CHAPTER XVIII
RUPERT AND THE FLEET. PROPOSED VOYAGE TO GUINEA.
ILLNESS OF RUPERT. THE FIRST DUTCH WAR. THE
NAVAL COMMISSIONERS AND THE PRINCE. SECOND
DUTCH WAR. ANTI-FRENCH POLITICS
Rupert received a warm welcome on his return to England, and was at once sworn a member of the Privy Council. It was but natural that he should turn his attention to naval affairs. The growth of the sea power of England had received an impetus during the years of the Commonwealth, due indirectly to Rupert himself; for had not the Commonwealth been forced to protect itself against the pirate Princes, it would probably have cared less for its navy.[[1]] Charles II, like a true Stuart, cared for his fleet also, and took a keen interest in ship-building and other matters connected with the navy. In October 1662, he appointed Rupert to the Committee for the Government of Tangiers, together with the Duke of York, Albemarle, Sandwich, Coventry, and Pepys of famous memory. If Pepys may be credited, the Prince did not take the business at all seriously: "The Duke of York and Mr. Coventry, for aught I see, being the only two that do anything like men. Prince Rupert do nothing but laugh a little, with an oath now and then."[[2]]
But if Rupert was indifferent about Tangiers he was keenly interested in the African question. The quarrels of the English and Dutch traders on the African coast had produced much ill-feeling between the two nations, and, in August 1664, Rupert offered to lead a fleet to Guinea, to oppose the aggressions of the Dutch Admiral, De Ruyter. A fleet of twelve ships was accordingly fitted out. On September 3, wrote Pepys: "Prince Rupert, I hear this day, is going to command this fleet going to Guinea against the Dutch. I doubt few will be pleased with his going, he being accounted an unhappy man;"[[3]]—a view which contrasts strangely with the terror which Rupert's mere name had roused in earlier days. Two days later Pepys had encountered Rupert himself: "And, among other things, says he: 'D— me! I can answer but for one ship, and in that I will do my part, for it is not as in an army where a man can command everything.'"[[4]]
A royal company had been formed for the promotion of the enterprise, and a capital was raised of £30,000, in which the Duke of York held many shares.[[5]] Eighty pounds was laid out on "two trumpets, a kettle-drum, and a drummer to attend Prince Rupert to sea;"[[6]] and, after a farewell supper at Kirke House, Rupert went down the river at three o'clock on an October morning, accompanied by the King, Duke of York, and many Courtiers. With the next tide he embarked, but the weather was very rough, and for some days he was wind-bound at Portsmouth. His crews numbered two hundred and fifty in all, besides fifty-four supernumaries in his train.[[7]] As was invariably the case at this period, the fleet was badly and insufficiently provisioned; but the delay at Portsmouth enabled Rupert to have this rectified, and thus, for the first time, he came into collision with Pepys, the victualler of the navy.
For some weeks the Prince hovered about the Channel, waiting for an expected Dutch fleet; but the Dutch out-witted him. By promising to keep within harbour, they persuaded the King to recall Rupert, and, in the meantime, privately ordered their Mediterranean fleet to sail for New Guinea. Thus nothing was done by the English, and the only warfare waged by Rupert was with his chaplain, of whom he wrote bitter complaints to Lord Arlington, the then Secretary of State.
"Sir,
"I beseech you, at the delivery of this inclosed leter, to acquaint the King and the Duke of York that, after I had closed their leters, the spirit of mutiny entered our parson againe, so that there was no rest for him, until I commanded him to his cabin, and withal to make readdy for prayers this next morning, which he had neglected yesterday. Att this instant I receave this inclosed, by whiche you may see his humor. After this stile he talked, till ten last night, abusing the captain most horribly. In consideration of my Lord of Canterburie, whoe recommended him, I strained my patience very much; but if this felow shoulde continue longer on bord, you may easily imagine the troble he woulde put us to. If I had any time I would writt to my Lord Archbishop, giving him the whoele relation of what passed. I am now sending all our captains present to indevor the hastening down to the Downes. If nothing hinder, I hope, God willing, to sayle to-morrow. Minne is not yet abord, but I expect him the next tide. I will be sure give you notice what our motions will be from time to time, and rest
"Your affectionat frend to serve you,
"Rupert.
"Oct. 8, Lee Rd.
"Pray to doe me the favor as to acquaint my Lord Archbishop of Canterburie with this, and my respects to him."[[8]]
His next letter, of October 11, shows that the Prince had been relieved of his militant chaplain. "Our ship, by wanting Levit, is very quiet. God send us another (chaplain) of a better temper. Hitherto we have not trobled Him much with prayers."[[9]] But the matter did not end there, and October 30, Rupert wrote again: "Our late parson, I heere, plaies the devil in alle companies he comes; raising most damned reports of us alle, and more particularly of me." This letter is devoid of all complimentary phrases, and ends simply, "Yours, Rupert." An apologetic postscript explains these omissions. "His Majesty has given me direction to write to him thus, without ceremony, and it will be easier for us all to follow. I have therefore begonne, and desire you to do the like."[[10]]
The fleet never reached its destination. A war was imminent nearer home, and Charles was probably unwilling to send so many ships out of the Channel; but the reasons for their abrupt recall were a subject of much discussion. "This morning I am told that the goods on board Prince Rupert's ship, for Guinea, are unlading at Portsmouth, which makes me believe that he is resolved to stay and pull the crow with them at home," says a letter among the Hatton papers. "But the matter be so secretly carried that this morning there was not the least intimation given what to depend on, even to them that are commonly knowing enough in affairs of that kind."[[11]]
An additional reason for the collapse of the expedition was the severe illness of Rupert. The old wound in the head, which he had received through Gassion's treachery, had never properly healed, and now an accidental injury to it had very serious results. The Duke of York, much concerned by the accident, immediately sent a surgeon to the fleet, and wrote with friendly solicitude to his cousin: "As soon as Will Legge showed me your letter of the accident in your head, I immediately sent Choqueux to you, in so much haste as I had not time to write by him. But now, I conjure you, if you have any kindness for me, have a care of your health, and do not neglect yourself. I am very glad to hear your ship sails so well. I was yesterday to see the new ship at Woolwich launched, and I think, when you see her, (which I hope you will do very quickly, under Sir John Lawson,) you will say she is the finest ship that has yet been built."[[12]]
The surgeon operated upon the Prince, who wrote November 6, to the King: "I could not go from shipp to shipp to hasten the work, since Choqueux will not let me stir, to which I consented the rather, since he promises to have me quite well and whoele in a few days."[[13]] But the promise was not made good, and a very dangerous illness ensued. "Prince Rupert, by a chance, has bruised his head, and cannot get cured," says one of the Hatton correspondents in December. "He is gone up to London to endeavour it there... He is mightily worn away, and in their opinion that are about him is not long-lived. He would fain go to Guinea, and is endeavouring to be despatched there; he believes the warmth of that clime would do him good."[[14]] Life, apparently, still held attractions for Rupert. According to Pepys, he was "much chagrined" at the idea of dying, but recovered his spirits wonderfully when assured of convalescence. "Since we told him that we believe he would overcome his disease, he is as merry, and swears, and laughs, and curses, and do all the things of a man in health as ever he did in his life."[[15]]
The illness lasted a long time; but though he was exceedingly weak, Rupert did not fail to take his part in the first Dutch war. The formal declaration of war was made in February 1665, to the great joy of the English nation, whose commercial heart had been stirred by colonial jealousies. "What matters this or that reason?" cried the honest Duke of Albemarle (General Monk). "What we want is more of the trade which the Dutch now have!"[[16]] France, for equally selfish reasons, threw in her lot with the Dutch, but delayed coming to their assistance; and the first engagement did not take place till June 13, 1665.
