FOOTNOTES
[1] Ad capita bubula. Lanciani (Remains of Ancient Rome, p. 139) says that this was the name of a lane at the eastern corner of the Palatine. Others have thought it to be the name of the house, as the ad malum Punicum in which Domitian was born (Suet., Dom. 1). So later we hear of a house at Rome quæ est ad Palmam (Codex Theod., p. 3). The house may have had its name from a frieze with ox-heads on it, like the tomb of Metella, which came to be called Capo-di-bove. It seems less easy to account for a lane being so called. See also p. 205.
[2] C. I. L., vol. i. p. 279.
[3] Cicero, ad Q. Fr. 1, 1, 21; 1, 2, 7. Velleius Pat., 2, 59; Sueton., Aug. 3.
[4] The plebeian Atii Balbi do not seem to have been important. M. Atius Balbus was prætor in B.C. 62 (with Cæsar), governor of Sardinia B.C. 61-60, and in B.C. 59 was one of the XX viri under the Julian land law (Cic., ad Att. ii. 4).
[5] These and other stories will be found in Sueton., Aug. 94, and Dio, 45, 2. Vergil makes skilful use of them in Æn., vi. 797, sqq.
[6] Antony, when he wished to depreciate Augustus, asserted that his great-grandfather had a rope-walk at Thurii; and some such connection of his ancestors with that place may account for the cognomen, which would naturally be dropped afterwards (Suet., Aug. 7).
[7] The marriage could not have taken place earlier than the middle of B.C. 57, for when Atia’s first husband died Philippus was in Syria. He was succeeded by Gabinius in B.C. 57, and reached Italy in time to stand for the consulship, the elections that year being at the ordinary time, i.e., July (Cic., ad Att. 4, 2).
[8] L. Marcius Philippus was the son of the famous orator, and was a warm supporter of Cicero. With his colleague as consul-designate he proposed the prosecution of Clodius (Cic., ad Q. Fr. ii. 1). When the civil war was beginning he was allowed by Cæsar to remain neutral (Cic., ad Att. ix. 15; x. 4). But Cicero found him tiresome company, for he was garrulous and prosy (ad Att. xii. 9, 16, 18); and in the troublous times following the assassination of Cæsar he set little store by his opinion (ad Att. xvi. 14; ad Brut. i. 17).
[9] The law of B.C. 52 allowed Cæsar to be “elected in his absence” (absentis rationem haberi), but said nothing of his being in possession of a province. By long prescription the Senate had the right of deciding when a provincial governor should be “succeeded.” But then Cæsar’s term of provincial government had been fixed by a lex, which was superior to a Senatus-consultum; and he might also argue that if it was unconstitutional for a man to be elected consul while holding a province, the Senate had violated the constitution in allowing Pompey to be consul in B.C. 52.
[10] The Senate did not insist on the professio, from which Cæsar had been exempted by name in Pompey’s law. But its contention was that it still retained the right of naming the date at which a man was to leave his province, and of deciding in regard to an election whether a man was a legal candidate, which might depend on other things besides the making or not making a professio.
[11] The difficulty was that both consuls were absent. There was no one therefore capable of holding a consular election. But as the other curule magistrates still existed, “the auspicia had not returned to the Fathers,” who could not therefore name an interrex. The Prætor Lepidus—though willing—could not “create” a maius imperium. The only way out of it was to name a Dictator (com. hab. causa); but one of the consuls, according to tradition, could alone do that. Eventually Lepidus, by a special vote of the people was authorised to name Cæsar as Dictator—which had precedents in the cases of Fabius Maximus and Sulla—and Cæsar, as Dictator, held the consular elections. Cæs., b. c. ii, 21; Dio, 41, 36.
[12] Nicolas (ch. 4) says that he took the toga virilis about fourteen (περὶ ἔτη μάλιστα γεγονὼς τεσσαρακαίδεκα). But Suetonius (Aug. 8) says that he spoke the laudatio of his grandmother in his twelfth year, and “four years afterwards” took the toga virilis.
[13] Octavius was sui iuris, his father being dead; his adoption therefore required the formal passing of a lex curiata. Now the opposition, supported by Antony, against this formality being carried out was one of the grounds of Octavian’s quarrel with him in B.C. 44-3, and the completion of it was one of the first things secured by Octavian on his entrance into Rome in August, B.C. 43 [Appian, b. c. iii. 94; Dio, 45, 5]. This seems conclusive against the theory that Iulius adopted him in his lifetime. Moreover all authorities speak of the adoption as made by Will. Livy, Ep. 116, testamento in nomen adoptatus est; Velleius, ii. 59, testamentum apertum est, quo C. Octavium nepotem sororis suæ Iuliæ adoptabat. See also Appian, b. c. iii. 11; Dio, 45, 3; Plutarch, Brut. 22. It is true that Nicolas—speaking of the triumph of B.C. 46—(§ 8) says υἱὸν ἤδη πεποιημἐνος. But if he means anything more than “regarding him as a son,” he twice afterwards contradicts himself: See § 17 ἀπήγγελλον τά τε ἄλλα καὶ ὡς ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις ὡς υἱὸς εἴη Καίσαρι ἐγγεγραμμένος. Cf. § 13.
[14] Cicero, ad Att. xii. 48, 49; Nicholas, § 14; Valer. Max., 1, 15, 2. For the subsequent fate of the man see Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 6, 7, 8; App., b. c. iii. 2-3.
[15] The patrician gentes were dying out, and it was thought good to replenish their numbers, thus gradually forming a class of nobles distinct from these ennobled by office. In making the Octavii patricians, the initiative was taken by the Senate; in later times, however, the power of creating patricii was conferred on the imperator. Iulius seems also to have done it on his own authority. (Dio, 43, 47; Suet., Aug. 2.)
[16] He took with him Apollodorus of Pergamus, a well-known author of a system of rhetoric (Suet., Aug. 89; Strabo, 13, 4, 3; Quinct., 3, 1, 17). Other teachers of his, whether at Apollonia or elsewhere, are Areius of Alexandria, Alexander of Pergamus, Athenodorus of Tarsus (Suet. l. c.; Dio, 51, 4; Plutarch, Ant. 11; Nicol. Dam., § 17; Zonaras, 10, 38).
[17] Suet., Aug. 65; Vell. Paterc., 2, 59, 64; App., b. c. 5, 66; Dio, 48, 33. The other instance of a friend who fell into disfavour and ruin quoted by Suetonius is Cornelius Gallus. But he does not seem to have been at Apollonia. He was nearly three years older than Augustus, and in B.C. 44-3 was perhaps with Pollio in Bætica. See Cic., ad Fam. x. 32.
[18] Nicolas, § 16; App., b. c. iii. 9-10.
[19] Dolabella consul for the last half of B.C. 44 with Antony; Pansa and Hirtius, B.C. 43; Plancus and Dec. Brutus B.C. 42. Probably M. Brutus and C. Cassius (or certainly the former) B.C. 41 [Plut., Cæs. 62; Cic., ad Fam. xii. 2]. For B.C. 43 prætors and other magistrates were named, but for the next years only consuls and tribunes.
[20] Dio, 43, 47, καὶ ἔς γε τὰ ἔθνη ἀκληρωτὶ ἐξεπέμφθησαν.
[21] M. Brutus, C. Cassius, Dec. Brutus, L. Cimber, C. Trebonius.
