us to fear that they may seduce others to follow their wicked example, by their dangerous and false lies, as they have before done, and that events more pernicious may ensue than what we have lately experienced, and which it concerns every one, through the grace of God, to prevent with all diligence.
'This peace is considered as so advantageous to all parties that the king of Sicily, the dukes of Orleans, of Bourbon, and the counts of Alençon and of Eu, have since sent their ambassadors to Paris, who daily attend to the due execution of all the articles of it, having fully approved of it and of every thing that has been done by us; and the rupture of this peace at this moment would cause the destruction of us, our kingdom, and of all our faithful and good subjects.
'For this cause, we expressly enjoin and command you not to give credence to any thing you may hear to the contrary,—for what we have assured you above is the real truth,—by any of these evil-minded persons who are inimical to the peace, nor to show them any manner of favour,—but, on the contrary, to throw them into prison, and send them to us, that we may inflict such punishment on them as the heinousness of the case may require.
'And you, bailiff, will cause the above to be proclaimed in all the considerable towns and villages within your jurisdiction; and you will also require from the clergy of the different churches, collegiate and others, within your bailiwick, that they do make processions, and offer up devout prayers to Heaven, for the effecting of the above peace, and that our Lord, through his grace, would incline to make it perpetual. You will also personally be careful that there be no failing on your part in the due execution of this our will and pleasure.
'Given at Paris the 12th day of August, in the year of Grace 1413, and of our reign the 33d.' Signed by the king and his council, present the dukes of Acquitaine, of Berry, and of Burgundy, the marshal Longny. 'Ferron.'
Another edict was published by the king against men at arms and other warriors, and to secure the people against their inroads, which was sent to all the bailiwicks and seneschalships in the kingdom, of the following tenour.
'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his lieutenant, greeting.
'It has come to our knowledge, that within a short time many men at arms, archers and cross-bowmen, and other warriors, without any licence from us given, either by written orders or otherwise, have unlawfully assembled, and continue so to do, in very many places and towns of our kingdom, with the intent of marching toward our good city of Paris, and pillaging and murdering our poor subjects, and committing other ruinous acts and excesses, by which our faithful subjects are sorely oppressed, in addition to what they had before suffered, as well from the effects of the late war as from the epidemic disorder and mortality which ensued in consequence, causing the country to be deserted, whence great and irreparable evils may fall on us and our kingdom, if not speedily prevented.
'We therefore, desirous of guarding and preserving, to the utmost of our power, our people from such like plunderings and ill treatment, as we are bounden so to do,—and beside seeing a probability that the discords which have taken place between several of our blood and kindred are likely to be put an end to,—shall use (with God's good pleasure) every means in our power to have it accomplished.
'We therefore command and strictly enjoin you, that on the receipt of this letter, you lay aside all other business whatever, and instantly cause our commands to be publicly proclaimed with a loud voice, and with sound of trumpet, in such places where proclamations have been usually made. You will also make this our pleasure known to all our captains, governors, and men at arms within any fort, castle, or forming any garrisons within your said bailiwick; and you will strictly enjoin, that no person shall dare to assemble in arms without our especial licence first had and obtained, under pain of corporal punishment and confiscation of goods. And should any such assemblies have taken place within your bailiwick, they must, on hearing the proclamation of this our pleasure, instantly disperse, and return to their homes.
'Should any bodies of men at arms have taken possession of a town or fortress within your district, you will command them, in our name, instantly to surrender it to you, and depart thence; and you will renew the garrison with such persons as you shall judge expedient, and take the command of such town or fort yourself, until you shall receive further orders. Should they refuse to surrender themselves to you, you will make them your prisoners, and execute such justice upon them as their case may require; and should it seem necessary, you will employ force against them to reduce them to obedience, and summon to your aid all the nobles resident within your bailiwick, taking care to have a superior force to those you are about to attack, and keeping it up so long as you shall judge it right for the maintaining tranquillity in the country. And we order all our nobles, on the fealty they owe to us, to obey your orders whenever the case shall require it.
