CHAPTER XIII
RUPERT'S CARE OF THE FLEET. NEGOTIATIONS WITH
THE SCOTS. RUPERT'S VOYAGE TO IRELAND. THE
EXECUTION OF THE KING. LETTERS OF
SOPHIE TO RUPERT AND MAURICE
By May 1648 a Royalist reaction was setting in in England. The King had been two years a prisoner, and the people, already weary of the Army and the Parliament, began to think with favour of their unfortunate sovereign. Royalist risings took place in Kent and some of the Eastern Counties, and a large portion of the fleet, encouraged by this, revolted from the Parliament and came over to Holland. Thither Rupert and the younger Charles hastened to meet it. The French, eager to detain Rupert in their service, again and again offered him "any conditions" to remain with them, but he adhered firmly to the Stuart fortunes.[[1]] And well was it for young Charles that he did so; for, as even his enemies acknowledged, no other man could, or would have competed successfully with the terrible difficulties which they had now to encounter. Fortunately, his experience in England had not been wasted. He was learning to cultivate patience, tolerance and self-control, and never were such qualities more needed. A letter, dated August 9, 1648, bears witness to the change in the Prince's manners.—"Let me assure you, Sir, that Prince Rupert's carriage was such at Calais, and throughout the journey thither, that, I protest, I was overjoyed to see it, both for the public, and for the Prince's (Charles) happiness in his company... Certainly, Sir, he appears to me to be a strangely changed man in his carriage; and for his temperance and his abilities, I think they were never much questioned."[[2]]
His abilities were about to be taxed to the uttermost. The small fleet was in a most unsatisfactory state. Provisions were scarce, the sailors mutinous, and the loyalty of the Commanders—their recent revolt notwithstanding—exceedingly doubtful. As usual, counsels were divided. Batten and Jordan, the two officers who had brought over the fleet from the Parliament, were for sailing to Scotland; others desired to relieve Colchester, which had been seized for the King; Rupert wished to make for the Isle of Wight, where the King was confined; the sailors desired to hover about the Thames and capture returning merchant vessels. Consequently, all that could be done was to hang about the Downs, capturing a few prizes and making occasional assaults upon the English coast. An attack on Deal resulted in the death of Captain Beckman, but the sailors were still unwilling to return to Holland. On the approach of the Parliamentary fleet, commanded by Lord Warwick, it was resolved to fight, but the engagement was prevented,—once by a sudden storm, and again by the contumacy of Batten, who refused to follow Rupert.
Finally, in September it was decided to return to Holland; but Warwick followed the Royalist fleet closely, and there ensued a curious race for the possession of the Helvoetsluys harbour. Warwick gained, and seemed likely to win the day; but a Captain Allen, who happened to be on the shore, came to the aid of the Royalists. As Warwick's ship drew near, Allen signed for the line to draw him in, and, when it was thrown to him, contrived to let Warwick slip back, so that Rupert's ship came in before him. After that, Rupert successfully hauled up all the rest of his fleet, except the "Convertine," which came in with the next tide; nevertheless Warwick followed him into the harbour, and for more than a month the hostile fleets remained in this curious position; so close that the sailors could shout to one another, and yet unable to proceed to hostilities, because they were in a neutral harbour.[[3]] Sometimes the sailors met on shore, and then brawls arose amongst them. But much worse was the frequent desertion of Rupert's men. Warwick spared no pains to win them over, and once he even sent an officer to the Prince, with a request that he might speak to his men. Rupert's reply was characteristic: "The Prince told him, 'Yes, in his hearing; but, if he spake anything amiss he would throw him overboard'." Needless to add, the man retired without speaking at all.[[4]]
Yet in spite of Rupert's vigilance, bribes and other temptations drew some of the ships over to the enemy, until only nine remained. Thereupon the Prince manned the "Convertine" with his most loyal men, furnished her with cannon, and laid her athwart the rest of his fleet. The Dutch remonstrated against this warlike action, but Rupert answered that if they promised him protection, he would rely on their word; if not, he would himself protect the fleet entrusted to him by the King. And the Dutch, who seem to have been very compliant towards the young Prince who had grown up amongst them, let him have his way.