[22] Cic., ad Att. xiv. 9; Cæs., b. c. ii. 22; Plut., Ant. xi.
[23] Dio, 46, 60.
[24] Cæsar had auxiliaries in Spain from Aquitania B.C. 49; Cæs., b. c. i. 39.
[25] Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 5, 8, 9.
[26] Livy, Ep. 62. Appian says that Metellus did not fight, but was received as a friend, wintered at Salonæ, and then went home and claimed a triumph (Illyr. xi.).
[27] Eutrop., v. 4.
[28] Id. vi. 4; Oros., v. 23.
[29] Cæs., b. c. iii. 5, 9.
[30] Livy, Ep. 110; App., b. c. ii. 47.
[31] Id., b. c. ii. 59.
[32] Cæs., b. Alex. 42-3.
[33] Id., 34-6.
[34] Cic., ad Fam. v. 10 (a), 10, 11.
[35] App., Illyr. 13.
[36] App., b. c. iv. 75; Dio, 47, 21. Vatinius was ill, and his late reverses had lost him the confidence of his men, who insisted on being transferred to Brutus.
[37] Dio, 43, 42; Horace, Odes, iii. 1, 13.
[38] Cæs., b. Alex. 48-64; Hisp. 7, 12.
[39] App., b. c. ii. 107.
[40] Wrongly called Aulus Albinus by Appian, b. c. ii. 48; see Klein, die Verwaltungsbeamten der Provinzen, p. 83.
[41] Cic., ad Fam. xiii. 30, 36, 50, 78, 79; Cæs., b. Afr. 2, 26, 34.
[42] Cic., ad Fam. vi. 16, 17.
[43] Dio, 48, 17, 19; Livy, Ep. 123; Appian, b. c. iv. 84. A certain M. Casinius was nominated to Sicily for B.C. 43, but did not go there, perhaps owing to the order of the Senate (meant to support Dec. Brutus) made on the 20th of December, B.C. 44, that all governors should retain their provinces till farther orders (Cic., ad Fam. xii. 22, 25).
[44] App., b. c. ii. 48.
[45] Cic., ad Att. xv. 7; xvi. 3.
[46] App., b. c. iv. 2; Dio, 46, 55.
[47] Sueton., Aug. 47. This probably means after his accession to sole power. According to Nicolas, § 11-12, he visited Africa with Cæsar in B.C. 45. See p. 13. There is no record, however, of his ever having been to Sardinia.
[48] App., b. c. v. 67. The hold of Sext. Pompeius on Sardinia was recognised in the “treaty” of Misenum made in B.C. 39 (Dio, 48, 36; App., b. c. v. 72).
[49] See Note 2, p. 24.
[50] Cicero, 3 Phil. § 26; ad Fam. xii. 22, 23, 30.
[51] Appian, b. c. iii. 85, 91.
[52] Appian, b. c. iv. 36, 53-56; v. 26; Dio, 48, 21-23. It seems impossible to reconcile Appian and Dio. The course of events here indicated agrees chiefly with Dio, whose account appears on the whole the more reasonable.
[53] Cæs., b. c. iii., 102.
[54] Id., b. Alex. 42.
[55] Drawn up by the commissioners after the fall of Corinth, B.C. 146.
[56] Cicero, ad Att. xi. 15; Cæsar, b. c. ii. 56, 106; Dio, 42, 14.
[57] Servius had fought against Cæsar at Pharsalia, though his son was with Cæsar. After the battle he retired to Samos and refused to continue the war. See Cicero, ad Fam. iv. 3, 4, 11, 12; vi. 6; xiii. 17, 19, 23, 25, 28.
[58] App., b. c. v. 72.
[59] Cicero, ad Fam. vi. 12; App., b. c. iii. 2.
[60] See Cicero, 13 Phil. 23 (Antony’s letter).
[61] P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther. See his letter to Cicero, ad Fam. xii. 14, 15.
[62] Cæs., b. Alex. 66: rebus omnibus provinciæ et finitimarum civitatum constitutis is all that we are told.
[63] Dio, 47, 26. Appian gives two accounts of Bassus. In the first he represents him as the real commander of the legions, while Sext. Iulius was the nominal chief. He, however, gives an alternative account more in accordance with that of Dio. See App., b. c. iii. 77; iv. 58, sq.
[64] Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 9.
[65] Id., ad Fam. xii. 11 (Cassius to Cicero); xii. 12.
[66] Cicero, ad Att. vi. 5; Valer. Max., vi. 1, 15.
[67] Cyrene with four other cities—Apollonia, Ptolemais, Arsinoe, Berenice—formed a Pentapolis. (Livy, Epit. 70.)
[68] App., b. c. I. iii. sq.; Sall., hist. fr. ii. 39.
[69] Vell. Pat., ii. 34; Dio, 36, 2; Iust. 39, 5; Livy, Epit. 100. The laws of Crete were left in force (Cic., Mur. § 74; pro Flacc. § 30).
[70] App., b. c. iii. 12, 16, 36; iv. 57; Dio, 47, 21.
[71] Cicero, 2 Phil. § 97.
[72] The possibility of these legions crossing to Italy had caused no little anxiety at Rome; Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 16.
[73] Cicero, ad Att. xv. 21.
[74] Suetonius (Iul. 83) says, “three-fourths”; so also does Nicolas Dam. 17 (τρία μέρη τῶν χρημάτων). But Livy (Ep. 116) says “one-half” (ex semisse). It is possible Livy may refer to the amount left when the legacy of 300 sesterces to each citizen was deducted. Nicolas seems to think, however, that this legacy was charged on the remaining fourth. Octavian certainly undertook to pay it, but then Pinarius and Pedius handed over their shares to him.
[75] Appian (b. c. ii. 147) says that the body itself was not seen during Antony’s laudatio, but that a wax figure was displayed which by some mechanical contrivance was made to revolve and show all the wounds.
[76] Nicolas (§ 17) would seem to send them straight to Antium. But from Cicero’s letters it is clear that Brutus at any rate went first to Lanuvium, ad Att. xiv. 10, 21; xv. 9. They seem to have gone to Antium towards the end of May or beginning of June.
[77] Suet., Aug. 25.
[78] The last being the adjectival form of his original name, in accordance with the usual custom in cases of adoption.
[79] Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 5, 10, 11, 12.
[80] Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 20, 21. Dio (45, 6) says that the introducing tribune was Tib. Canutius. But it seems probable that this refers to a second speech.
[81] Cic., ad Att. xv. 2. There is a singularly manly and frank letter from Matius to Cicero (ad Fam. xi. 28), defending his attachment to Cæsar and his services to Octavian.
[82] Appian, b. c. 3, 20, τῶν προσόδων ἐξ οὗ παρῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐς αὐτὸν ἀντὶ τοῦ ταμιείου συμφερομένων. The sole management of the Treasury had been committed to Cæsar in B.C. 45 (Dio, 43, 44, τἁ δημόσια χρήματα μόνον διοικεῖν). He had taken it out of the hands of the quæstors and appointed two præfecti to manage it: but it does not seem that they had anything to do with the money in the temple of Ops, as to which there was some doubt as to its being “public money” in the ordinary sense.
[83] Cicero, 1 Phil. § 17; 2 Phil. § 93.