'Should it happen, that during any engagements that may take place between you and our rebellious subjects, any of them be killed or wounded, we will not that such murders be prejudicial to any one employed under your orders, but that they be acquitted and freed from all pursuits for the same hereafter, as we grant them our full pardon. We will likewise, that all arms, horses, or baggage that may be taken from any of our rebellious subjects, shall be converted toward paying the expenses of those who shall have taken and imprisoned such disobedient rebels.
'We therefore give full licence and authority to all our subjects, should they be constrained to employ force against these rebels, to seize and hold possession of any parts of their territories without ever being called to account hereafter for so doing. And we especially command all our civil officers and subjects to afford you every aid in their power, and to obey your commands.
'We also direct, that our well-beloved members of the courts of justice, all masters of requests, as well of our hôtel as of the parliament, all bailiffs and sergeants, and every other dependant on the courts of law, do suspend all processes that may have been proceeding against any of the nobles employed in executing our orders, from the day they shall have set out until fifteen days after their return, without their suffering any thing prejudicial to themselves or their possessions, or to those who may have been securities for them. Should any such acts have taken place, you will order every thing to be replaced on the same ground as before the nobles had set out on the expedition; for such is our pleasure, according to the tenour of this present letter,—a copy of which, under our royal seal, we shall send you, because the original cannot be exhibited in all places where there may be occasion for it; and to this copy you will give equal credence as to the original letter.
'Given at Paris, the 5th day of August, in the year of Grace 1413, and of our reign the 33d.' It was signed by the king in council,—present the dukes of Acquitaine, Berry, Burgundy, Bar, the duke Louis of Bavaria, and others. Countersigned, 'Ferron.' These two edicts were carried to Amiens, and proclaimed the 20th day of the same month.
[CHAP. XXIII.]
THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE ORDERS THE PRISONERS TO BE LIBERATED.—THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY LEAVES PARIS.—SEVERAL PRINCES ARRIVE THERE.—THEIR ACTIONS.
On the 4th day of September, the duke of Acquitaine, in consequence of the king's commands, caused all the prisoners confined within the palace to be set at liberty; and, shortly after, the whole of the furniture of John de Troyes, then keeper of the palace, and who had gone abroad for some private affairs, was carried out of the same, in pursuance of the orders of the duke of Acquitaine, by those Parisians who had usually accompanied him. His office of keeper of the palace was taken away, and restored to him who had before holden it. In like manner were several offices in Paris restored to their former holders, namely, to Anthony des Essars, to the two dukes of Bar and of Bavaria; the former being reinstated in his government of the Louvre, and the other in that of the bastille.
When the prisoners had been set at liberty, the duke of Acquitaine ordered all the bells of the churches to ring together, and two days and nights were passed in the utmost joy and revelling throughout the town, for the re-establishment of peace, which was a delightful sight.
The lord de Viefville and sir Charles de Lens, brother to the châtelain de Lens, were arrested in the hôtel of the duke of Burgundy; but sir Robinet de Mailly, for fear of being taken, fled,—and the lord de Viefville, at the entreaty of the duke of Burgundy and his daughter, the duchess of Acquitaine, obtained his liberty. Sir Charles was confined in the prisons of the Châtelet,—and the other, who had fled, was banished the realm.
The lord de Jacqueville, during his absence, was deprived of his government of Paris; and, hearing of this while he was at Montereau-faut-Yonne with some of his principal supporters among the butchers, they all fled to Burgundy: at the same time, Jean Caboche, master Jean de Troyes and his children, with many others of the Parisians, hastened into Flanders. Master Eustace de Lactre, the new chancellor of France, fled like the rest from Paris,—and in his place was appointed master Arnold de Corbie, who had before been chancellor of France, but, at his own request, on account of his age, had been deprived of it, when the first president of the parliament of Paris was nominated in his stead. Master John Jouemel, king's advocate, was made chancellor of Acquitaine.
Very many knights, particularly those who had been appointed commissioners to try the late prisoners, quitted Paris; and the duke of Burgundy, observing the conduct of his son-in-law the duke of Acquitaine, began to be apprehensive that he was not well pleased with his former conduct, and that he would remember the outrages which had been committed personally against him, as well in his hôtel as elsewhere, as has been before related, and would have him arrested. He daily saw the most faithful of his adherents quit Paris privately, and without taking leave of him: some of them were even made prisoners,—and he was told that there had been guards placed round his hôtel of Artois, and that great numbers of those who had been enemies to the duke of Acquitaine were now reconciled to him.