The Hague was now the head-quarters of the Prince of Wales, and thither flocked all his old Councillors, besides many other Cavaliers. Faction raged amongst them as violently as ever. "It was," says Clarendon, "no hard matter to get anything disliked that was resolved in the Council."[[5]] That the administration of affairs was bad was a point on which every one agreed, but they concurred in nothing else.
Rupert had fallen under the influence of Sir Edward Herbert, the quarrelsome attorney-general, and Hyde and Cottington found themselves eagerly welcomed by these two, who "inveighed bitterly against the whole administration of the fleet." Batten, Rupert held for a coward or a traitor; Long, the secretary of the Prince of Wales, for a mere swindler, and, despite his "changed carriage", he had not renounced his old hatred of Culpepper. Their mutual animosity "infinitely disturbed councils,"[[6]] and was in all respects unfortunate. Their policy was diametrically opposed. Culpepper was for conciliating the English populace, and when the Royalist rising took place in 1648, he was averse to permitting the young Duke of Buckingham to share in it, unless he would declare for the Covenant, "and such-like popular ways." Such views naturally did not find favour with the Prince, who adhered to the young Duke's cause.—"Prince Rupert stuck to itt," wrote Hatton, "and we carried it against him;"[[7]] that is, against Culpepper.
The disputes came to a climax over a question of supply. A cargo of sugar, captured at sea, had to be sold for the payment of the fleet, and Rupert proposed to employ a certain Sir Robert Walsh in the business. Culpepper protested such vehement distrust of the man in question that Rupert took his expressions as reflecting on himself, and haughtily demanded: "What exceptions there were to Sir Robert Walsh, that he might not be fit for it?" Culpepper returned, nothing daunted, that Walsh was "a shark, and a fellow not fit to be trusted." Whereupon, said Rupert: "Sir Robert is my friend, and you must not think to meet him but with your sword in your hand, for he is a gentleman and a soldier." Culpepper, grown reckless of his words, declared fiercely that he would not fight with Walsh, but with the Prince himself, to which Rupert replied, very quietly, "It is well!" The Council rose in confusion; but the Prince of Wales, who was greatly agitated, ultimately succeeded in soothing his cousin. Culpepper proved more implacable, and several days elapsed before he could be induced to offer an apology, which Rupert received graciously.[[8]]
The fleet was at this time formally given over to Rupert's command. For many reasons he accepted the charge reluctantly, and offered to serve nominally under the Duke of York. But of this Prince Charles would not hear, and Rupert was therefore invested "with all the command at sea that he formerly held on shore."[[9]] The facility with which the exiled Cavaliers took to the sea is strange to modern ideas, but in the seventeenth century the line between soldier and sailor was not very finely drawn. In Rupert's own case his education among the amphibious Hollanders probably stood him in good stead. Certainly he seems to have thoroughly understood all nautical matters, and on one occasion we read: "By the ill-conning of the mates the ship was brought to leeward, which caused the Prince to conn her himself."[[10]]
Some of Rupert's friends would fain have dissuaded him from "an undertaking of so desperate an appearance,"[[11]] but he was determined to do his best, and the Prince of Wales frankly acknowledged that, but for his cousin's "industry and address" there would have been no fleet at all.[[12]] And Hyde, who, as we know, had never loved the Prince, wrote to Sir Richard Fanshaw, that the preservation of the fleet must be entirely ascribed to Prince Rupert, "who, seriously, hath expressed greater dexterity and temper in it than you can imagine. I know there is, and will be, much prejudice to the service by his being engaged in that command, but the truth is there is an unavoidable necessity for it." And, after recounting the bad behaviour of Batten and Jordan, who had corrupted the sailors, and refused to put to sea, he adds: "In this distress Prince Rupert took the charge, and with unrivalled pains and toil, put all things in reasonable order.... And really I believe that he will behave himself so well in it that nobody will have cause to regret it."[[13]]
And Rupert did behave himself well. No toil proved too arduous for him, no undertaking too dangerous. Indeed, the labours involved in his task were so great and so many that it seems scarcely credible that they could be performed by one man. He became a merchant; he discussed the prices of sugar, indigo, tobacco, and other commodities, and personally conducted the sale of his prizes. He attended to his own commissariat; dispensing with the cheating commissioners, as "unuseful evils."[[14]] We find him gravely considering the quality of "pickled meat," or lamenting that peas and groats are both too dear to buy.[[15]] "Concerning the pork, he tells me he doth not think there can be so great a quantity provided suddenly," says a correspondent. "He hath not yet provided any shirts nor apparel for the men."[[16]] He was his own recruiting officer, and went from port to port in Ireland, persuading men to join his fleet. The conduct of each man was his personal concern; and, as in the war in England, he was overwhelmed with complaints and correspondence by his officers. One letter may serve as an example of the rest.