The English fleet was divided into three squadrons, Red, White and Blue. In the Red commanded the Duke of York, as Lord High Admiral; Rupert was Admiral of the White, and his rival, Lord Sandwich, led the Blue. On the twenty-first of April they sailed to the Texel, hoping to blockade the Zuyder Zee, meet De Ruyter on his return from Africa, and cut off the home-coming vessels. The English commanders, Rupert excepted, believed that the Dutch would at once come out and fight. But Rupert proved right, the Dutch made no sign, and within a fortnight, want of provisions drove the English back to Harwich.
In the meantime the Dutch sent forth a fleet of 103 men-of-war, 7 yachts, 11 fire-ships, and 12 galiots. This was divided into seven squadrons, and placed under the joint command of Evertsen and Opdam. By May 13th they were at sea, and immediately captured some English merchantmen coming from Hamburg. There was an outcry of indignation in England, and the fleet hurried to sea. On June 3rd the rival fleets met in Southwold Bay. The English, who had 109 men-of-war and 28 fire-ships and ketches, were numerically superior to their enemy. Opdam was, besides, hopelessly hampered by imperative commands from the States to fight at once, and by a want of military pride and esprit de corps throughout his fleet. The action began with Rupert in the van, York in the centre, and Sandwich in the rear. Rupert "received the charge" of the Dutch fleet, not firing until close to it, and then shooting through and through it.[[17]] Having thus met, the two fleets passed each other, and then turned to renew the encounter. Sandwich, getting mixed up with the Dutch, cut their fleet in two and a general mêlée ensued. In the Dutch centre the Junior Admiral was killed, and his crew, in a panic, carried their ship out of action. Twelve or thirteen other vessels imitated this ungallant conduct, and when,—after a desperate encounter with the Royal Charles,—Opdam's ship blew up, the fate of the battle was decided. Evertsen and Tromp, each believing the other killed, both took command and issued contrary orders. Three or four of their vessels ran foul of one another, and were burnt by an English fire-ship; by 7 p.m. the whole Dutch fleet had begun a disorderly retreat.[[18]]
The Dutch losses had been very heavy, those of the English comparatively slight; but the English fire-ships were expended, and the wind blew hard for the coast of Holland, which made a too vigorous pursuit of the flying foe dangerous. Nevertheless, the Duke of York ordered the chase to be continued, and retired to rest. Sir William Penn, who was on board the "Royal Charles" as first Captain of the fleet, also went to sleep, leaving the ship in the charge of Captain Harman. During the night one of the Duke's gentlemen, Brouncker, came and urged Harman to slacken sail, in consideration of the danger to which the Duke was exposed. This, Harman refused to do; but when Brouncker returned later, with an order purporting to come from James himself, he reluctantly yielded. Next morning the enemy was out of sight, and James expressed both surprise and displeasure at the discovery, denying that he had ever ordered the chase to be given up. The affair was hotly discussed, and Bishop Burnet plainly implies that the Duke had used this cowardly device to save both his person and his reputation.[[19]] But James was no coward, and it is exceedingly unlikely that he would have stooped to such a trick. Rupert and Albemarle, who hated Penn, would fain have blamed him as "a cowardly rogue who brought all the roguish fanatic captains into the fleet."[[20]] But Penn declared that he had been in bed at the time, and knew nothing about the matter. The statement elicited from Brouncker, in a Parliamentary inquiry, that he had acted on his own responsibility, out of anxiety for the Duke's safety, was probably the real truth.
Rupert, though in an extremely weak state of health, had shown his usual courage and energy in the action. The official reports did not give satisfaction to his admirers. "Not a word is said of Prince Rupert, though the seamen say that none excelled him in valour and success," they complained.[[21]] The Prince himself wrote cheerfully to Arlington, though, as his letter confesses, he was again on the sick-list. "My greatest joy is to have ben so happie as to have bin a small instrument in this last encounter, to chastise so high an insolency as that of the Dutch. I hope, with his Majesty's good liking, to continue so, till they be brought to their duty; which work will be very easy if we linger not out the time, for which this place is not unfitt and will give a thousand excuses for delays. What this day will be resolved on in the Council I know not, being laid by the leg, by a small mistake of the Surgeon, of which I shall not trouble you. This is writt abed, as you may see by the ill caracter, which I desire you not to take ill."[[22]]
Though the Dutch had been defeated with great loss, the war was by no means over, and it was necessary to put to sea again, as soon as refitting had been accomplished. This time the Duke of York was forced, much against his will, to stay at home. Charles at the instigation of the Queen mother, forbade his brother again to risk his life, and offered the joint command of the fleet to Rupert and Sandwich. Rupert was supposed to have a personal aversion to Sandwich, which may or may not have been well grounded.[[23]] Sandwich's character has been variously represented, and, whether justly or not, his honesty was certainly suspected. His own creature, Pepys, a little later confided to his diary his concern for his lord in "that cursed business of the prizes," and his vehement disapproval of the whole affair.[[24]] On the other hand, both Evelyn and Clarendon esteemed Sandwich highly.