To prevent any dangerous consequences, and to avoid the perils that might ensue, he prevailed on the king to hunt in the forest of Ville-neuve. The lord de St George accompanied him,—and when he found the opportunity favourable, he took leave of the king, saying, that he had received such intelligence from Flanders as would force him to return thither instantly, on account of the important business which he would have to transact. On saying this, he set off, and passed the wood of Bondis in much fear: he continued his road without stopping, and attended by a small company, to St Maixence, where he lay that night. On the morrow, very early, the lord de Ront came thither to meet him, with two hundred men at arms, and thence escorted him in a few days to Lille in Flanders.
When his departure was known, the Parisians and others attached to the Orleans party began loudly to murmur against him, saying that he had fled for fear of being arrested. Those of his party who had remained in Paris were in great alarm; for daily some of them were imprisoned, and summary justice done upon them. Even the two nephews of Jean Caboche were executed, after having been for some time dragged through the streets; and the host of the hôtel of the 'huis de fer,' named Jean de Troyes, cousin-german to master Jean de Troyes, the surgeon, of whom mention has been made, suffered in like manner.
In respect to the queen, the dukes of Acquitaine, Berry, Bar and Bavaria, they were perfectly pleased and happy that the duke of Burgundy had quitted Paris, as were many of the great lords: in short, the whole town was now turned against him both in words and deeds.
It was not long before the dukes of Orleans and of Bourbon, the counts d'Alençon, de Vertus, d'Eu, de Vaudemont and de Dammartin, the archbishop of Sens, friar Jacques le Grand, and the borgne Foucault, came in handsome array to Paris; and the dukes of Berry, Bar and Bavaria, the bishop of Paris, with many nobles and citizens, went out on horseback to meet them, and escorted them, with every sign of joy, to the palace, where the king, the queen, and the duke of Acquitaine were waiting to receive them.
Their reception by the royal family was very gracious, and they all supped at the palace, after which they retired to their different hôtels in the town. On the morrow, the lord Charles d'Albreth came to Paris, when the office of constable was instantly restored to him. On the 8th day of September following, the king, at the instance of the aforesaid lords, held a grand council in the usual chamber of parliament, and issued the following edict, which was proclaimed throughout his realm.
'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France, to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting.
'Whereas, during the discords and dissensions that took place between several of our blood and kindred, many damnable falsehoods have been reported to us; under pretext of which our council have been very much constrained, and our city of Paris did not enjoy its usual freedom, and ourself was not advised so loyally as we ought to have been for the honour and general welfare of the public, as it has since appeared, for several acts have been done that were partial and irregular. Others of our subjects were under the greatest alarm (and this happened to some of tried courage), for they saw that those were in danger of losing every thing dear to them who should utter the truth. In fact, several of our prelates, nobles, and members of our council were wrongfully arrested, robbed of their wealth, and forced to pay ransoms for their liberty, which caused many of our well wishers to absent themselves from our council, and even to fly from Paris.
'Many letters patent were unjustly and damnably obtained in our name, sealed with our seal, and sent to our sovereign father, the head of Christian princes, at the holy college of Rome, and to other monarchs, declaring that these letters were sent with our full knowledge and approbation.
'We have lately been well informed from papers that have been discovered, and laid before us in council, of a fact of which indeed we had our suspicions, that envy and malice were the grounds on which our uncle John de Berry, our nephews Charles of Orleans and his brothers, John de Bourbon, John d'Alençon, Charles d'Albreth, our cousins, and Bernard d'Armagnac, with their accomplices and supporters, were charged with the wicked and treasonable design of depriving us and all our descendants of our royal authority, and expelling us our kingdom, which God forbid! and also with the design of making a new king of France, which is an abominable thing to hear of, and must be painful even in the recital to the hearts of all our loyal subjects. In regard, therefore, to such charges, those who have made them are guilty of iniquitously imposing upon us, and are culpable of enormous crimes as well treasonable as otherwise.