"According to the service and duty I owe unto your Highness," writes Thomas Price, "I am enforced to certify your Highness of the dangerous and unbeseeming carriage of Robert Pett, gunner of His Majesty's ship the Revenge, who, upon Saturday night last, being the tenth of January, about nine o'clock at night, being very much in drink, would have taken tobacco over a barrell of powder, (being in his cabin, which is in the gun room and a great quantity of loose powder lying round about), had he not been prevented by Captain Payton Cartwright, who was called by some of the gun room for that purpose. The gunner, being something unruly, he was forced to go up to His Highness Prince Maurice to acquaint him with it. Upon which he was committed to the guard, for fear of further danger."[[17]]
Mutiny was unhappily only too frequent; but the Prince's presence usually sufficed to quell it. While the fleet was at Helvoetsluys, there arose some discontent in the "Antelope," beginning with "a complaint upon victuals." Rupert went on board, and promptly told the men that they were free to leave the service. To this they made no answer, but they were unappeased, and when, two days later, Rupert sent for twenty of them to help to rig up his own ship, they refused to come. The Prince then went again to the "Antelope," and "walked the deck, to see his commands obeyed." The sailors crowded about him, and one gathered courage to shout defiance. His example would have disastrously inspired the rest, had not Rupert acted with extraordinary promptitude. Seizing the mutineer in his arms, he held him as though about to drop him over the ship's side, which remarkable action "wrought such a terror upon the rest, that they forthwith returned to their duty."[[18]] Clarendon exaggerates this incident much as Pepys does the affair at Newark. The Prince, he says, "with notable vigour and success, suppressed two or three mutinies, in one of which he was compelled to throw two or three of the seamen overboard, by the strength of his own arms."[[19]] Since there was frequently no money to pay the sailors, mutiny was of course to be expected. Nominally the men were paid 25s a month, but, unless prizes were taken, they did not get the money. Usually they acquiesced in the condition of affairs with admirable resignation. In 1648, a deputation of five sailors came from Helvoetsluys to Prince Charles at the Hague, with a request to be told whether he had or had not any money. Being truthfully answered that he had none, they expressed themselves satisfied with a promise of shares in the next prizes, and returned to the fleet, having, as Hyde informed Rupert, "behaved themselves very civilly."[[20]] And not only for money to pay his sailors, but for every other necessary Prince Charles was dependent on the prizes taken by Rupert. "Being totally destitute of means, we intend to provide for the satisfaction of our debts out of the proceeds of the goods in the ship lately taken," he wrote in 1650.[[21]] In short the fleet represented all the funds which the poverty-stricken Royalists could gather together, and for the next three years the exiled Court was supported by the exertions of Rupert.