But be the reason what it may, Rupert was averse to sharing the command with him, and hesitated to accept it. A conference with the King at Hampton Court at last won him over; he submitted "very cheerfully," and forthwith made ready to sail.[[25]]
Unfortunately Coventry, who disliked Rupert "for no other reason than for not esteeming him at the same rate he valued himself," says Clarendon, succeeded in persuading the King that the result of such a union must be disastrous. When all was ready, and Rupert's "family" on board, the King affectionately informed his cousin that he could not dispense with his society that summer. Rupert, "though wonderfully surprised, perplexed, and even broken-hearted," offered no resistance. He quietly disembarked his retinue, and returned, "with very much trouble," to Court.[[26]]
Some consolation he may have found in the fact that Sandwich did nothing all the summer, and, on his return, fell under a cloud on charges of peculation. Rupert seems to have treated him with great kindness, giving him his countenance and support,[[27]] but the sympathies of the Parliament were evidenced by a proposal to vote to Rupert a gift of £10,000, and to Sandwich half-a-crown.[[28]]
His rival being thus disposed of, the command of the fleet was offered in 1666 to Rupert, in conjunction with the Duke of Albemarle. To this new colleague Rupert had no objections, and there was, happily, "great unanimity and consent between them." True, Rupert would fain have sailed in a separate ship, but, it being represented that this might cause confusion in orders, he yielded to the argument. Albemarle left much to Rupert's management, "declaring modestly, upon all occasions, that he was no seaman;" and this was doubtless very pleasing to the Prince, who loved to rule. As both Admirals were "men of great dexterity and indefatigable industry," the outlook was exceedingly favourable.[[29]]
The sailors welcomed Rupert gladly; and, on February 13, "several sea-captains who had served under Prince Rupert, invited him to dinner, and spoke cheerfully of going against the Dutch again together."[[30]] On May 25 they sailed from the Nore, with 58 ships and 9 fire-ships. Rupert was in excellent spirits and, reported his secretary, went "most cheerfully" on the expedition.[[31]]
Unfortunately the King and his Council committed at the outset a strategic blunder for which neither of the Admirals was responsible. It was rumoured that a French fleet was coming from Belle Isle, under the Duke of Beaufort, and Rupert was ordered to sail with 24 ships to intercept it before it could join with the Dutch. The sailors grumbled loudly at this separation. "Nothing was to be heard among the seamen but complaints about the dividing of the fleet, and the sending away Prince Rupert."[[32]] But orders had to be obeyed, and Rupert sailed away, leaving Albemarle with only 56 ships to meet De Ruyter's 85.
In the Prince's absence, Albemarle fell in with the Dutch in the Downs, and the famous four days' battle began, June 1st. The wind was with Albemarle, but he had only 35 ships well in hand, the rest straggling behind. With great ingenuity he made his attack so that only a portion of the Dutch fleet could engage with him, and the fight was continued, with immense gallantry and varying fortune, from 9 a.m till 10 p.m. On the second day the English returned in good order, but, though the Dutch were crowded and confused, Albemarle was too weak to press his advantage. Each side lost about three ships. On the third day Albemarle held off, hoping for Rupert's arrival. This did not take place till late in the afternoon, and the blame of this long delay was due to home authorities. As soon as firing was heard in the Downs, Coventry had signed an order for Rupert's recall, and sent it to Arlington, expecting that he would at once despatch it. But Arlington happened to be in bed, and his servants dared not wake him; "a tenderness not accostumed to be in the family of a secretary," says Clarendon, with just severity.[[33]] Consequently Rupert never received the order until he himself had heard the noise of battle, and turned back to Albemarle's aid, on his own responsibility. A contrary wind delayed him yet longer, and it was 3 p.m on Sunday, June 3, before he reached the scene of action, where he was received by the sailors with shouts of joy. In the confusion of joining the fleets, the "Royal Prince" ran aground, and was burnt by the Dutch; a misfortune "which touched every heart, for she was the best ship ever built, and like a castle at sea."[[34]] The fight was not resumed until the next morning. All order had been lost, and both sides were in confusion. There was two hours' furious firing, and the Dutch centre passed right through the English centre, where the fight was very hot. Finally the exhausted Dutch suffered the English to draw away, and Albemarle, rallying his scattered fleet, beat an honourable retreat.[[35]]
Rupert's arrival had not turned defeat into victory, but it had saved Albemarle from imminent disaster. The losses of the English had been extremely heavy, but those of the Dutch had been also severe, and all the moral prestige belonged to the English, who had sustained the fight against great odds, with extraordinary gallantry. The credit was due, in a great measure, to the skill and valour of the admirals, but not a little, also, to the good discipline and seamanship of the men and officers. Dryden who celebrated the event in a long poem, while giving the admirals their due, did not forget the rest.
"Thousands there were, in darker fame shall dwell,
"Whose deeds some nobler poem shall adorn,
"But, though to me unknown, they sure fought well,
"Whom Rupert led, and who were British born."[[36]]
As before, Rupert's admirers thought that "the good prince" had not received his due in the official reports of the action. His secretary, James Hayes, wrote to Arlington's secretary to expostulate. "Give me leave to suggest that, since in the Dutch gazette those lying words speak dishonourably of the Prince, it will offer an occasion of a word or two in yours, more to his merit; in whom I did indeed discover so extraordinary courage, conduct and presence of mind in the midst of all the showers of cannon bullet, that higher I think cannot be imagined of any man that ever fought. I observed him with astonishment all that day."[[37]] This letter produced the following note, added to the official gazette: "The writer of this letter could not think fit to mingle in his relations any expressions of His Royal Highness's personal behaviour, because it was prepared for his own sight. But it is most certain that never any Prince, or it may be truly said, any private person, was, in an action of war, exposed to more danger from the beginning to the end of it. His conduct and presence of mind equalling his fearless courage, and carrying him to change his ship three times, setting up his Royal standard in each of them, to animate his own men and brave the enemy."[[38]] For this tribute Hayes returned grateful thanks. "You have done right to a brave Prince, whose worth will endure praise, though I find his ears are too modest to hear his own."[[39]]
Rupert was far more engaged with his smouldering wrath against the Commissioners of the Navy, than in considering what the gazette did, or did not say of himself. A month earlier he had written to the King that "unless some course" were taken with the victualler—viz. Pepys—the whole fleet would be ruined.[[40]] Now, when the fleet came in to refit, the first thing he did on meeting the King, was to reiterate his complaints. "Which," wrote Pepys, "I am troubled at, and do fear may in violence break out upon this office some time or other, and we shall not be able to carry on the business."[[41]] But Rupert's time on shore was short, and the storm was deferred.