'Very many defamatory libels have been written and affixed to the doors of churches, as well as distributed to several persons, and published in different places, to the great dishonour and contempt of some of the highest of our blood, such as our very dear and well-beloved son, our well-beloved nephews and cousins, the dukes of Orleans and of Bourbon, the counts de Vertus, d'Alençon, d'Armagnac, and d'Albreth, constable of France, and against other nobles and barons, our wellwishers, consequently against ourself and our government.
'We, therefore, for these causes, do by these letters patent give permission to our said uncle, nephews, cousins, and to their adherents, to seize on and destroy the lands and property of all who may have been guilty of the aforesaid acts, declaring them to have forfeited to us both their bodies and estates.
'We the more readily consent to their being thus sorely oppressed, because they, under pretence of an ancient bull which had been issued against the free companies forty years ago, without any permission and authority, did raise and assemble companies of men at arms against us and against our realm. This bull could not any way refer, as the simple inspection of it would show, to our said son, uncle, nephew, or cousins, but was applied to them, through wicked counsel, without any authority from our said sovereign father the pope, without any deliberations holden on the subject,—nor was any suit instituted, as was usual in such cases; but without any forms of proceeding that should have been observed, or any preceding admonitions, they were illegally, through force and partiality, condemned as excommunicated, with all their adherents and friends,—which sentence was, in defiance of truth, publicly proclaimed throughout our kingdom.
'They were likewise declared traitors and wicked persons, banished our kingdom, and deprived of all their possessions and offices. On this occasion, many injurious reports were industriously spread abroad against them, and they were themselves treated with the utmost inhumanity. Several of them were put to death without any attention being paid to their souls, like to outlaws and beasts, without administration of the sacraments of the holy church, and then thrown into ditches, or exposed in the fields, like dogs, to be devoured by the birds.
'Such acts are damnably wicked and cruel, more especially among Christians and true Catholics, and have been done at the instigation of seditious persons, disturbers of the peace, and illwishers to our said uncle, nephews and cousins, by means of their abominable fictions in order to gain their false and wicked purposes, as we have since been more fully and truly informed.
'We therefore, desirous, as is reasonable, that such false accusations as have been brought against those of our blood and their adherents, should not remain in the state they are now in, to their great disgrace, and earnestly wishing that the real truth should be published, and reparation made for these illegal proceedings, make known that we are fully persuaded, from the information we have received, that our said uncle, son, nephews, cousins, prelates, barons, nobles, and others their partisans, have ever had loyal intentions toward our person, and have been good relatives and obedient subjects, such as they ought to be in regard to us, and that all which has been done has been treacherously, and wickedly, and surreptitiously contrived against truth and reason, at the instances and importunities of these aforesaid seditious disturbers of the peace, by whom all letters and edicts, that any way tend to tarnish their honour, have been procured under false pretences.
'We declare, by these presents, that such edicts and letters patent have been wrongfully and surreptitiously issued, and are of no weight, having been procured by those rebellious disturbers of the peace, authors of the evils that have afflicted our city of Paris, and whom we also declare guilty of high treason.
'Being desirous that the truth of these crimes should be made public, and that all may be acquainted with the real facts, to prevent any evil consequences that might ensue to us and to our realm, were they to remain in ignorance, as may happen to any prince who has subjects to govern, we therefore make known, and assert it for truth, that we being at our usual residence in Paris, in company with our very dear and well-beloved consort the queen, our very dear and well beloved son the duke of Acquitaine, our uncle the duke of Berry, with several others of our kindred, and such of our servants and councillors as were accustomed to attend on us,—it happened that on the 27th day of April last past, sir Elion de Jacqueville, Robinet de Mailly, Charles de Recourt, called de Lens, knights, William Bareau, at that time a secretary, a surgeon, named Jean de Troyes, and his children, Thomas le Goys, and his children, Garnot de Saint Yon, butcher, Symon de Coutelier, skinner of calf skins, Bau de Bordes, Andrieu Roussel, Denisot de Chaumont, master Eustace de Lactre, master Pierre Canthon, master Diusque François, master Nicolle de Saint Hilaire, master Jean Bon, master Nicolle de Quesnoy, Jean Guerin, Jean Pimorin, Jacques Laban, Guillaume Gente, Jean Parent, Jacques de Saint Laurent, Jacques de Rouen, Martin de Neauville, Martin de Coulonniers, master Toussaints Bangart, master Jean Rapiot, master Hugues de Verdun, master Laurens Calot, Jean de Rouen, son to a tripe woman of Puys Nôtre Dame, Jean Maillart, an old clothes-seller, with many others, their accomplices, of divers ranks and conditions, (who had, before this time, held frequent assemblies, and secret conspiracies in many places, both in the day and night-time) appeared in a very large body armed, with displayed standard, by way of hostility, before our said residence of Saint Pol, without our having any knowledge of such their disorderly intent.