While the fleet lay inactive in 1648 the Prince of Wales was engaged in negotiations with the Scots. In Scotland the Royalist reaction was stronger than it was in England; the Scottish Presbyterians were wholly dissatisfied with Cromwell and the English Puritans, and they now sought to make terms with their Sovereign. But one of their first conditions was that neither Rupert nor Maurice should set foot in Scotland, and this was exceedingly displeasing to the Prince of Wales. The Earl of Lauderdale, who had been sent to the Hague to negotiate the affair, reported that Rupert's power over the Prince was absolute, and that if he chose to come to Scotland come he would, in spite of the negative vote of the whole Council. Rupert himself proposed to accompany Prince Charles in a private capacity, taking no share in the affairs of State;[[22]] but the Scots, who knew his influence over his cousin, refused to entertain the suggestion. Prince Charles then, with his own hand, struck out the clause of the treaty which disabled Rupert from bearing him company; an arbitrary action which seriously annoyed Lauderdale.[[23]] Rupert, however, smoothed the matter over, saying that, provided his absence were not made a formal condition, he would remain in Holland. Altogether he "carried himself so handsomely"[[24]] as to win over Lauderdale, who finally declared that Rupert's coming to Scotland would be, after all, "of great advantage."[[25]]
But Rupert, in spite of his conciliatory behaviour inclined far more to the Royalism of Montrose than to that of Lauderdale and Argyle. The Marquess of Montrose, who had sustained the King's cause in Scotland with extraordinary heroism and brilliancy, was at that time at Brussels and quite ready to risk another venture on the King's behalf. He was, however, so obnoxious to the Presbyterian party that no hope of their union could be entertained. Charles had to choose between the two, and Rupert strongly inclined to the heroic Montrose. The character and achievements of the Marquess were well calculated to inspire admiration in the Prince. The two had met once in England, during the August of 1643, and a strong mutual esteem existed between them. Therefore, while Charles was leaning to Argyle, Rupert was conducting a voluminous correspondence with Montrose. The "noble kindness" of the Marquess, said the Prince, made him anxious to serve the King in his company, and he would very willingly join in any undertaking that he proposed.[[26]] Montrose replied with equal friendliness: "I will ... rather hazard to sink by you than save myself aside of others." But, unfortunately, a meeting between them was impossible. The Marquess could not come to the Hague on account of the Presbyterian emissaries there assembled, and also because he was continually beset by spies, from whom he was anxious to conceal his alliance with the Prince. Rupert would fain have visited him at Brussels, but he was bound "by a heavy tie" to the fleet, and could only lament that "whilst I am separating the sheep from the goats I dare not absent myself without hazard."[[27]] Montrose was anxious to take the fleet to Scotland, where, he said, "there be so handsome and probable grounds for a clear and gallant design ... that I should be infinitely sorry that you should be induced to hazard your own person, or those little rests (remains) upon any desperate thrusts; for, while you are safe, we shall find twenty fair ways to state ourselves."[[28]] But both that scheme, and the negotiations with Lauderdale fell through, and it was finally resolved to take the fleet to Ireland, where the Marquess of Ormonde stood out for the King with as great a devotion as Montrose had shown in Scotland.
In October Rupert received a letter from the King, at the hands of Will Legge, who bore also an important message which the King dared not write. He had now laid a plan for escape from the Isle of Wight, and he required Rupert to send a ship thither, and to acquaint "no other mortal" with the matter, except the Prince of Orange.[[29]] Rupert would have gone in person, but was still detained by his care of the fleet. However, the Prince of Orange willingly sent one of his own ships, which was boarded and searched by a captain of the Parliament. For several days it lingered on the coast, under pretence of waiting for a wind, but, as we all know, Charles's attempt at escape was frustrated, and the vessel returned without him.
On November 21st Warwick sailed for England, and Rupert, freed from the surveillance of his foe, at once prepared his ships for action. Money of course was lacking, but Rupert sent out two of his ships to take prizes, which was successfully done, and the resources were further increased by the sale of the Antelope's ordnance; besides which, "the Queen of Bohemia pawned her jewels, or the work had never been done."[[30]] Lord Craven also added his contribution. "What I have in my power shall be at your service, unless your brother Edward in the meantime disfurnish me," he wrote to Rupert.[[31]]
A difficulty next arose about the use of the standard. Properly, only the Lord High Admiral could carry it, and that title the Prince of Wales had no power to confer. Yet Warwick made use of the standard, and it was therefore left to Rupert's discretion to hoist it if needful for the encouragement of his men.