By July 22 the fleet was again at sea. Severely as it had suffered, the refitting had been conducted with remarkable celerity, and the King and the Duke of York themselves showed such an active interest in the preparations, that Rupert swore that they were the best officers in the navy. The fleet went out "in very good heart," Rupert's ship boasting "a dancing-master and two men who feign themselves mad and make very good sport to a bag-pipe."[[42]] Unluckily, the very day after putting to sea, came a violent thunderstorm, which damaged the ships so severely that the Prince declared himself more afraid of the weather than of the enemy.
On July 25 they fell in with the Dutch fleet, commanded by Tromp and De Ruyter, off the North Foreland. The Dutch line was uneven, the van and centre crowded; the English line presented a remarkable regularity. The fight began at 10 a.m., and Tromp immediately engaged the English rear, carried it away with him, out of sight, and was eventually shattered by it. This independent action on the part of his subordinate, greatly embarrassed De Ruyter. His van was speedily over-matched, and at 4 p.m. his centre gave way. At night the English renewed the attack in a desultory fashion, and Rupert appears to have run some danger, for he afterwards promoted a gunner who had saved his life at the risk of his own.[[43]]
On the day following, the Prince added insult to injury by sending his little yacht "Fan-Fan," which had been built the week before, to attack De Ruyter. Rowing under the great ship, the little vessel plied her valiantly with her two small guns. This game continued for an hour, to the intense amusement of the English, and the indignation of the Dutch, who could not bring their guns to bear on the yacht, by reason of her nearness to them. At last they contrived to hit her, and she was forced to retreat to the protection of her own fleet.[[44]] De Ruyter then effected a masterly retreat, his enemies fearing to follow on account of his proximity to his own shores.
The English had won a brilliant victory with very little loss—only one ship and two or three fire-ships at most. Of the Dutch fleet at least twenty ships had perished, and it was quite unable to renew the fight. The coast of Holland was now exposed to a triumphant enemy, and a renegade Dutchman, Laurens van Heemskerk, offered to guide the English to the islands of Vlieland and Ter Schelling, where lay many merchant vessels and all kinds of stores. The enterprise was entrusted to Robert Holmes, with orders to destroy all that he found, and to carry away no booty. In the harbour he discovered 170 merchant-men and two men-of-war, and he did his work so thoroughly that the affair was called in England, "Sir Robert Holmes, his Bonfire.[[45]]
Van Heemskerk afterwards fell into great poverty in England, and was evicted from his house for non-payment of rent; upon which he petitioned the King for some reward for his services, stating that, but for the great goodness of Prince Rupert, his wife and children must inevitably have starved.[[46]]
During August the fleet lingered about Sole Bay, hoping that wrath for the burning of their harbour would bring the Dutch out again. But Rupert laid Albemarle a bet of "five pieces" that they would not come, and won his money.[[47]] The sailors, inspired by their late success, were anxious for further action, and would fain have attacked the East India fleet at Bergen; but want of provisions held the commanders back. Rupert wrote furiously to the King that his men were all sick for want of food; the beer was bad, each barrel was short of the proper quantity, and all his remonstrances only produced from Pepys accounts of things already sent.[[48]] Fearing the weather, he came into the Downs, and there took a French vessel. The French Vice-Admiral on board at once demanded to be taken to Rupert, whom he knew. The Prince treated him "as a gallant person ought to be," and restored to him all his personal possessions.[[49]] On board the same vessel was found the engineer, La Roche, with whom Arthur Trevor had battled in earlier days at Oxford. Rupert had, however, pardoned, or forgotten, his contumacy, and released him in consideration of the services he had formerly rendered in England.[[50]] Finally, on October 2nd, the fleet anchored in the Thames, and immediately afterwards burst the storm which Pepys had long expected.
It is indisputable, even on Pepys' own showing, that peculation, bribery, and corruption were the causes of the neglect from which the fleet had suffered. The Naval Commissioners, in order to make their own profit, cheated and starved the sailors; they falsified the quantities of food that they sent, and what they delivered was bad. Rupert had just cause for his wrath, and he did not hesitate to express it. Five days after the return of the fleet, Pepys and his colleagues were called upon to answer for their conduct. They endeavoured very ingeniously to defend themselves by transferring the blame to the Prince. Thus Pepys describes the interview. "Anon we were called into the green room, where were the King, Duke of York, Prince Rupert, Lord Chancellor, Lord Treasurer, Duke of Albemarle, and Sirs G. Carteret, W. Coventry, Morrice. Nobody beginning, I did, and made, as I thought, a good speech, laying open the ill state of the Navy, by the greatness of the debt, greatness of the work to do against next year, the time and materials it would take, and our own incapacity through a total want of money. I had no sooner done, but Prince Rupert rose up in a great heat, and told the King that, whatever the gentleman said, he had brought home his fleet in as good a condition as ever any fleet was brought home; that twenty boats would be as many as the fleet would want, and that all the anchors and cables left in the storm might be taken up again... I therefore did only answer that I was sorry for His Highness's offence, but what I said was the report I had received. He muttered and repeated what he had said, and, after a long silence, no one, not so much as the Duke of Albemarle, seconding the Prince, we withdrew. I was not a little troubled at this passage, and the more, when speaking with Jack Fenn about it, he told me that the Prince will now be asking who this Pepys is, and will find him to be a creature of My lord Sandwich, and that this was therefore done only to disparage him."[[51]]
In consequence of this dispute, Batten was sent down to view the fleet. He had been Rupert's enemy of old, and he now made a very unfavourable report, which he intended to present to the Duke of York. To this end he obtained an audience, but great was his dismay when he found Rupert in the company of his cousin. "It was pretty to see," says Pepys, with malicious glee, "how, when he found the Prince there, he did not speak out one word, though the meeting was of his asking, and for nothing else. And when I asked him, he told me that he knew the Prince too well to anger him, and that he was afraid to do it."[[52]]
But the King showed himself apathetic in this matter; it was doubtless true that the Commissioners lacked funds, and the charges against them were not, just then, further pressed. Probably the plague and the great fire of London threw all other affairs temporarily into the shade. The Prince was with the fleet when informed of the great fire, and is said to have merely remarked that, "Now Shipton's prophecy was out,"[[53]]—the burning of London having been one of the events foretold by the reputed prophetess, Mother Shipton. Evidently Rupert had ceased to be surprised, whatever might happen.