[84] Cicero, in 2 Phil. § 93, seems to assume that Antony had taken the money all at once. But from Cicero’s own letters it would seem that the process of despoiling the temple of Ops was a gradual one, and that the use made of the money by Antony was more or less a matter of conjecture. On the 27th of April he writes: “You mention plundering going on at the temple of Ops. I, too, was a witness to that at the time” (ad Att. xiv. 14). On the 7th of May he says that Dolabella had a great share of it (ad Att. xiv. 18). In November he says that his nephew Quintus knew all about it, and meant to reveal it to the public (ad Att. xvi. 14). Appian (b. c. iii. 20) makes Antony say to Octavian: “The money transferred to my house was not so large a sum as you conjecture, nor is any part of it in my custody now. The men in power—except Dolabella and my brothers—divided up the whole of it as the property of a tyrant.”
[85] Cic., ad Att. xvi. 8.
[86] Dio, 45, 6; this seems a different case from that mentioned by App., b. c. iii. 47, and referred to by Cicero, ad Att. xvi. 15, as happening later in this same year.
[87] See ante p. 14: Dio, 45, 2; Sueton., Aug. 2, 10; Tac., Ann. xi. 25.
[88] Dio, 45, 4; Cicero, ad Att. xv. 3.
[89] Cicero, 2 Phil. § 100; ad Att. xiv. 20, 21.
[90] Id., ad Att. xiv. 3 (9th April); xv. 4 (24th May); 2 Phil. § 108; Appian, b. c. iii. 5. The Senate had been induced to vote him a bodyguard. See the letter of Brutus and Cassius to Antony in Cicero, ad Fam. xi. 2.
[91] Dio, 45, 10; Cic., ad Att. xvi. 1. The negotiation after all fell through on the question of Sextus’s recovering the actual house and property of his father, much of which was in Antony’s hands (Cic., ad Att. xvi. 4; Dio, 45, 9). He refused to accept a mere money compensation. Eventually, when the Senate had broken with Antony, it made terms with Sextus, appointing him commander of the naval forces of the Republic. Consequently he was proscribed by the Triumvirs. App., b. c. iii. 4.
[92] Cic., ad Att. xv. 10, 11.
[93] Cicero (2 Phil. § 109) declares that Antony’s bodyguard was stationed round the Senate—some of them being foreign mercenaries—and that his opponents therefore did not venture to enter the house.
[94] Appian, b. c. iii. 29-30. But Appian in regard to the order of events here is very confused and often wrong.
[95] Cicero, ad Att. xvi. 4, 5.
[96] Id., 1 Phil. § 14; ad Att. xvi. 7; ad Fam. xii. 2.
[97] Nicolas (§ 30), Appian (b. c. iii. 39), Plutarch (Ant. 16), acquit Augustus. The two writers who adopt Cicero’s view of the truth of the accusation are Seneca (de Clement. 1, 9, 1) and Suetonius (Aug. 10). See Cicero, ad Fam. xii. 23.
[98] ad Att. xv. 12.
[99] See ante, p. 3.
[100] He had the title Imperator inherited from Cæsar (Dio, 43, 44); but this was a mere honorary title, and could not be held to give imperium. He was careful to use it however, as in the inscription recording the formation of the triumvirate.... EMILIVS M. ANTONIVS. IMP. CÆSAR. III VIR R.P.C. A.D. IV KAL. DEC. AD. PRID. KAL. IAN. SEXT....
[101] Monum. Ancyr. I, annos undeviginti natus exercitum privato consilio et privata impensa comparavi: per quem rem publicam dominatione factionis oppressam in libertatem vindicavi. Compare Cæsar, b. civ. 1, 22, ut se et Populum Romanum factione paucorum oppressum in libertatem vindicaret.
[102] Cicero, ad Att. xvi. 8 and 9.
[103] Id., ad Fam. xii. 23.
[104] App., b. c. iii. 43-45; Cic., 3 Phil. § 10; Dio, 45, 13.
[105] Cic., ad Att. xvi. 10, 13 a, 13 b, 14.
[106] Id., 3 Phil. § 19.
[107] pestifera, 13 Phil. § 19.
[108] Cicero, 3 Phil. §§ 19-27; 5 Phil. § 23; 13 Phil. § 19; App., b. c. iii. 45.
[109] Cic., ad Att. xvi. 11.
[110] Id. xvi. 14.
[111] Id. xvi. 15. It seems from Appian (b. c. iii. 31) that Octavian was not a candidate, but he was generally supposed to wish it, and that therefore many were going to vote for him. He ostensibly supported another candidate—Flaminius. Antony stopped the election on the ground that there was no need to fill up a vacancy so late in the year. This settled the question. But it is doubtful whether this does not refer to an earlier occasion.
[112] Cicero, ad Att. xvi. 15, 3.
[113] Id., ad Fam. xi. 6; 3 Phil. §§ 37-39.
[114] The passages are Cicero, 5 Phil. §§ 45-47; 11 Phil. § 20; 13 Phil. § 39; Monum. Ancyr. § 3; Livy, Ep. 118; C. I. L. x. 8375; Suet., Aug. 10, 26. Dio (40, 29) says that he was in the Senate ἐν τοῖς τεταμιευκόσι—inter quæstorios. This may be a misunderstanding of Cicero’s proposal that for purposes of election he was to count as having been quæstor. The rank of proprætor was necessary for his command in the army, not for his entrance into the Senate.
[115] Pollio in Bætica, Lepidus in Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior, and Plancus in Northern Gaul.
[116] Laudandum, ornandum, tollendum (Cic., ad Fam. xi. 20, 21). This epigram seems to have been inspired by the exultant hopes roused by the news of the battle of Forum Gallorum.
[117] Monum. Ancyr. § 1, respublica ne quid detrimenti caperet me pro prætore cum consulibus providere iussit. This was a general order, neither Antony nor any particular hostis being named.
[118] Octavian first assumed the fasces (symbol of imperium) on the 7th of January (C. I. L. x. 8375.)
[119] Cicero, 8 Phil. §§ 25-28.
[120] The letter is preserved in the 13th Philippic, with Cicero’s bitter comments. It dwells on the favours and honours voted to the chief assassins, as well as the abolition of many of Cæsar’s acta. Antony also asserts that Lepidus and Plancus are on his side and warns Octavian that Cicero is playing him false.
[121] The country is very flat, but was intersected by drains and watercourses, making military evolutions difficult, if not impossible, in the rainy season. (App., b. c. 3, 65.)
[122] Such as the cavalry engagement between Pontius Aquila and Tib. Munatius Plancus at Pollentia (Dio, 46, 38). Octavian also suffered some loss by the desertion of some Gallic cavalry (ib. 37).
[123] Cic., ad Brutum, ii. 2.
[124] In enrolling legions Bassus was probably justified by the SCtum ultimum, which included the prætors. He was known to be a supporter of Antony, and might be thought capable of occupying Rome in his interest. We shall see afterwards that he joined him in Cisalpine Gaul. Some rumour of his being likely to act in this way had been rife before January 1st, when he was only prætor-designate. (See Cic., ad Att. xvi. 1; ad Brut. i. 3.)
[125] Cicero says of Octavian that he secundum proelium fecit because he castra multarum legionum paucis cohortibus tutatus est (14 Phil. § 28). The attack on the camp is not mentioned elsewhere (ib. § 37). For his being greeted as Imperator see C. I. L. ix. 8375.
[126] Cic., ad Brut. 1, 3, 5.