Towards the end of January 1649, all was ready, and Rupert sailed for Ireland with three flag-ships, four frigates, and one prize; Maurice of course accompanying him. They were temporarily joined by three Dutchmen requiring consortship, a circumstance which proved very beneficial to the Royalists. At day-break, January 22, they sighted the Parliament fleet off Dover, and Rupert judging valour to be the better part of discretion, sailed straight for it. Terrified by this extraordinary boldness, and believing the Dutch ships to be in Rupert's pay, Warwick's fleet sought shelter beneath the forts; and the Prince, much encouraged by this success, passed unmolested to Kinsale.[[32]]
The usual endeavours to sow ill-will between Rupert and Ormonde had not been wanting. Digby, apparently forgetful of his recent professions of friendship for Rupert, addressed the Lord Lieutenant in his old strain. "One thing I think it necessary to advertise you of, that Prince Rupert hath set his rest to command this expedition of the fleet, and the Council have complied with him in it, insomuch that if it arrives safe in Ireland you must expect him with it. I hope his aim is only at the honour of conveying the fleet thither, through so much hasard, and then returning to the Prince. But if he have any further design of continuing to command the fleet, or of remaining in that kingdom, I fear the consequences of it, knowing what applications have been made to him formerly, and how unsettled and weak a people you have there, apt to catch at anything that's new."[[33]] Hyde, on the other hand, warned Rupert that there would certainly be attempts to excite quarrels between himself and Ormonde, but added, with a confidence he did not feel: "Truly, Sir, I do not apprehend any danger this way. I know your Highness will comply in all things with him, as a person, besides his great merit, of the clearest and most entire approbation of any subject the King hath."[[34]] In similar terms wrote Jermyn at the Queen's behest, to Ormonde, who replied rather crushingly: "I am infinitely obliged to Her Majesty for her care to keep me in Prince Rupert's good opinion. I shall be, and have been, industrious to gain his favour, and my endeavour has hitherto been successful. Neither do I apprehend any danger of a change; his carriage towards me having been full of civility, as well in relation to my employment as to my person."[[35]]
There was in fact the best of intelligence between Rupert and Ormonde, and thanks to the Lord Lieutenant's noble and unsuspicious nature, nothing could destroy it. The "applications" to Rupert, mentioned by Digby, were made by the Roman Catholic rebels, who disliked Ormonde's steady hand and firm adherence to the established religion. They represented to Rupert that they were averse, not to the King, but to his Lord Lieutenant, and that if only he (Rupert) would consent to lead them "they would all join in one to live and die for His Majesty's service, under Your Highness's command; that being their greatest ambition."[[36]] Rupert's enemies at the Hague hastened to report these intrigues to Ormonde, colouring them, as much as possible, to Rupert's discredit. But Ormonde replied calmly that he had been already informed of them by Rupert himself, who had asked his advice as to the answers he should send. That he knew those who desired to divide the King's party "assumed encouragements from Prince Rupert, without warrant from him." That he, personally would willingly resign his charge to the Prince, if it were for the King's advantage; but that he knew it to be "impossible for the Prince to descend to what would look like supplanting one that hath endeavoured, with some success, to serve him in his charge."[[37]]
But though Ormonde refused to doubt Rupert's integrity, he did not derive from him the assistance he had hoped. Rupert had written, on his arrival at Kinsale, promising to follow Ormonde's advice in all things, and to give him all the aid in his power. But his want of men made it impossible for him to block up Dublin harbour, as the Lord Lieutenant desired,[[38]] and the necessity of capturing prizes, the sale of which supported the fleet, prevented any action of importance. The Parliament complained bitterly that no ship could leave the Bristol Channel by day without falling a prey to the Princes,[[39]] and yet Rupert seldom had money to send to Ormonde. "Your Lordship may be assured of all the supplies and assistances our ships can afford you," he wrote in answer to one of Ormonde's frequent appeals for money. "But I must entreat your Lordship to consider the great charge the fleet is at, and, if we lose this opportunity, we may be hindered by a far greater strength than yet appears. The least squadron we must now send out must be of five ships. Three we can leave behind, fitted with all but men, ready to do service here. I intend, with the first opportunity, to go to Waterford.... From thence I shall not fail to receive your commands. Mr. Fanshaw can give you an account how low we are in matters of monies."[[40]]
