CHAPTER II.

THE REIGN OF CHAO NARAI.

The death of the usurper opened the way to his nephew's possession of the throne. It was in this reign that the barriers which had divided Europe from the Kingdom of Siam were broken down. The welcome that Chao Narai extended to foreigners, drew them from all parts of the world in the hopes of gaining wealth which in reality did not exist or which at least had been much exaggerated by the reports of untrustworthy travellers. This Prince, endowed by nature with all the qualifications necessary for kingship would have been the creator of this nation, had not the intractable nature of his subjects been opposed to all the good he wished to do for them. They however invariably preferred the old customs to useful innovations. Abuses founded on prejudice and custom are rarely capable of being reformed. Chao, desirous of glory, and carried away by his energetic nature did not, like other Kings of the Indies, seclude himself in the gloom of a harem, there to grow weak in debauch and to forget his duties. His throne shaken by the turbulence of the nobles needed a firm hand to keep it secure. His first victories were those over his subjects, and all premonitory symptoms of internal dissensions were promptly repressed by the death of the rebels. Though naturally of a kindly disposition yet severe in his methods of government, he clearly understood that it was always necessary to be ready for all emergencies when dealing with a people who were ready to renounce their allegiance if not intimidated by fear. A chief priest, proud of his authority took upon himself the onus of reading him a lecture. He dared to tell the King that the whole nation was grumbling in secret at his great severity. The Prince listened to what he had to say without appearing to be annoyed by his indiscretion. Some days later in order to make him see the folly of his remarks, the King sent a monkey (an animal which is intensely disliked by the Siamese) to the priest and told him to take great care of it and to let it play about without hindrance.

The Priest suffered great inconvenience from his guest who upset all the furniture, broke the crockery and bit all the servants. At last, exasperated by the animal's tricks he implored the King to relieve him of its presence. "Well" said the Prince, "Can you not put up with the petty annoyances of an animal for two days; and yet you wish that I should endure, for the rest of my life, the insults of a people one thousand times worse mannered than all the monkeys in the forests! Learn then, that even if I punish wickedness still more will I reward virtue and merit." Having crushed the rebellion, he put himself at the head of his army and his first expedition was crowned by a brilliant victory. The Peguans had invaded the outlying portion of the Kingdom and had committed great havoc. These people, so often the conquerors of Siam, found by bitter experience that they could not always be invincible, and after sustaining a disastrous defeat hurriedly retreated with their shattered forces to their own territories.

Whilst thus engaged in the repulse of foreign foes, storms were brewing in the heart of his Kingdom. This Prince too enlightened to give himself up to superstitious idolatry, soared above popular prejudice. The priests feared that they would fall in public estimation and that the people, following the example of so popular a ruler, would forsake the altars of their gods. They thought that they might prevent their loss of prestige by the murder of the King. The zeal for the interests of heaven urged them to the crime of attempting his life and misled by sanctimonious piety they chose for their fell deed, a feast day on which the King entered the temple, more as a censor, than a partaker in their vulgar rites. The success of this sacrilegious plot seemed assured, owing to the fact that the royal body-guard was not allowed to enter the temple precincts. A fortunate chance averted the danger. Two officials, sent to examine the preparations for the ceremony, perceived that the temple was filled with a mob of priests, all of whom were armed with swords and daggers concealed under their robes. These warlike preparations were considered suspicious. On hearing the news, the King surrounded the temple with soldiers who cut down the guilty priests without mercy. This just punishment was regarded as an act of sacrilege by the populace who are apt to confound the cause of God with the crimes of His ministers. The priests, to whose interest it was to decry him, proclaimed him to be a bloodstained Ruler who cared naught for God and man. Such was cause of the hatred that this King felt for the priests.

It was under these favourable circumstances that three French bishops came to Siam to plant the standard of their faith. Their enlightened character contrasted strongly with that of the idolatrous priests, sunk in the depths of ignorance and in the mire of debauchery.

In order to slight the priests, the King made as though to favour Christianity. The prelates established a Seminary on a piece of land given to them by the King. The aim of this institution was to educate the young, and to enable them to learn the languages of their neighbours all of whom had establishments in the capital known as 'camps,' that of the French being known as the camp of St. Joseph. The King built them a church at his own expense. This generosity seemed to indicate his leanings towards Christianity, but in reality he was indifferent to all religions and above all took delight in showing his contempt for the idolatrous priests whom he loved to humiliate. The Mahomedans shared his favours with the Christians and if he had been obliged to make choice of a religion, it is most probable that he would have declared for the Koran. A Prince surrounded by concubines would naturally vote for a religion which authorises his predilections. The logic of the Court furnished overwhelming arguments which silenced the voice of reason. The executive was entrusted to a foreigner, who, brought up in the bosom of Christianity, favoured its progress. This man was equally celebrated for his rise and fall; he has played too important a part on the world's stage for us to omit a sketch of him.