[127] Suet., Aug. 11; Cic., ad Brut. i. 6.
[128] Cic., ad Fam. xi. 21.
[129] Dio, 46, 41; Livy, Ep. 118.
[130] Cic., ad Brut. i. 15.
[131] Id., ad Fam. xi. 20, 21, see ante p. 52.
[132] Id., ad Brut. i. 4; App., b. c. iii. 82; Dio, 46, 42; Plut., Cic. 46. There was evidently some rumour of Cicero intending to be consul, though he speaks with rather affected indignation of Octavian wishing to be elected also (ad Brut. i. 10).
[133] Cic., ad Brut. 1, 3.
[134] Id. § 4.
[135] Cic., ad Fam. xi. 10.
[136] He was perhaps deceived by the report that Octavian’s legions had taken an oath not to fight against any that had served under Iulius Cæsar. This applied to some men at present with Antony. But Dio implies that the oath was at the secret instigation of Octavian himself (Dio, 46, 42).
[137] Cic., ad Fam. xi. 13.
[138] Id. xi. 19.
[139] Id. xi. 20.
[140] Id. xi. 14.
[141] Cic., ad Fam. x. 23.
[142] Id. x. 24.
[143] Id. xi. 12 and 14.
[144] Cic., ad Fam. x. 16.
[145] Id. x. 35; xii. 35.
[146] Id. xi. 26, cp. xi. 13.
[147] Id., ad. Brut. i. 10.
[148] A similar technical difficulty had occurred in B.C. 49 (both consuls being absent, and unwilling, of course, to name a dictator), and had been got over by the nomination of a dictator by the prætor under a special law. See p. 8; Cic., ad Fam. x. 26; ad M. Brut. i. 5.
[149] Plancus (Cic., ad Fam. x. 29) expresses surprise that Cæsar wished to give up the glory of defeating Antony for the sake of “a two months’ consulship.” But this only shows that Plancus did not understand Octavian’s object or policy.
[150] Suet., Aug. 26; Dio, 46, 43; Plut., Pomp. 58. Appian (b. c. 3, 82), without alluding to this scene, regards the application itself as the result of a secret intrigue with Cicero, and Cicero’s exclamation, if made, may have been intended as encouraging and not sarcastic.
[151] The number given by Appian (b. c. iii. 88). Octavian had five legions when he went to Gaul: two raised in Campania of veterans, one of tirones, the Martia and Quarta (App., b. c. iii. 47). The other three must have been made up from the armies of Pansa and Hirtius. None of the veteran legions in these two armies would consent to follow Decimus Brutus (Cic., ad Fam. xi. 19).
[152] Cic., ad Brut. 1, 18.
[153] Ib. and App., b. c. iii. 90.
[154] The panic had been increased by some damage done by his soldier on the march to properties of known anti-Cæsareans.
[155] Confiscation of property and the forbidding of “fire and water” followed as a matter of course. One of the assassins—P. Servilius Casca—was tribune, and as such could not legally be condemned, but he vacated his tribuneship by flying from Rome and was condemned with the rest.
[156] The Senate had nothing to do with this quæstio, which was established by a lex, but its attitude to Octavian amounted to a condonation if not an active approval.
[157] According to Appian (b. c. iii. 97), Pollio for some time declined to join Antony and Lepidus. He seems to have done so when their outlawry was removed.
[158] Decimus Brutus first tried to reach Ravenna, hoping to sail to Macedonia and join M. Brutus. Headed back by Cæsar’s advance, he recrossed the Alps (being gradually deserted by his men) and trusted himself to a Gaul, who had received favours from him of old. But his host communicated with Antony, and by his orders put him to death. There were other versions of his death. Perhaps neither Antony nor Cæsar cared to ask questions so long as he was dead. (App., b. c. iii. 97-98; Dio, 46, 53; Velleius Pat., ii. 64; Livy, Ep. 120.)
[159] Plancus did not accompany Antony into Italy; he stayed in Gaul, busying himself with the foundation of Lugdunum, and apparently suppressing some movements in the Eastern Alps, for at the end of the year coming home to enter on his consulship, he celebrated a triumph ex Rhætis [Inscrip. Neap., 4089; Fast. Capitol. 29 Dec. A. V. 711.] Pollio, who had presently to assent to the proscription of his father-in-law, L. Quintius, was left in charge of Transpadane Gaul, to arrange for lands for the veterans. It was in this business that he came across Vergil and his farm.
[160] Daughter of Fulvia by her first husband, P. Clodius.
[161] Plut., Ant. 19; App., b. c. iv. 6; Dio, 46, 44.
[162] The usual interval (tres nundinæ) for promulgatio was dispensed with.
[163] Appian, b. c. iv. 5; Livy, Ep. 120. Of the 69 names given by Appian, he records the escape of 31. This tallies roughly with the discrepancy between his and Livy’s reckoning.
[164] Appian, b. c. iv. 36.
[165] Suet., Aug. 27.
[166] Dio, 47, 14.
[167] Id. 47, 16-17.
[168] App., b. c. 4, 34.
[169] Lassam crudelitatem, Sen. de Clem. 1, 9, 2. The other opinions referred to are Velleius, ii. 66; App., b. c. iv. 42, 45; Plut., Ant. 21; Dio, 47, 7; Sueton., Aug. 27. For Toranius, see Nic. Dam. 2.
[170] Sueton., Aug. 61; Dio, 47, 17; [Tacit.] de orat. 29.
[171] Cicero, 13 Phil. §§ 8-12, 50; Velleius, ii. 73. The decree was passed on the 20th of March, B.C. 43.
[172] Dio, 48, 17 sq.; Livy, Ep. 123.
[173] App., b. c. iv. 85; Dio, 47, 36; Livy, Ep. 123.
[174] Dio, 51, 2; Suet., Aug. 13.
[175] At any rate the head never reached Rome, but was lost at sea. App., b. c. iv. 135; Dio, 47, 49; Plut., Ant., 22; Brut. 53; Sueton., Aug. 13.
[176] Ulpian (dig. 48, 24) quotes this lost autobiography; see Mon. Ancyr. § 3.
[177] The first meeting of Antony and Cleopatra, when the queen was rowed up the Cydnus in her barge, dressed as Venus with attendant cupids, seems to have been in the autumn of B.C. 42 (Plut., Anton. 25-6.). He had seen her once before in B.C. 56 when he accompanied Gabinius to restore her father. But she must have been a mere child then.
[178] These legions had behaved badly at Placentia, demanding a sum of money from the inhabitants. Calenus and Ventidius may have justified their action on this score (Dio, 48, 10).
[179] From caliga, “a soldier’s boot.”
[180] Dio, 48, 12.
[181] Appian, b. c. 4, 30; Dio, 48, 31. Livy, however (Ep. 121), says M. Lepido fuso, as though he had resisted and had been beaten.
[182] Livy, Ep. 126; Velleius, ii. 74; App., b. c. v. 48-49; Dio, 48, 14; Seneca, de Clem. 1, 11, 1. The uncertainty of historical testimony is illustrated by the fact that both Dio and Appian name C. Canutius (Tr. Pl. B.C. 44) among the victims at Perusia, while Velleius (ii. 64) says that he was the first to suffer under the proscription in B.C. 43.
[183] C. I. L., i. 697.