In January 1667 he was again very ill. The old wound in his head broke out afresh, and his life was despaired of; but in February he consented to an operation, which gave him some relief and enabled him to sleep. A second operation brought him fairly to convalescence, and after this he "diverted himself in his workhouse," where, amongst other curious things, he made instruments with which the surgeons were able to dress his wound quickly and easily.[[54]] Owing partly to this illness and partly to the King's poverty and home policy, the fleet was neglected throughout the whole year—only two small squadrons were fitted out; and in May, the Dutch took an ample revenge by entering the Medway, and burning the country near Felixstowe.
Rupert had, before this, urged the fortification of Harwich and Sheerness; and the King, now roused from his nonchalance, sent him to superintend the fortification of these and other places, which would secure the Medway from invasion,—and the Prince also had command of all the troops quartered in these places.[[55]] With his usual care for his subordinates, he demanded the deferred pay of his captains, and attended a Council meeting in order to press the matter.[[56]] The empty condition of the treasury occasioned a quarrel with Arlington, and the report ran that Rupert had, in Council, dealt Arlington a box on the ear, which had knocked off his hat and wig.[[57]] This was an exaggeration, but Rupert was always on bad terms with the cabal of which Arlington was a member. The known integrity of the Prince made him very popular with the nation at large, and he was requested by Parliament to draw up a report on the causes of the late naval disasters. Few things could have pleased him better than such an opportunity of airing his grievances. He drew up a long narrative, beginning with the separation of the fleet in June 1666, and going on to the "horrible neglects" of the overseers, workmen, and above all, the victuallers of the navy. "The next miscarriage I shall mention was the intolerable neglect in supplying provisions during the whole summer expedition, notwithstanding the extraordinary and frequent importunity of our letters... I remember also we did then complain that great quantities of wood-bound casks were staved, and much of the provisions proved defective; also that the gauge of the beer barrels was 20 gallons in a butt short of what it ought to be, and the bills of credit came with the pursers of the fleet, instead of provisions. This want of provisions did manifestly tend to the extraordinary prejudice of his Majesty's service in that whole summer, but most especially after the victory obtained in July fight, when we had carried the fleet on the enemy's coast, and lay there, before the Vlie Island, in the way of all their merchant ships. We were enforced, merely for want of provisions, to quit out to Sole Bay."[[58]] The Parliament, upon receipt of this report, appointed a committee to inquire into the neglect mentioned, and voted thanks to Rupert and Albemarle for their conduct of the war.
The manning of the fleet caused nearly as much discussion as did the victualling, and about this period Rupert and James of York were by no means of one mind concerning it. Rupert dismissed James's men as cowards, and James rejected Rupert's "stout men" as drunkards. "If they will turn out every man that will be drunk, they must turn out all the commanders in the fleet," cried the exasperated Prince. "What is the matter if a man be drunk, so, when he comes to fight, he do his work?"[[59]] But the dispute ran high; James declared he "knew not how" Colonel Legge's son had been made a captain after a single voyage, and, though he liked Colonel Legge well, he insisted that the boy must serve a longer apprenticeship. "I will ask the King to let me be that I am—Admiral!" he declared wrathfully, when Rupert combated his decisions.[[60]] The King listened to all these disputes with his usual lazy good nature. "If you intend to man the fleet without being cheated by the captains and pursers, you may go to bed and never have it manned at all," he said.[[61]] But James had his way in so far that Sir William Penn was appointed to command the summer fleet, in spite of Rupert's aversion to him. "I do pity Sir William Penn," quoth Pepys, naively.[[62]]
Owing to the representations of Rupert "and other mad, silly people," as Pepys phrased it,[[63]] no large fleet was fitted out in 1668; and, so far as the navy was concerned, no events occurred until 1672, when the second Dutch war broke out.
This war was as unpopular as the first had been popular. In the interval between them Charles II had made the secret Treaty of Dover with Louis XIV, and he now entered into this war solely to assist Louis' ambition. Therefore instead of the English opposing the Dutch and French, as formerly, the French and English were now allied against the Dutch. Rupert and Ormonde vigorously opposed the declaration of war, and perhaps it was on account of his dislike to the whole business that the Prince remained at home, while the Duke of York took command of the fleet. Nevertheless Rupert was put in command of all naval affairs on shore, and he resolved that the fleet should not suffer as it had before done, for the want of all necessary supplies.
His first act in his new capacity was to summon Pepys, and his colleagues to give an exact list of the fleet, the station and condition of each ship, and an account, "particular, not general," of all their stores, great and small.[[64]] He diligently superintended the fortification of the coast, inspected the regiments there stationed, and kept a watchful eye on the necessities of the fleet. But, in spite of this efficient assistance on shore, James accomplished nothing of moment, and the battle of Southwold Bay, fought May 28, left the honours to the Dutch, though both sides claimed the victory.
Before the next campaign, the Test Act had been passed, by which Roman Catholics were prevented from holding any office under the Crown. This forced the Duke of York to resign his command of the fleet, and Rupert was appointed to take his place.