'They proceeded thence to the hôtel of our son the duke of Acquitaine, which they would forcibly enter, and broke open the gates of it contrary to the will of our said son, his attendants and servants. Having done this, they entered his apartment in opposition to his expostulations and prohibitions; and when there, they seized by force and violence our cousin-german the duke of Bar, the chancellor of our said son, with many other nobles our chamberlains and counsellors to our son, and carried them away whithersoever they pleased: some of them they confined in close imprisonment, where they detained them so long as they were able. These excesses raised the anger of our son in so violent a degree that he was in danger of suffering a serious disorder from it.
'The said seditious rebels, persisting in their wicked courses, came to us in our hôtel of St Pol, when they proposed, or caused to be proposed, whatever seemed good to them, positively declaring, however, that they would have certain persons, whose names were written down in a small roll, which they had with them, which persons were then in our company.—Among the number were Louis duke of Bavaria, brother to our consort the queen, and many other nobles, our knights, counsellors, the master of our household, with numbers of our servants of different ranks and conditions. These they arrested by force against our will, and carried them to prison, or wherever else they pleased, as they had done to the others.
'After this, they entered the apartments of the queen our consort, and in her presence, and contrary to her will, they seized many ladies and damsels, several of whom were of our kindred, and carried them away to prison, as they had done to the others. This disloyal and indecent conduct so greatly alarmed our dear consort the queen, that she was in great danger of losing her life from the illness that ensued.
'After the imprisonment of these several persons of both sexes, the insurgents proceeded against them, contrary to all law and justice, by very severe tortures, and even put to death many of the nobility in the prisons, afterward publishing that they had killed themselves. Their bodies they hung on gibbets, or flung them into the Seine. Some they beheaded privately while in prison. With regard to the ladies whom they had arrested, they treated them most inhumanly; and although they were urgently pressed to allow the laws to take their course, in regard to these prisoners, and that the court of parliament, as was reasonable, should take cognizance of them, they positively refused every request of the sort, and had letters drawn up as seemed good to them, and to which they had the great seal of our chancery set by force, and, besides, constrained our son to sign all their acts with our seals manual, as approving of their deeds.
'That they might have the chancellor the more under their command, to seal whatever edicts they should please to have proclaimed, they dismissed from that office our well-beloved Arnold de Corbie, who had so long and so faithfully served us, and put in his place master Eustace de Lactre, by whom letters were sealed and issued contrary to all truth, but conformable to the acts of these wicked men. We were deceived by them, from want of able counsellors, and from freedom of speech not being permitted, as has before been noticed.
'All these letters, therefore, and edicts mandatory that have been published to the dishonour of our said uncle, nephews, cousins, and their friends and adherents, we holding a bed of justice in our court of parliament, in the presence of many of our blood-royal, prelates, churchmen, as well members of the university of Paris, our daughter, as from elsewhere, several great barons, and other able persons of our council, and many principal citizens of Paris, do now annul, condemn and for ever annihilate. And we forbid all our subjects, under pain of incurring our highest indignation, to act, by word or deed, any way hereafter contrary to the strict tenour of this our will and pleasure. Should any of these disgraceful acts be produced in courts of justice, we forbid any faith to be placed in them, and order them to be torn and destroyed wherever they may be found.
'In consequence whereof, we command our beloved and faithful counsellors of our parliament, our provost of Paris, and all others our bailiffs, seneschals, provosts and officers of justice, or their lieutenants, each and all of them to cause this our present edict to be publicly proclaimed by sound of trumpet in the usual places where proclamations are made, that none may plead ignorance of this our will. And we also command, that it be publicly read by all prelates and clergymen, or such as have usually preached to the people, that in time to come they may not again be seduced by similar evil machinations.