[184] This was to safeguard Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. There is some doubt, however, as to his having been an assassin. Cocceius denied it (App., b. c. v. 62). Suetonius (Nero 3) does the same. But Cicero (2 Phil. §§ 27, 30) says that he was; and Appian himself does the same (b. c. v. 59). Dio thrice speaks of him as a σφαγεύς (48, 7, 29, 54). At any rate he was condemned by the lex Pedia, as though he had been an assassin. He may have been one of those who joined the assassins on the Capitol after the murder.
[185] Appian, b. c. v. 65. It has been doubted whether this or the meeting of B.C. 37 was the one to which Horace accompanied his patron Mæcenas. In favour of this one is the mention of Cocceius Nerva by Horace (Sat. 1 v. 28, 50), against it is the way in which he is mentioned with Mæcenas as aversos soliti componere amicos, as if he had been so engaged before. But though in the second meeting he is not mentioned by Appian, he may have been there. Something has been made of the mention of the croaking frogs (l. 14), as this meeting could hardly have been earlier than July, when the Italian frogs are said to be silent. For the Ovations see C. I. L., i. p. 461.
[186] This was one of the chief grievances. Hor., Ep. ix. 9, minatus urbi vincla, que detraxerat servis amicus perfidis.
[187] Hor., Od. ii. 1, 15-16; Dio, 48, 41; C. I. L., i. p. 461. Pollio after this withdrew from active political life and devoted himself to literature. He seems to have taken no part in the subsequent quarrels between Antony and Augustus.
[188] Dio, 48, 19, 48; Hor., Epod. 9, 17.
[189] The first period ended on the last day of B.C. 38; but neither Antony nor Cæsar had laid down their imperium of office. They now assumed that it went on from the first day of B.C. 37, the want of legal sanction during the intervening months being ignored. There is no certain trace of this second triumvirate having been confirmed by a lex; yet one would think that they would have taken care to have that formality observed. See p. 143.
[190] Cicero, ad Fam. xi. 9; Cicero himself calls him levissimus, ad Brut. 1, 15, § 9.
[191] In B.C. 52 Cicero had wished to give his daughter Tullia in marriage to Tiberius Claudius Nero (Cic., Att. 6, 6.).
[192] He was quæstor in B.C. 48, and therefore was not born later than B.C. 78. Livia was born B.C. 58.
[193] Even Suetonius, not much inclined to speak good of Augustus, admits that he dilexit et probavit unice ac perseveranter.
[194] Suetonius (c. 22) says that he had two ovations—after Philippi and after the bellum Siculum. But if an ovation was decreed after Philippi, it was not celebrated till B.C. 40, upon the reconciliation with Antony. The second was this. Another had been voted in B.C. 43 after Mutina, but not celebrated (C. I. L. i. p. 461). See also p. 100.
[195] Appian (b. c. v. 132) says that they elected him perpetual tribune (αὐτὸν ... εἕλοντο δήμαρχον ἐς ἀεί). Dio (49, 15) only says that they gave him the personal sacredness of the tribunes and the right of sitting on their bench. Orosius (6, 18, 34) says that the Senate voted ut in perpetuum tribuniciæ potestatis esset. We shall have to discuss this later on, but it must be said at once that Augustus was never tribune, and that it seems doubtful whether the tribunicia potestas was given in its full sense at this time.
[196] Dio, 49, 14; Strabo, x. 4, 9.
[197] Dio, 49, 34.
[198] App., b. c. v. 132; Suet., Aug. 32.
[199] Or, as they were also called Vetus, and Nova Africa. The former was the old province formed of the territory of Carthage, the latter the new province formed after the battle of Thapsus (B.C. 46) of which the first governor was the historian Sallust. See pp. 23-4.
[200] Appian, Illyr. 17; Dio, 49, 34, 38.
[201] Appian, Illyr. 18-21; Dio, 49, 37. The Iapydes (a wild tribe) had first been attacked in B.C. 129 by C. Sempronius and subdued after some disasters. (Livy, Ep. 59.)
[202] Pliny, N. H. 36 § 121.
[203] The Porticus Octaviæ, of which an arch remains, was a rectangular cloister enclosing the temples of Jupiter Stator and Iuno Regina.
[204] Dio, 49, 15; Sueton., Aug. 72.
[205] Horace, Epod. ix. ii.; cp. Ov., Met. 15, 826.
[206] An anecdote has been preserved illustrating the policy of “sitting on the hedge,” which must have prevailed among many while the contest between the two leaders was still undecided. After Actium, when Cæsar landed (the time and place are charmingly vague), a man offered a cornix which had been taught to say, “Ave, Cæsar, imperator et victor.” He bought the bird at a large price, whereat the man’s partner, being jealous, urged that he should be forced to bring another bird, which when brought repeated as it had been taught, “Ave, Antoni, imperator et victor.”
[207] Dio, 50, 5; but Suetonius, Aug. 17, says that he was declared a hostis.
[208] Dio, 50, 5. Thus Horace, on hearing the rumours of Antony’s defeat, exclaims (somewhat prematurely), Epod. ix. 27:
“Terra marique victus hostis punico,
lugubre mutavit sagum.”
[209] Bocchus of Mauretania, Tarchondemus of Cilicia Aspera, Archilaus of Cappadocia, Amyntas of Lycaonia and Galatia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Malchus of Arabia, Herod of Judæa, Sadalas of Thrace, Polemon of Pontus. (Plut., Ant. 61.)
[210] Dio, 50, 14-23.
[211] Dio, 50-31, says, ὑετός τε ἐν τούτῳ λαβρὸς καὶ ζάλη πολλή. But Plutarch, Ant. 65, says that after four days of stormy weather on the day of battle νηνεμίας καὶ γαλὴνης γενομένης συνῄεσαν.
[212] Suet., Aug. 17.
[213] The earlier writers, Horace (Od. i. 37, 27) and Velleius (2, 87), seem to have no doubt about the snake story. Livy (as we have him) says nothing either way except that she died by suicide (Ep. 133). It is the later writers who express the doubt, Suet., Aug. 17; Plut., Ant. 86; Dio, 51, 14.
[214] This word—one of the financial terms borrowed from Sicily (lit. “a basket”)—was perhaps not commonly used in the restricted sense in the time of Augustus, though the thing existed. Into the emperor’s fisc went the revenues of the imperial provinces; but the balance in the case of most was not large. Cicero indeed (pro lege Manil, § 14) says that none of the provinces except Asia did much more than pay its expenses. This was probably an exaggeration, but not a very great one.
[215] This, it should be remembered, was exclusive of the legions regularly raised for certain provinces and stationed in them.
[216] Mon. Ancyr. 3, 16.
[217] Traces of the work of Augustus in provincial towns may still be seen, as at Nismes and other towns in South-eastern France.
[218] Horace, Odes iii. 3.
[219] In the Mon. Ancyr. 20, he says that he repaired 82 temples in B.C. 28, and the Flaminian road with all but two of its bridges in B.C. 27.
[220] The foundations of the triple arch at Rome were discovered in 1888 between the temple of Cæsar and that of the Castores. For the inscription see C. I. L. vii. 872. SENATUS . POPULUSQUE . ROMANUS . IMP . CÆSARI . DIVI . IULI . F . COS . QUINCT . COS . DESIG . SEXT . IMP . SEPT . REPUBLICA . CONSERVATA. The date here indicated is B.C. 29. See Lanciani, Ruins of Ancient Rome, p. 270. Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome, vol. i. p. 284. There does not appear to be any record of the arch at Brundisium.