Rupert's position was a difficult one. He detested the secret policy of Charles, and consequently the French, who were his allies. With the Cabal, as the home Ministry was then called, he was also at enmity. The Ministers, therefore, in order to make him as inefficient as possible, manned the fleet with adherents of the Duke of York, who were told—though falsely—that detracting from the Prince would please the Duke. Therefore "they crossed him in all that they could, and complained of all that he did." In short, Rupert had to contend with intrigues at home, limitation of his proper powers, want of men, ammunition and provisions, the deceit of the Naval Commissioners, insubordination among his officers, and defection of his allies.[[65]]
As his second in command, he begged to have Holmes, with whom his connection had been so long and intimate. Thanks to the favour of both Rupert and the Duke of York, Holmes had risen high in the navy, and was now an Admiral, and Governor of Sandown Castle, in the Isle of Wight. His promotion seems to have excited some jealousy, and Marvell described him bitterly, as "First an Irish livery boy, then a highwayman, (a pirate would be nearer the mark,) now Bashaw of the Isle of Wight, the cursed beginner of the two Dutch wars."[[66]] The last sentence alludes to Holmes's exploits in Africa in 1664, and his attack on the Smyrna fleet in 1672, which were the immediate causes of the wars of 1665 and 1672 respectively. But in both cases Holmes only obeyed orders for which he was not responsible. Pepys hinted darkly, concerning him, that "a cat will be a cat still,"[[67]] but then Pepys had private reasons for disliking him. He was a good soldier, and an experienced sailor, and the Cabal Ministry had no better reason for refusing to let him go with Rupert than the fact that he was the Prince's friend. Instead of Holmes they forced Rupert to take Sir Edward Spragge, with whom he was not, then, on good terms.[[68]]
The long delay in setting out the fleet tempted the Dutch to repeat their descent upon the Medway, and this they would undoubtedly have done, but for the personal energy of the Prince. Collecting together a few ships, he "made a demonstration", and sailed through the Channel, to the great surprise of the Dutch, who immediately retired.[[69]]
By May 20th the English fleet was ready to sail, and it was at once joined by the French, under Admiral D'Estrées. About a week later they fell in with the Dutch off Schoneveldt. Rupert sent a few vessels forward to draw out the enemy from their harbour, but De Ruyter came upon them so unexpectedly that they crowded back in confusion, each falling to the squadron nearest to her. The place was narrow, the wind for the Dutch, and some of the officers advised retreat. "But," said the English proudly," our Admiral never knew what it was to go back,"[[70]] and Rupert insisted on fighting then and there. When De Ruyter attacked, the line of the allies was not ready, and the result was an indecisive battle, attended with great loss of life.[[71]] In his official report, the Prince acknowledged that all had done their best:—"All the officers and seamen generally behaved themselves very well, of which I shall send the particulars when I am better informed; in my squadron, more especially Captain Legge, Sir John Holmes, Captain Welwang, Sir Roger Strickland and Sir William Reeves. Sir Edward Spragge also, on his side, maintained the fight with so much courage and resolution, and their whole body gave way to such a degree, that, had it not been for fear of the shoals, we had driven them into their harbours. The case being thus, I judged it fit to stand off a little, and anchor where now I ride. I hope his Majesty will be satisfied, that, considering the place we engaged in, and the shoals, there was as much done as could be expected; and thus I leave it to His Majesty's favourable construction, to whom I wish many happy years to come, this being his birthday."[[72]]
The Dutch were at home, and it was easy for them to refit, but the situation of the allies was more critical. Rupert made what preparations he could, and sat up the whole night of June 3rd, expecting an attack. But the carelessness of Spragge nullified this vigilance. Early on the morning of July 4th, Spragge came on board the Admiral. Rupert "said little", but told him to prepare for battle. Nevertheless he delayed his departure so long that De Ruyter came out before he had reached his own ship, and the whole of the Blue Squadron had to await his return.[[73]] The Red and White Squadrons weighed anchor very quickly; Rupert, in his impatience cut his cable, and some others followed his example.
But this second battle was as indecisive as the first. D'Estrées permitted the Dutch Admiral Banckert to hold him in check, and gave no effective aid. Rupert engaged with De Ruyter and "performed wonders," though his ship took in so much water that he was unable to use his lower tier of guns. Spragge opposed himself to Tromp. The loss of men was about equal on both sides, and no ships were lost at all. The allies pursued the Dutch from 10 p.m. to 6 a.m.; but they had gained no serious advantage, and were obliged to turn home to refit.[[74]]
Rupert came home in an exceedingly bad temper. "There goes a story about town that the Prince, at his first coming, when the Commissioners of the Navy came to wait upon him, fell into such a passion against them that he had like to have made use of his cane upon some of them. Certain it is that he is very angry with them for not having taken care to supply the fleet with necessaries,"[[75]] says one letter. Another, dated June 13, shows that the King too came in for a share of his cousin's indignation: "The Prince, they say, storms exceedingly at the want of provision they had, and declares he shall never thrive at sea till some are hanged at land. The King said merrily, the day before he went to see him, that he must expect a chiding, but he had sweetened him by letter all he could."[[76]] Rupert, however, refused absolutely to return to the fleet, unless he were given a new Commission, freed from all vexatious restrictions. This was accordingly done, and July 9th, he was made General on sea and land, with power to make truce and grant articles; and he held the post of First Lord of the Admiralty from this date till May 1679.
It was now proposed to throw a land force into Holland, and the command of the army was given to Schomberg, a German soldier of fortune. Unluckily, while the ships were refitting at Portsmouth, Schomberg irrevocably offended his chief, by ordering the "Greyhound" frigate to carry a flag on her main-top. This order he gave that she might be the more easily distinguishable, but she had in reality no right to carry any such colours, and Rupert, when he beheld her coming through the fleet, was transfixed with amazement. His peremptory orders for the hauling down of the flag being disregarded, he fired on it; whereupon it was taken down, and the Captain came on board the Admiral to explain that he had acted by Schomberg's direction. Rupert arrested him for insolent language, but soon pardoned and released him. Schomberg he would not forgive, and in revenge, as that General declared, he ordered him and his forces to Yarmouth, where they lay idle all the summer. The feud raged for some time, and Schomberg sent on a challenge to Rupert, but the duel was prevented by the King.[[77]]
A quarrel was also reported to have occurred between Rupert and the Duke of York, in which swords had been drawn, the Duke calling the Prince "Coward," and the Prince retorting with the epithet of "Traitor."[[78]] Another rumour, probably better grounded, was that D'Estrées would not sail with Rupert, and had refused to furl his flag[[79]] when the Prince came on board him. This was mere gossip, but it had a foundation, for the two Admirals were on very bad terms—a fact which increased Rupert's popularity at home, for the French were detested of the people, and the Prince was now "the only hero in their thoughts."[[80]]
At the beginning of August the allies put to sea, and on the 11th they met the Dutch off the Texel. The French were in the van, Rupert commanded the centre, Spragge the rear. The three squadrons engaged, as before, with Banckert, De Ruyter, and Tromp respectively. Rupert drew off, trying to lead De Ruyter from the coast. Spragge deliberately waited for Tromp, whom he had promised the King to take dead or alive, and, in the fierce personal contest that followed, lost his own life. D'Estrées simply allowed Banckert to run right through his squadron, and held off from the fight. Banckert was thus left free to join De Ruyter against Rupert, who, completely deserted by his van and rear, had to contend against fearful odds.[[81]]
"Does your Highness see the French yonder?" asked Captain Howard, standing at his side.
"Ay—Zounds, do I!" cried Rupert passionately.[[82]] The Dutch also noted D'Estrées' treacherous conduct. "The French have hired the English to fight for them, and have come to see them earn their wages,"[[83]] was the saying passed amongst them. But one gallant Frenchman, at least, blushed for his countrymen. The Vice-Admiral, De Martel, putting himself into Rupert's squadron, fought valiantly at his side; on which, it was said, in bitter jest, that D'Estrées threatened to hang him "for venturing the King's ship."[[84]] Finally Rupert extricated himself and ran down to the rear, De Ruyter withdrawing about 7 p.m. The result of the battle was a victory for the Dutch, who thus opened their blockaded ports, and saved their coast from a second assault.