'We also order, that as full obedience be paid to all copies of these presents, sealed with our seal, as to the original. In testimony of which, we have set our seal to these presents. Given in our great chamber of the parliament of Paris, at a bed of justice holden the 12th day of September, in the year 1413.
'By the king, holding his bed of justice in his court of parliament.' Countersigned, 'Baye.'—This ordinance was, consequently, proclaimed in Amiens[22] on the 15th day of December following.
[CHAP. XXIV.]
THE DUKE OF BRITTANY COMES TO PARIS.—THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY HOLDS A COUNCIL AT LILLE.—THE ACTIONS OF THE COUNT DE ST POL,—AND OTHER MATTERS THAT HAPPENED AT THIS TIME.
At this period, John duke of Brittany, son in law to the king, came to Paris, with his brother the count de Richemont. The duke d'Evreux[23] and the earl of Rutland arrived there also from England, to treat of the marriage of their king with Catherine daughter to the king of France, and to prevent the alliance which the duke of Burgundy was desirous of forming between the king of England and his daughter[24]. These ambassadors, having explained to the king of France and his ministers the cause of their coming, returned to England.
The duke of Burgundy, during this time, was holding a grand council at Lille, which was attended by deputies from Ghent, Bruges, Ypres, the Quatre Mestiers, and by many nobles: among the latter was count Waleran de St Pol, constable of France, who had just concluded the negotiation with the English at Boulogne and Leulinghen. The envoys from England were the earl of Warwick and the bishop of St Davids, and others, who were commissioned to treat of a truce between the two kings, which was agreed on to last until the feast of St John the Baptist next ensuing.
The count de St Pol, when on this business, received letters from the king of France, ordering him to come to Paris and surrender the constable's sword. Finding that it was intended to deprive him of this office, he came to ask advice of the duke of Burgundy, who counselled him not to obey these orders; and in consequence, he went to his castle of St Pol en Ternois, where his lady resided, and thence to Amiens, and there tarried four days.
From Amiens, he sent to Paris, as ambassadors to the king of France, his nephew the count de Conversen and the vidame of Amiens, attended by master Robert le Jeusne, advocate at Amiens, to harangue the king on the subject of their embassy. On their arrival, the advocate opened his harangue in full council before the king, the chancellor and the other members of it, saying, that the constable, the count de St Pol, his lord and master, had never been of any party which had disturbed the realm; that he had never raised any troops, nor had attacked any of the king's castles, as several others had done.
When he had finished his speech, he was required to produce those who would vouch for what he had said, as had been done in similar cases; but the ambassadors would not support him, and he was instantly arrested and confined in the prisons of the Châtelet, where he remained for two days; and it was with great difficulty that the duke of Bar, brother in law to the count de St Pol, by his entreaties, obtained his liberty.
On Saturday, the day after the feast of St Mor[26], the count de St Pol left Amiens, and returned dispirited and melancholy to his own county.
Other royal edicts were now published at Paris and sent to all parts of the kingdom for proclamation, complaining of the great disorders that had been committed in the capital by the Parisians, to the great displeasure of the queen and the duke of Acquitaine.—I shall not particularise these edicts, for the atrocious acts of the Parisians have been already sufficiently declared.
Soon after these proclamations, the duke of Orleans, conformably to the articles of the peace, demanded of the king restitution of his castles of Pierrefons and Coucy, which the count de St Pol had refused to surrender to him. His request was granted, and orders were sent to sir Gasselins du Bos, bailiff of Sens, to go thither and receive the homage due to the king,—and thus they were restored to the duke of Orleans.
On the following Saturday, the count d'Armagnac, and Clugnet de Brabant, knight, came to Paris with a numerous company of men at arms, and were received by the king, lords and barons, with great joy. All, or the greater part of those who had followed the faction of the duke of Orleans, now came to Paris,—and the affairs of the nation were governed according to their good pleasure, for the king and the duke of Acquitaine were at this time under their management. With regard to the Burgundy-faction, they were kept at a distance, and could scarcely ever obtain an audience, how high soever their rank might be, insomuch that such as had remained in the town were forced to hold down their heads, and to hear many things that were neither pleasant nor agreeable to them.