[221] Vergil, Georg. iv. 560, Cæsar dum magnus ad altum fulminat Euphratem bello. Horace, Od. 1, 12, 53:
Ille seu Parthos Latio imminentes
Egerit iusto domitos triumpho,
Sive subjectos Orientis oræ Seras et Indos.
Similar exaggerations will be found scattered throughout the poems of Propertius (ii. 7, 3; iii. 1, 13; iii. 23, 5; iv. 3, 4; iv. 4, 48; iv. 11, 3). Still more exaggerated language was used afterwards on the restoration of the standards (B.C. 20).
[222] A good deal of confusion in our authorities has arisen by a failure to distinguish between a censoria potestas granted like the tribunicia by special vote and the censoria potestas inherent in the consulship, from which it had been devolved in B.C. 444. In the Monumentum, ch. 8, Augustus himself says nothing about the censoria potestas, but in the Venusian fasti (C. I. L. ix. 422) we find imp. Cæsar vi. M. Agrippa II. Cos. idem censoria potestate lustrum fecerunt. Suetonius (c. 27) knew that he was not Censor, but supposed him to have acted under a decree granting him morum legumque regimen perpetuum, an office, however, which Augustus expressly says that he declined (Mon., ch. 6). Dio (52, 42) describes him as τιμητεύσας σὺν τῷ Ἀγρίππᾳ, a direct confusion between the censorial power possessed by a Consul and that bestowed independently. He, however, apparently did receive censoria potestas (never the censorship) in B.C. 19 for five years.
[223] Rex sacrorum, the greater flamens, the Salii had still to be patricians. An interrex also must be a patrician, but that office was now practically at an end. The last case of an interrex was in B.C. 52.
[224] A jest that was reproduced in London when country peers came up to vote against the Home Rule Bill and were said by gossips to be obliged to ask their way to the House of Lords. A popular ballad also was sung about the streets—
“Cæsar leads the Gauls in triumph and guides them to the Senate house;
Gauls have doffed their native brogues and donned the Senate’s laticlave!”
Sueton., Cæs. 72, 80. See also Cicero, 9 Phil. § 12; 13 Phil. § 27; ad Fam. vi. 18; Bell. Afr. 28; Dio, 42, 51; 43, 27. Compare the career of P. Ventidius Bassus, brought a prisoner from Asculum to adorn the triumph of Pompey after the Social war, then a mule contractor to Cæsar, and afterwards going through all the offices to the consulship in B.C. 43.
[225] On the analogy of slaves enfranchised by will. Suet., Aug. 35; Plutarch, Ant. 15.
[226] Cicero calls such a man a voluntarius Senator, 13 Phil. § 28.
[227] Dio, 48, 34.
[228] Suet., Aug. 35; Dio, 52, 42. In the Monumentum (c. 25) he reckons the number of Senators who had served under him as “more than 700.” To them must be added those who had not taken active service and those who were with Antony.
[229] Dio, 52, 42. The regulation had always existed because every Senator was bound to attend if called upon, and therefore must be within reach, unless he was one of those qui reipublicæ causa abessent. (Livy, 43, 11.) Thus Cicero, defending the Senators who crossed over to join Pompey in Epirus, says to Atticus (viii. 15) that there was hardly one who had not a legal right to cross, either as having imperium, or being legatus to an imperator. The usual means of evading this was to obtain a libera legatio for a fixed time. Occasionally a man got himself named an ordinary legatus to a provincial governor, but was allowed to go elsewhere with some colourable commission. But this was an abuse. See Cicero, ad Fam. xii. 21; ad Q. Frat. ii. 9; ad Att. xv. 11. Sicily and Gallia Narbonensis were excepted as being practically Italy, or, as Cicero says, “suburban provinces.”
[230] Sueton., Aug. 36; Dio, 3, 19; Tacitus, Ann. 5, 4.
[231] ὅρον τὴν ἕκτην ὑπάτειαν αὑτοῦ προσθείς. Dio, 53, 2. See Tacitus, Ann. iii. 28.
[232] The doubt was an old one. Appian in one place affirms and in another denies that there was a lex for the second period of the triumvirs (Illyr. 28; b. c. v. 95). No other authority mentions one, and it certainly was not passed in the early months of B.C. 37, that is, till after the triumvirs had already continued their office without legal confirmation for some time. Willems (le Sénat, ii. 761) holds that there was a plebiscitum; Mommsen that there was not.
[233] Mon. Ancyr. ch. 34.
[234] In B.C. 28 he took care to transfer the consular fasces to his colleague Agrippa in alternative months, and when with soldiers to give the watchword jointly with him. (Dio, 53, 1.)
[235] I do not myself see any good reason to doubt that Dio has given at any rate the substance of these documents. It is not perhaps natural to us to suppose two men like Mæcenas and Agrippa solemnly reading speeches to the Emperor; but it was no unusual thing at Rome. Augustus himself is said to have done it, even to his wife, Livia, and frequently with others (Sueton., Aug. 84). Tacitus says it was the fashion of the time (Ann. 4, 37), as it seems to have been still earlier, for Cicero complains that his nephew, Quintus, had written an elaborate diatribe against him which he meant to deliver to Iulius Cæsar in Alexandria. (Ad Att. xi. 10.) For similar documents see Dio, 52, 1-40; 53, 3; 55, 15-21.
[236] Dio, 52, 15.
[237] The Imperial provinces were: Hispania Tarraconensis, and Lusitania, the Galliæ (beyond the Alps), including the districts afterwards called Germania, superior and inferior, Cœle-Syria, Phœnicia, Cilicia, Cyprus, Ægypt.
The Senatorial were: Sicilia, Hispania Bætica, Sardinia, Africa, Numidia, Dalmatia, Greece and Epirus, Macedonia, Asia, Crete and Cyrene, Bithynia and Pontus.
Cisalpine Gaul ceased to be a province, and was included in Italy.
Subsequent changes were:
B.C. 24. Cyprus and Gallia Narbonensis were transferred to the Senate.
B.C. 21. Dalmatia was transferred to the Emperor.
B.C. 6. Sardinia was transferred to the Emperor for nine years.
The provinces added during the lifetime of Augustus: Galatia, Lycaonia, Mœsia, and the minor Alpine provinces were imperial.
All provinces added afterwards were imperial.
[238] Ovid (F. 1, 587-616) says the Ides of January; the Calendarium Prænestinum gives the 16th. Possibly the one is the date of the SCtum, the other of the plebiscitum.
[239] Augustus himself uses it in the Monumentum (chs. 30, 32), “me principe,” “ante me principem.” Horace (Od. 1, 21, 13; 2, 30; Ep. 2, 1, 256), Propertius (v. 6, 46), both employ it when speaking of Augustus. It occurs in inscriptions referring to Tiberius, and is the common term used by Tacitus. If, therefore, it was not formally bestowed (as seems probable), it soon grew into use as a title in ordinary language. Nor was it altogether a new idea; Cicero had used it as a possible title of honour, with which Pompey or Cæsar, had they been moderate, might have been content. (Cic., ad Fam. vi. 6). Again, though it is not a mere extension of princeps senatus, yet it is clearly connected with it. As the Senatus is the first ordo in the state, the princeps senatus is also princeps civitatis. The two titles were soon confounded. Thus Pliny (N.H. xxxvi. § 116) speaks of M. Æmilius Scaurus as totius princeps civitatis, when he means that he had been several times entered by the Censors on the roll as princeps senatus. But a new connotation became attached to the word from the political powers of the princeps.