Possibly the French doubted the good faith of the English, and therefore acted thus strangely; but, be the motive for their conduct what it may, feeling ran high against them. Rupert, with difficulty prevented his own sailors from insulting D'Estrées when he came on board his ship,[[85]] and in England men spoke only of the French traitors.
Rupert's return was eagerly desired, and it was reported that he came back "very angry and raging and to do some extraordinary thing." He was in the zenith of his popularity, and was received "with the greatest dearness possible," both by King and people.[[86]] But it was no part of the King's policy to quarrel with the French, and he tried to smooth over the affair, saying that it was not foul play, but "a great miscarriage."[[87]] Rupert, however, would not hold his tongue, and wherever he went, he fiercely blamed D'Estrées, even stating plainly to the French Ambassador, his opinion of his countryman's conduct.[[88]] At the same time he was so scrupulously exact in his assertions that he would not publish his narrative of the battle, until he could find out what had been the exact way of the wind when he was off Camperdown.[[89]]
D'Estrées retorted with the declaration that Rupert, owing to his aversion to the war, had not pushed the first battle so far as he could have done.[[90]] But, said a contemporary, "it is as impossible to make any Englishman suspect the Prince's courage, as to persuade him that the French have any, at sea."[[91]] De Martel boldly seconded Rupert, and wrote to his own government: "If Count D'Estrées would have fallen with a fair wind upon De Ruyter and Banckert at their first engaging, when in numbers they much exceeded the Prince, they must, of necessity have been enclosed between His Highness and Count D'Estrées; and so the enemy would have been entirely defeated."[[92]] For this unwelcome candour he was sent to the Bastille, upon which Rupert swore furiously that Charles ought to defend him, by force of arms if necessary.[[93]] And the more the Prince raged and stormed, so much the more was he adored by the people, who admired him "to such a degree," said a cynical observer, "that it would be impossible for him to do anything amiss, so long as he opposes the French, or as they think he does."[[94]]
Ever since the Restoration he had been exceedingly popular, and as early as 1666 there had been rumours of an abortive plot to place him on the throne. The statement of the witness who revealed it, is as follows: "William Hopkins doth depose that he heard Edward Dolphin of Camphill, near Birmingham, say these words, or to that purpose, viz.: 'The Papists should be uppermost for a time...' and said he could tell me more, for he cared not if he were hanged so he could serve the country. Then, speaking low, he said, (as I suppose,) 'The King and the Duke of York are Papists, and the King hath been at Mass underground within this week or fortnight, and I can prove it.' And when I contradicted him, he said the King's wife was a Papist, and that a royal G. should rule over us. And when I demanded if he meant not George Monck, he replied it was Prince Rupert he meant. Then I said he was no G., so he answered G. stood for a German, and Prince Rupert was a German Prince, and declared he meant Prince Rupert should be above the King, and said all should be willing to it, and venture lives and fortunes to vindicate the cause of the said Prince Rupert."[[95]] The whole plot probably existed only in the ravings of a lunatic, but insignificant though it is in itself, it is an indication of the country's feeling.
That Rupert would have listened for a moment to any disloyal scheme is, of course, incredible. Indeed the only time, after the Restoration, that he played any part in politics was in this year of 1673, when he was forced into the position of popular leader, and carried away by his wrath against the French. Feeling against "Popery" was, just then, keen, the nation having been stirred by the Duke of York's open adhesion to the Roman Church, and his marriage with a Roman bride, believed by the ignorant, to be the Pope's own granddaughter. "What will the Prince say?" was the popular cry, on all occasions;[[96]] and the position contrasts oddly with the attitude of the populace towards Rupert in the Civil War. Then he was "atheistical, popish, heathenish, tyrannical, bloodthirsty;" now the country turned to him as a true patriot, the staunch upholder of the Anglican Church, the defender of the rights of Parliament.
Shaftesbury, the prime mover of all the agitation against James, hastened to ally himself with the Prince, and together they formed an anti-French party, which stirred up the Commons against the French alliance. "Prince Rupert and he are observed to converse much together, and are very great, and indeed I see His Highness's coach often at the door. They are looked to be the great Parliament men and for the interests of old England."[[97]]
The result of all this was, naturally, a coolness between Rupert and the King, but it was not of long duration. The Prince was really too loyal to suffer his connection with the country party to carry him to any great lengths, and it soon ceased altogether.[[98]] In the iniquitous Popish Plot he had no share, nor would he countenance the attempts to exclude James from the succession in favour of Monmouth. True he lent Monmouth his house at Rhenen, when that unsuccessful schemer had been forced to retire abroad, but the loan was entirely a private matter, and quite apart from politics.[[99]] Rupert had no liking for intrigues, and he held himself equally aloof from those of Shaftesbury, and those of the Cabal. To the members of the Cabal he was always hostile, which, says Campbell, was no wonder, seeing that they were "persons of the utmost art," and the Prince was "one of the plainest men that could be."[[100]] Yet, in spite of his objections to the King's ministers, Rupert always retained the King's friendship, steering his way amongst factions and intrigues so tactfully, and yet so honestly, that he was beloved and respected by all parties.[[101]]
[[1]] Campbell's Admirals, II. p. 242.
[[2]] Pepys Diary, 4 June, 1664.
[[3]] Pepys Diary, Sept. 3, 1664.
[[4]] Ibid. Sept. 5, 1664.
[[5]] D. S. P. Sept. 13, 1664.
[[6]] Dom. State Papers, Sept. 23, 1664.
[[7]] Ibid. Oct. 8, 15, 24, 1664.
[[8]] Domestic State Papers. Oct. 8 1664. Chas. II. 103. f. 27.
[[9]] Dom. State Papers. Chas II. 103. f. 40.
[[10]] Ibid. Oct. 11, 1664. Chas. II. Vol. 103. f. 153.
[[11]] Hatton Correspondence, Vol. I. p. 37. Camd. Soc. New series. Lyttleton to Hatton, Oct. 19, 1664.
[[12]] Bromley Letters, 283-284. 27 Oct. 1664.
[[13]] Domestic State Papers. Rupert to King, Nov. 6, 1664. Chas. II. 104. 42.
[[14]] Hatton Correspondence, Vol. I. p. 44. 10 Dec. 1664.
[[15]] Pepys. 15 Jan. 1665.
[[16]] Mahan's Sea Power, p. 107.
[[17]] Dom. State Papers. Hickes to Winson, June 10, 1665.
[[18]] See Clowes' Royal Navy, II. pp. 256-266. Campbell, II. 93-98.