The want of men was even more serious than the want of money. In the summer Rupert hoped to really fight the Parliament fleet, and with that view he personally sought recruits in all the neighbouring port towns. By great exertions he raised a considerable number, but, when the task was accomplished, the Council of War hung back from the risk of a battle, and the Prince, rather than incur the charge of "vanity and rashness," dismissed his hard-won recruits and retired into harbour. Changed indeed was the man who had fought at Marston Moor![[41]]
But in spite of all difficulties, Rupert contrived to take prizes, to support the Royalists at the Hague, and even to send some succour to the Scilly islands, which held out for the King. "I believe we shall make a shift to live in spite of all our factions!"[[42]] he wrote cheerfully. And make a shift he did, through "a wearisome summer, passed in anxiety and troubles."[[43]] Cromwell had arrived in June, and was rapidly conquering Ireland. The King's army was defeated near Dublin; the towns began to revolt to the Parliament; the faithful garrisons were mercilessly massacred by Cromwell; and Rupert only escaped the treachery of the Governor of Cork by a press of business which prevented him from accepting an invitation to hunt. "The Governor of Cork," says the historian of Rupert's voyages, "resolved to make himself famous by an infamous act, to which purpose, knowing His Highness loved hunting, he invited him to a chase of deer, close by the town; but Heaven abhorring such inhumanity, prevented that design, by providing importunate business to impede His Highness' intentions."[[44]] But though thwarted in this scheme, the Governor of Cork could and did surrender the city to the enemy, after which Kinsale was no longer a safe port for the Royalist fleet. If the ships were to be preserved, it was high time to quit the Irish coast. The Parliament had already sent a fleet to block the Prince up in the harbour, but again fortune favoured him. A friendly wind blew the Parliament fleet out to sea, and enabled Rupert to slip out past them. For want of men, he was forced to leave three of his ships behind him, and in November 1649, he began the world anew with seven sail.
Within a few days of Rupert's first arrival at Kinsale, the execution of Charles I had taken place. For some weeks Rupert remained ignorant of this final disaster, but in February a vague rumour reached him, and he wrote in great agitation to Ormonde: "I beseech your Lordship to let me know whether you have any certain news of the King's misfortune."[[45]] The dreadful rumour was only too soon confirmed. From the Hague he received dismal accounts of the general depression and confusion—"all men being full of designs to be counsellors and officers;" and he was entreated to write a few lines to cheer and encourage his young cousin, now Charles II.[[46]] Very shortly he received his commission as Lord High Admiral, which the new King had now power to grant, and he thereupon published a solemn declaration of his intention to fight the Parliament to the death.
"The bloody and inhumane murder of my late dread uncle of ever renowned memory hath administered to me fresh occasion to be assistant, both in Counsel and to the best of my personal power, to my dear cousin, now Charles II of England... I do protest and really speak it, it was ever my intention to do him service and employ my best endeavours for enthroning him, as bound by consanguinity, but more particularly engaged by reason of former favours received from his late royal father, my murdered uncle. Yet I do ingeniously confess it was never my desire to be employed in this great and weighty matter of His Majesty's Admiral. I should willingly have been satisfied with an inferior place, where I might have had the freedom, in part, to bring to condign punishment such great traitors and rebels who had a hand in the murder of my late uncle, and do still persist in their perverse way of rebellion and cruelty. And my reasons why I did not wish so great a command were these—namely, I know, and was ascertained, myself had been rendered odious to many English who did not rightly understand my real intentions, but only believed lies and forged reports of my enemies' framing. And I did likewise consider that my undertaking the admiralty might be a means to draw away the affections of His Majesty's subjects, by reason such rumours had been upon me. These, and many other reasons which now I will omit, did move me several times to refuse what, at length, His Majesty's Council of Lords, knights and gentlemen, who are now about him, did, in a manner, thrust upon me."[[47]] Rupert's greatness had been, in truth, thrust upon him, but having accepted it, he resolved to use it for avenging his uncle to the uttermost. "Prince Rupert," declared a sailor of the Parliament, who had been his prisoner, "is not ashamed openly to profess that, provided he may ruin and destroy the English interest, especially the estates of the merchants and mariners of London, he cares not whether he gets a farthing more while he lives than what will maintain himself, his confederates, and his fleet."[[48]]