[240] Horace, Epode, vii. 7; Odes, i. 21, 15; iii. 5, 2; Propert., iii. 23, 5.
[241] Vergil, Georg. iii. 25; Horace, Odes iii. 4, 33.
[242] Strabo, ii. 5, 8; iv. 6, 4.
[243] Strabo, l. c. In the Monument. (ch. 32) Augustus records the visit of two British princes, Dumnobellaunus and another, of whose name only the letters Tinn remain (perhaps “Tincommius,” a king of what is now Sussex).
[244] The triumph of M. Crassus is dated by the Tab. Triumph. C. I. L. 1, 416; but the defeat of the “Dacian Cotiso” is classed with the Cantabrian war by Horace (Od. 3, 8, 18-24), and Livy, Ep. 135, mentions a second war of M. Crassus “against the Thracians,” as contemporary with the Spanish war.
[245] The Salassi, who had for the last 100 years given much trouble, had twice in recent years been in arms: in B.C. 35 they defeated C. Antistius Vetus, and, in B.C. 34, had, with great difficulty, been partly subdued by Valerius Messalla. Their command of the principal Alpine pass made it important that they should be kept in check.
[246] Hor., Od. 2, 6, 2, Cantabrum indoctum iuga ferre nostra.
[247] Odes iii. 8, 21, servit Hispanæ vetus hostis oræ Cantaber sera domitus catena; iii. 14, 3, Cæsar Hispana repetit Penates Victor ab ora.
[248] Perhaps that of which remains exist at Aosta, and cannot now be dated. That at Turbia was built B.C. 6 (Pliny, N. H. 3 § 136). That at Susa in B.C. 8 [C. I. L. v. 7,231]. Horace may refer to it among the Nova Augusti tropæa (Od. 2, 9, 19).
[249] Horace, Odes i. 29, 1; ii. 12, 24; iii. 24, 1; i. 35, 32-40.
[250] Propert., 3, 1, 11.
[251] Middleton (Remains of Ancient Rome, vol. ii. pp. 126-128) seems to have given good reasons against its connection with the Thermæ of Agrippa. Lanciani (Ruins and Excavations, pp. 476-488) asserts that the structure as it now stands is of the age of Hadrian (about A.D. 129), and doubts Agrippa’s original building being of the same shape. Even the portico with its inscription—M. Agrippa l. f. cos. tert. fecit—he thinks was taken to pieces and put up again by Hadrian. The history of the building, however, cannot be regarded as thoroughly ascertained. Agrippa’s third consulship was in B.C. 27, whereas Dio places the completion of the Pantheon under B.C. 25 (53, 27). It may well have been that the external building was finished and dedicated in B.C. 27, and that the inside occupied two more years.
[252] A. Licinius Muræna was called A. Terentius Varro Muræna from being adopted by Terentius Varro. See Dio, 54, 3; Suet., Aug. 19; Hor., Odes 2, 10; Velleius Paterc. 2, 91. Of Fannius Cæpio nothing practically is known, he was prosecuted by Tiberius for maiestas and condemned.
[253] In the cenotaphia Pisana Gaius is described after his death as “iam designatum iustissimum ac simillimum parentis sui virtutibus principem.” But this is probably not an official title.
[254] There seems little doubt that the character of Agrippa Postumus gave some ground for this measure; but Augustus seems to have regretted and at times to have contemplated recalling him. His murder immediately after the death of Augustus is called by Tacitus “the first crime of the new reign.” Whether Tiberius or Livia was responsible for it cannot be discussed here.
[255] So Dio (55, 5) says. Suetonius (Tib. 16) says five years. There may have been a renewal after five years.
[256] Monum. Ancyr. 27; C.I.L. vi. 701.
[257] This is what Augustus means by saying “that he extended the frontiers of all the provinces bordering on tribes that had not submitted” (Mon. Anc. 26).
[258] The exact position of Nabata is uncertain. It is described in the Mon. Ancyr. 26 as “close to Meroe.” Augustus takes the responsibility of both these campaigns as being meo iussu et auspicio.
[259] As, for instance, Agrippa. Hor., Ep. 1, 12, 1. The seven colonies mentioned are Syracuse, Tauromenium, Catana, Thermæ, Tyndaris, Lilybæum, Panormus.
[260] Dio, 54, 8; Horace, Od. 3, 5; this ode was written several years before the restoration of the standards, but the fact of the milites Crassi having settled in Parthia was naturally known.
[261] Verg., Æn. vii. 604-606.
[262] Horace, Ep. i. 18, 56; Odes iv. 15, 6.
[263] Propert., 3, 10, 13; 4; 4, 16; 4, 5, 48; 4, 12, 3; 5, 6, 79.
[264] Ovid, F. v. 567-594. According to Mommsen there were two temples of Mars Ultor, one on the Capitol (Dio, 54, 8), the other in the Forum Augustum, vowed at Philippi, but not dedicated till B.C. 2. The signa seem to have been deposited first in the former and then transferred to the latter. Ovid evidently speaks of them as in the temple in the Forum Augustum.
[265] Such as the Brenni and Genauni of Hor., Od. iv. 14, 10; cp. iv. 4, 18.
[266] Mon. Ancyr., 13; Horace, Epist. 2, 1, 255; Odes, 4, 15, 9; Dio, 54, 25. For the inscription, see Clinton, Fast. Hell., B.C. 14. The tenth tribunician year is from June 27th, B.C. 14, to 26th June, B.C. 13. The ara pacis was founded in this year (4th July), dedicated 30th January, B.C. 9.
[267] But he does not seem to have had any fighting this year, and in fact the Senate voted to close the Ianus Quirinus, though that was prevented by an inroad of the Daci into Pannonia, with which Tiberius was sent to deal. Dio, 54, 36.
[268] Especially in camps, in which there seem to have been a regular service of tabellarii castrenses. (Wilmann’s Exempla 1357.)
[269] The armed provinces were those on the frontier. Towards the end of the life of Augustus, the preponderance of the military force on the Rhine and Danube is the noteworthy fact. The Gauls and “Germany” had eight legions, Spain three, Africa two, Egypt two, Syria four, Pannonia two, Mœsia two, Dalmatia two. But those on the Rhine were more concentrated. (Tac., Ann. 4, 5.)
[270] C.I.L. x. 8375; Mon. Ancyr. 11.
[271] Suet., Aug. 98: “As he chanced to be cruising in his yacht round the bay of Puteoli, the passengers and crew of an Alexandrine ship, which had just come to land, came with white robes, with garlands on their heads and burning censers in their hands, loudly blessing and praising him, and saying that they owed it to him that they were alive, that they sailed the sea, that they were enjoying their liberty and property.”
[272] Horace, Odes iv. 5.
[273] See, among others, Ep. ii. 1-16; Odes 3, 5, 2; 4, 5, 32.
[274] Suet., Aug. 52; Dio, 51, 20.
[275] The Latin inscriptions bearing on this point have been collected in a convenient form by Mr. Rushforth, Latin Historical Inscriptions, pp. 51-61. Other places in Italy thus shewn to have adopted the cult in some form or other during the lifetime of Augustus are Asisium, Beneventum, Fanum Fortunæ, Pisa, Tibur, Verona, possibly Ancona, and Forum Clodii, and some unnamed place in Latium.