[[19]] Burnet Hist. of his own Times, ed. 1838. p. 148 and note. Campbell, II. pp. 99-100. Clowes, II. 265. Pepys Diary, 20 Oct. 1666.
[[20]] Pepys, 6 Nov. 1665.
[[21]] Dom. State Papers, June 10, 1665.
[[22]] Dom. State Papers, Chas. II. 124, 46. Rupert to Arlington, June 13, 1665.
[[23]] Ibid. 2 July, 1665.
[[24]] Pepys. 11 Oct., 31 Sept 1665, 12 Jan. 1666, 23 Oct. 1667.
[[25]] Clarendon Life, II. 402.
[[26]] Clarendon Life, II. 403.
[[27]] Pepys. 25 Oct. 1665.
[[28]] Ibid. 6 Nov. 1665.
[[29]] Clarendon's Life, III. 69.
[[30]] Dom. State Papers, Feb. 16, 1666.
[[31]] Ibid. May 27, 1666.
[[32]] Dom. State Papers, Clifford to Arlington, June 6, 1666.
[[33]] Clarendon's Life, III. 72.
[[34]] Dom. State Papers, Clifford to Arlington, June 6, 1666.
[[35]] Campbell. Vol. II. 107-111. Mahan's Influence of Sea Power on History, 118-126. Clowes' Royal Navy, II. 267-278.
[[36]] Dryden, Annus Mirabilis. 1666.
[[37]] Dom. State Papers. Chas. II. 159. f. 3. Hayes, 15 June, 1666.
[[38]] Ibid. Vol. 159. 3 (1).
[[39]] Ibid. 159. 55. Hayes, June 21, 1666.
[[40]] Ibid. Chas. II. 156. 100. 22 May, 1666.
[[41]] Pepys. June 20, 1666.
[[42]] Dom. State Papers, Clifford to Arlington, July 5, 1666.
[[43]] Ibid. Geo. Hillson, Gunner of Ruby, to Pepys, Nov. 30, 1666.
[[44]] Dom. State Papers. Clifford to Arlington, July 27, 1666.
[[45]] Dom. State Papers. Rupert to King, Aug. 11, 1666. Clowes, II. 278-285. Mahan, 131. Campbell, 112-117. Clarendon Life, III. 79.
[[46]] D. S. P. 1670. Chas. II. 281 a 173.
[[47]] Ibid. Clifford to Arlington, Aug. 16, 1666.
[[48]] Dom. State Papers, Rupert to King, Aug. 27, Sept 24, 1666.
[[49]] Clarendon's Life, III. 83.
[[50]] Dom. State Papers, 19 Sept 1666, 19 and 20 Oct. 1666. Chas. II. 175. f. 111, 112.
[[51]] Pepys, Oct. 7, 1666.
[[52]] Ibid. Oct. 10, 1666.
[[53]] Pepys, 20 Oct. 1666.
[[54]] Dom. State Papers, Feb. 21, 1667.
[[55]] Ibid. June 13, July 6, Nov. 23, 1667.
[[56]] Dom. State Papers, July 25, 1668.
[[57]] Ibid. Sept. 12, 1668.
[[58]] Prince Rupert's Narrative, see Warb. III. p. 480.
[[59]] Pepys, Jan. 2, 1668.
[[60]] Pepys, Jan. 28, 1668.
[[61]] Ibid. Mar. 18, 1668.
[[62]] Ibid. Mar. 20, 1668.
[[63]] Ibid. May 28, 1668. Campbell, II. 121-122.
[[64]] Dom. State Papers, May 4, 1672.
[[65]] Campbell, II. 246. Letters to Williamson, I. p. 195.
[[66]] Andrew Marvell. Seasonable Argument, 1677. Letters to Williamson. II. 63, note.
[[67]] Pepys, 24 Jan. 1666.
[[68]] Campbell, II. 149. Clowes, Vol. II. 309-310.
[[69]] Campbell, II. 149. Clowes, II. 310.
[[70]] Hatton Correspondence, I. p. 105. May 20, 1673.
[[71]] Clowes, II. 311-315.
[[72]] Campbell, II. 246. Memoir of Prince Rupert, p. 58.
[[73]] Hist. MSS. Commission, Rept. 15. Vol. III. pp. 9-13. Journal of Sir Edward Spragge, May 1673. Dartmouth MSS. Vol. III.
[[74]] Campbell, II. 151-153. Clowes, II. 314-315.
[[75]] Camden. Society. New Series. Letters to Sir Joseph Williamson, Vol. I. p. 48. May 6, 1673.
[[76]] Ibid. I. 39, June 13, 1673.
[[77]] Letters to Williamson, Vol. I. pp. 121, 124, 145, July 21, Aug. 4, Aug. 6, 1673.
[[78]] Hist. MSS. Com. Rept. 12. Fleming MSS. p. 102, 22 July, 1673.
[[79]] Hatton Correspondence, Vol. I. p. 106.
[[80]] Letters to Williamson, I. p. 63.
[[81]] Campbell, II. 157-159. Clowes, II. 316-317.
[[82]] Letters to Williamson, Vol. I. p. 174. Aug. 18, 1673.
[[83]] Campbell, II. 159.
[[84]] Letters to Williamson, Vol. II. p. 9. Sept. 5, 1673.
[[85]] Ibid. Vol. I. p. 185.
[[86]] Ibid. I. pp. 183, 191. Aug. 25, 1673.
[[87]] Ibid. II. p. 1.
[[88]] Ibid. I. p. 191. Aug. 29, 1673.
[[89]] Letters to Williamson, II. 13. Sept. 5, 1673.
[[90]] Clowes, II. 520-322. Campbell, II. 152. Hist. MSS. Com. Rpt. 12. Fleming MSS. p. 103.
[[91]] Hatton Correspondence, Vol. I. p. 114.
[[92]] Ibid. Vol. II. p. 1, note.
[[93]] Ibid. II. 20, Sept. 19, 1673.
[[94]] Ibid. I. p. 194, Aug. 29, 1673.
[[95]] Dom. State Papers. Chas. II. 172. 13.
[[96]] Letters to Williamson, Vol. I. p. 143, Aug. 4, 1673.
[[97]] Letters to Williamson, Vol. II. p. 21, Sept. 19, 1673.
[[98]] Campbell, II. p. 47.
[[99]] Hist. MSS. Com. Rept. 12. Fleming MSS. p. 162.
[[100]] Campbell, II. p. 246.
[[101]] Ibid. II. 245. Memoir of Prince Rupert, Preface.