Such being Rupert's attitude, it is worth while to note that of his brothers. Maurice was of course one with him. Edward also expressed himself as strongly as his two seniors could have wished. "I should die happy if I could steep my hands (quand j'aurai trempé mes mains) in the blood of those murderers."[[49]] That satisfaction was denied him, but he did his best by insulting the Ambassadors of the Parliament in the streets of the Hague. This affair produced great excitement in England, and the States of Holland were forced to request Edward to "keep a better tongue," or else to quit their territory. He had been just about to depart to Heidelberg, but, with true Palatine obstinacy, deferred his departure for another week, and went about boasting his status as a "freeborn Prince of the Empire."[[50]] The States, with their wonted prudence, let him alone until after he was safely departed, when they endeavoured to appease the English Parliament by a show of indignation. "The States here," wrote Nicholas, "have lately caused a summons publicly to be made, by ringing of a bell, requiring Prince Edward—who they know went hence to Germany three months since—to appear in the State House, by a day prefixed, to answer the affront he did to St. John and his colleagues; which is said to be only, as they passed him, to have called them a pack of rogues and rebels."[[51]]
The conduct of Charles Louis contrasted strongly with that of the rest of his family. He, far more than Edward, had cause for gratitude to his Uncle, and yet he could write coldly of the King's trial:—"Others, (i.e. himself), who are but remotely concerned in the effects thereof, cannot be blamed if they do not intermeddle. Neither is it in their power to mend anything, for it hath been seen in all Governments that strength will still prevail, whether it be right or wrong."[[52]] Nevertheless he quitted England after the King's execution, chiefly, it is to be feared, because he had become convinced that he himself would not be elected to the vacant throne. Having renounced the cause of the Parliament, he was anxious to be reconciled to his brothers, and Sophie, evidently at his instigation, wrote to inform Rupert and Maurice of the Elector's changed views. Both her letters are dated April 13th, 1649, and that to Rupert is written in French.
"Dearest Brother,
"It is only through printed reports that we hear any news of Rupert le Diable, for no one has received any letters from you. My brother the Elector is now here, and cares no more for those cursed people in England, for he has paid his duty to the King, which he might easily have avoided, as business called him to Cleves. Here also are the Scottish Commissioners, who every day bring some new proposal to the King, full of impertinency. They would not that the King should keep any honest man about him, for which they are in great favour with the Princess of Orange, who declares herself much for the Presbyterians, and says that Percy is the honestest man the King has about him. But I believe you care not much to know of intrigues here, for which cause I shall not trouble you further; besides, you have other business to do than read my letters. Only I entreat you to take notice, that I remain
"Your most aff. sister and servant, "Sophie."[[53]]
To Maurice, Sophie wrote in German, and in a more familiar style. Probably she was better acquainted with him than with Rupert, for he had encouraged and laughed at her childish tricks, during the years that he spent "in idleness" at the Hague.
"Highborn Prince and Dear Brother,
"I must write to you by all occasions, for I always have something to tell you. This time it shall be that the Prince Elector is here, and that he is now altogether against the Knaves, as we are. The peace is made in France. My brother Edward says he has taken no employment yet. Prince Ratzevil is deadly sick, they say that the Marquis Gonzaga hath poisoned him; he is in Poland yet. The States have forbidden all their Ministers to pray for any Kings in the Church, but the French will not desist. I am so vexed with you for not writing to me that I do not know how to express it. I hope you have not forgotten me, seeing that I am
"Your faithful sister and humble servant, "Sophie."[[54]]
To this letter the Elector added a short postscript.
"My service to you, brother Rupert and brother Maurice; more I cannot say, being newly arrived, and visitations do hinder me. Carl Ludwig."
What effect this judiciously-worded composition might have had it is impossible to say. Both letters fell into the hands of the Parliament and never reached their proper destination. It was many years before Rupert and the Elector met again.
[[1]] Benett MSS. Warburton, III. p. 250.