[276] Plut., Flamin. 16; Cicero, ad Q. Fr. 1, 1, 9; ad Att. 5, 21; Tac., Ann. 4, 56. Polyb. 31, 15.
[277] Appian, b. c. 5, 132, “and the cities began placing his image side by side with those of their gods.”
[278] Information as to these is mostly to be found in Greek inscriptions, C.I.G. 3,524, 3,604, 3,831, 4,039. See also Dio, 51, 10; Strabo, 27, 1, 9; Joseph., Antiq. 15, 10, 3; Livy, Ep. 137; Pausan., iii. 25.
[279] Quintilian, vi. 377.
[280] For this and his statue in the temple of Quirinus, with legend of Deo invicto, the vote of the Senate giving him a temple, flamen, and other divine honours, see Dio, 43, 45; 44, 6; Cicero, 2 Phil. § 110; ad Att. 13, 44; Sueton., Cæs. 76. It was worse than the case of Augustus, more insincere and less spontaneous. The Senate was filled with the protégés of Iulius at the time.
[281] Macrob., Sat. 2, 4, 18; Plut., Cic. 49; Suet., Aug. 28.
[282] See Horace, Odes iii. 4, 22: vester, Camenæ, vester in arduos | tollor Sabinos, seu mihi frigidum | Præneste seu Tibur supinum | seu liquidæ pacuere Baiæ.
[283] Apragopolis. In Suetonius (c. 97) it is doubtful whether he means Capreæ or some other island. Perhaps it is Nesis, where M. Brutus had a villa which might have come into his hands as confiscated property (Cic., ad Att. xvi. 1-4.)
[284] An echo of his master’s feelings on this point is as usual found in Horace, Od. ii. 15.
[285] Another tragedy “Achilles” is mentioned by Suidas.
[286] Hor., Od. 3, 136. Suetonius (Aug. 85) mentions others, “An answer to Brutus about Cato,” evidently a youthful essay; “Exhortations to Philosophy,” no doubt youthful too; an hexameter poem called Sicilia. When he tried to read them in later life to a family audience they bored him so much that he handed the rolls over to Tiberius to finish. Lastly, a short volume of Epigrams which he used to compose in the bath.
[287] Hor., Epist. 2, 1.
[288] In B.C. 46, 42, 25, and 23. From that time, however, though generally delicate he seems not to have had any serious attack.
[289] The lex Iulia et Titia, enabling the provincial governor to assign guardians to such persons as were legally bound to have them, was passed between the 1st of May and 1st of October, B.C. 31, the period during which M. Titius was consul.
[290] Authorities will be found in Mommsen, res gestæ, p. 96.
[291] Mon. Ancyr., 25.
[292] C. I. L. xi. 365; Mon. Ancyr. 20. “In my seventh consulship I remade the Flaminian road from the city to Ariminum, and all the bridges except the Mulvian and Minucian.”
[293] See Suet., Aug. 46. The regions are described by Pliny alone, N.H. iii. 46-128.
[294] The inscription on the road to Salonæ in Dalmatia is dated A.D. 19, but it must have been begun much earlier. For the other roads see Willmanns 832, 829, 830, 832; Clinton’s Fasti, anno B.C. 14; Journal of Hellenic Studies, xii. part i. p. 109 sq. C. I. L. iii. 6,974.
[295] Digest, 47, 11, 6. The penalties varied from a fine to exclusion from the corn trade, relegatio, and condemnation to public works.
[296] Cicero, pro Sest. § 103; ad Att. vi. 6; Livy, vi. 12; Appian, b. c. ii. 120; Dionys. H. xii. 24.
[297] Quoted by Sueton., Aug. 42.
[298] Dio, 53, 20, 33; Horace, Odes 1, 2.
[299] The Sacred Colleges (1) were exempt from military service, imposts and public services of all kinds; (2) had a charge on the ager publicus for sacrifices, feasts, &c.; (3) in most cases had estates besides; (4) received special grants from time to time for repairs of buildings.
[300] Mon. Ancy., 10; Livy, Ep. 117; Vell., ii. 63; App., b. c. v. 131; Dio, 44, 53. All these authorities speak of the irregularity of the election of Lepidus.
[301] Ephemeris Epigraphica, viii. 2; Lindsay’s Latin Inscriptions, p. 102.
[302] Carmen Sæcul. 13.
[303] Horace, Odes iv. 5, 21; iv. 15, 9-12.
[304] We frequently hear in earlier times of the scandal caused by certain people abandoning the heavy and not very comfortable toga for lighter dress, Greek or Gallic. Those who care to trace the history of such a matter will find references to it in Cicero, pro Rab. Post. § 27; 2 Phil. § 76; Livy, 29, 19; Tac., Ann. ii. 59; Hor., Ep. 1, 7, 65. And if it is desired to see how futile such orders are against a prevailing fashion, the continued disuse of it may be traced in Juvenal 1, 119; 3, 172; Mart. 1, 49, 31; 12, 18, 17; Suet., Aug. 40; and as late as Hadrian we find that the order needed renewal, Spart. Had. 22. George III. insisting that Bishops should wear wigs is a case in point.
[305] Cicero (in Pis. § 67) speaks with scorn of the vulgar rich man who had five, or sometimes more, guests on each couch.
[306] Though in making regulations on these subjects Augustus acted on his censorial powers, when it came to enacting laws he would propose them to the tribes in virtue of his tribunician powers.
[307] De adulteriis coercendis; de pudicitia; de maritandis ordinibus.
[308] Dio, 56, 2-10; Suet., Aug. 34.
[309] Martial, Epigr., xi. 20.
[310] Pliny, N. H. 7 § 149; Dio, 54, 9.
[311] In A.D. 11 the people of Narbonne founded an altar to him in gratitude for some reform in their constitution which he had either granted or initiated. (Wilmanns, 194.)
[312] Asia and Sicily originally did not pay a stipendium, but tithes on produce. This system was abolished by Iulius Cæsar.
[313] Suet., August. 76.
[314] Suet., Tib. 11.
[315] Dio, 56, 29. But there does not appear to have been one that year. There was a partial eclipse of the moon on the 4th of April and a total eclipse on the 27th of September.
[316] The Mausoleum was a huge mound of earth covered with shrubs, upon a substructure or dome cased with white marble and surrounded by walks and plantations, and surmounted by a bronze statue of Augustus. On the still-existing foundation there is now what is called the Teatro Correa. Besides this the spot on which his body was burnt was also enclosed and planted. Strab., iv. 53. Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome, vol. ii. p. 288.
[317] It ought, however, to be said to his credit that he forbade the exhibition of gladiators sine missione, i.e., without the right of being allowed to depart safe from the arena when defeated if the people so willed it.
[318] See note on p. 147.
[319] Horace, Od. iii. 8.
[320] Seneca, Epp. 114; Digest. 24, 1, 64.
[321] 2, 17, 13; 3, 1, 13; 3, 23, 5; 4, 3; 4, 4, 48; 4, 11, 3; 5, 6, 79-84.
[322] For purposes of comparison of these sums with our money, 1,000 sesterces may be taken as equivalent to about £8 10s., and a denarius as about 10d.
[323] A pound of gold worth about £45.
[324] These names and some other words are obliterated in the inscription, both Latin and Greek.