[[2]] Nicholas Papers, I. 95. Camden Soc. New Series. Hatton to Nicholas, Aug. 9, 1648.
[[3]] Warburton, III. pp. 250-254.
[[4]] Ibid. p. 253.
[[5]] Clarendon, Bk. XI. p. 63.
[[6]] Clarendon, Bk. XI. p. 127.
[[7]] Nicholas Papers, I. p. 96.
[[8]] Clarendon, Bk. XI, pp. 128-130; Carte Letters, I. p. 192.
[[9]] Warburton, III. p. 257.
[[10]] Ibid. p. 386.
[[11]] Ibid. 255.
[[12]] Transcripts. Charles II to Rupert, 20 Jan. 1649.
[[13]] Clar. St. Papers. Hyde to Fanshaw, 21 Jan. 1649.
[[14]] Warburton, III. p. 295.
[[15]] Rupert Transcripts. Hyde to Rupert, Dec. 11, 1648. Hermes to Rupert, Jan. 12, 1649.
[[16]] Ibid. Ball to Rupert, 15 Dec. 1648.
[[17]] Rupert Transcripts. Price to Rupert, 15 Jan. 1651.
[[18]] Warburton, III. pp. 262-264.
[[19]] Clarendon, Bk. XI. p. 152.
[[20]] Rupert Transcripts. Hyde to Rupert, Jan. 1649.
[[21]] Warburton. III. p. 308. Charles II to Rupert, Jan. 27, 1650.
[[22]] Hamilton Papers, p. 219. Camd. Soc. June 24, 1648.
[[23]] Ibid. p. 245.
[[24]] Hamilton Papers, p. 246, Camden Soc. Lauderdale to Lanerick, Aug. 1648.
[[25]] Ibid. p. 249, Aug. 20, 1648.
[[26]] Warburton, III. pp. 254, 262, 267-270.
[[27]] Hist. MSS. Com. Rpt. II. Montrose MSS. p. 173.
[[28]] Warburton, III. p. 269.
[[29]] Ibid. p. 272.
[[30]] Warburton, III. p. 273.
[[31]] Rupert Transcripts. Craven to Rupert, 29 Jan. 1649.
[[32]] Warburton, III. p. 282.
[[33]] Carte's Ormonde, VI. 587. 27 Nov. 1648.
[[34]] Warburton, III. p. 277, Hyde to Rupert, Jan. 27, 1649.
[[35]] Carte Letters, II. p. 406. 29 Sept. 1648.
[[36]] Rupert Transcripts. Talbot to Rupert, Nov. 7, 1648.
[[37]] Carte Letters, II. 427-430. 25 Jan. 1650.
[[38]] Ibid. II. 381. 29 May, 1649.
[[39]] Clowes Royal Navy, II. p. 120.
[[40]] Carte Letters, II. 375.
[[41]] Warburton, III. pp. 293-294.
[[42]] Ibid. p. 290. Rupert to Grenvile, Apr. 28, 1649.
[[43]] Ibid. p. 297.
[[44]] Warburton, pp. 297-8.
[[45]] Carte Papers. Irish Confederation, VII. 256. Rupert to Ormonde, Feb. 12, 1649.
[[46]] Warburton. III. pp. 284-5. Hyde to Rupert, Feb. 28, 1649.
[[47]] Prince Rupert: his Declaration. Pamphlet. British Museum. Mar. 9, 1649.
[[48]] Dom. State Papers. Com. 24 fol. 60.
[[49]] Bromley Letters, p. 295. Edward to Elizabeth.
[[50]] Perfect Passages, April 11, 1651. Whitelocke, p. 49. Green, VI. 17-28. Mercurius Politicus, Apr. 3-10, 1651.
[[51]] Carte Letters, II. p. 2. 14 May 1661.
[[52]] Forster's Statesmen, VI. p. 82.
[[53]] Domestic State Papers. Commonwealth, I. fol. 53. Sophie to Rupert, Apr. 13, 1649.
[[54]] Domestic State Papers. Commonwealth, I. fol. 54, Sophie to Maurice. Apr. 13, 1649.