Constantine Faulcon, a Greek by nationality, was born in 1650 in the island of Cephalonia. Father Tachard assures us that his father was a noble Venetian who was the governor of the island, and that his mother was a daughter of one of the leading families. This Jesuit, whose works must be read with a great deal of distrust, created titles to do honour to those of his friends and protectors to whom good birth had been denied.

The name of Faulcon does not occur among those of the noble families of Venice, and Forbin, better informed and less of a flatterer, says that he was the son of an innkeeper in a small village known as La Custode in the island of Cephalonia, at which place Faulcon received an education commensurate with his abilities. Nature revenged herself on the caprice of Fortune and his high spirit was evident as he grew up, and his pride could not stand a locality where every thing recalled his lowly origin.

At the age of twelve he took ship for England and did not delay in making himself known for his commercial abilities. His lively imagination knew how to place everything in a favourable light. His ready speech and interesting conversation bore witness to his birth in that happy land which in former times produced the teachers of the nations. He was sought after by the greatest people at Court, and his intelligence fertile, though uncultivated gave him ready access to the most refined courtiers and the wisest of the learned. Mr. White, a rich English merchant recognised his talents, and seeing the advantage that might accrue from his society, took him on a voyage to the Indies where his skill justified his preconceived ideas.

Having passed through his English service, he found himself possessed of sufficient means to be independent, and started trading for himself. His efforts were not crowned with success. Twice he embarked, and twice was his ship wrecked near the mouth of the Menam. These mishaps did not damp his commercial ardour. He embarked on a third venture, but was again wrecked on the coast of Malabar. He was barely able to save himself from the fury of the elements and managed to recover but 2000 crowns, as the sole relics of his fortune.

Overcome by exhaustion, he fell asleep on the lonely and unknown shore. His disordered imagination gave him a vision of a beautiful and majestic female who, casting tender glances at him, told him to return to Siam where he would meet with better fortune. This dream which he afterwards regarded as a sign from heaven led him to seek means to carry out the project. Thus, smarting from his recent misfortunes, it was from a idle dream, that this man whose talents have been so belauded, took his directions which indeed led him to power. Many unfortunate persons have been led to their doom by following such untrustworthy guides.

Next day, as he was walking along the shore regarding the devouring element that had swallowed up his fortune, he was met by a man in a most wretched plight. It was a Siamese ambassador, who, returning from Persia, had been shipwrecked on the same coast. This personage, having lost all his property thought that he had only been saved from the waves to die on the shore. He was agreeably surprised to meet a sympathetic fellow creature in a similar situation. The account of each other's mishaps cemented a friendship such as is rarely known between those on whom fortune is wont to smile. Faulcon, wealthy compared with his destitute friend, used his remaining wealth to purchase food, clothing and a boat in which they sailed to Siam together, Faulcon found a home in the seminary where he lived on the bounty of the archbishop of Beryta.

The ambassador touched by Faulcon's kindness sang his praises to the Barcalon who desired to see his benefactor. Faulcon captivated the minister by the brilliancy of his talents. The trust he inspired rendered him a necessity to the Barcalon who, a foe to hard work, preferred pleasure to business. He found the burden of the administration could well be borne by a subordinate whose well-directed operations redounded both to the credit of the Monarch and of himself. Faulcon was chosen to accompany an embassy to a neighbouring kingdom where he kept up appearances without causing unnecessary expense. The Mores insatiable in their avarice wasted the public money as they were in charge of the state's finances. Faulcon repressed their greed. This parsimony rendered him dear to the King, who, after the death of the chief minister appointed him as his successor, but the Greek was wise enough to refuse the position as he saw that, he a foreigner, would incur the hatred of the Nobles who invariably aspired to offices without endeavouring to render themselves worthy of their trust. But if he had no show of power, he had all the reality. He was careful to hide behind the machine of which he pulled the strings, and, minister without the title and decorations, he presided as an invisible yet guiding spirit over public affairs.

A Malay who had received the appointment of Barcalon endeavoured to undermine his influence, but the falsity of his charges having been proved, was punished by loss of his office. Nations have spoken differently concerning this singular personage. These who take his lowly origin into account assume him to have been the possessor of superior attainments by which he surmounted the obstacles which hinder the progress of ordinary people.

The French priests supported by his generosity and possibly misled by imposing externals have depicted him in the most glowing colours. Tachard, loud in his praise has represented him as having a nobility of character, a facile mind and polished manners, very rare qualities to be found in a sailor who had passed his life on shipboard in the company of wild, uncouth, seafaring men.

He has also supplied him with natural eloquence and persuasiveness, but the proofs which this Jesuit has brought forward are so open to doubt, that it is fairly apparent that Tachard himself was the author of all the elegant productions which he assigns to Faulcon. The other European nations jealous doubtless of his preference for the French or the Portuguese Catholics, have taken pleasure in vilifying his character. They have painted him with all the vices to which both ancient and modern Greeks are addicted. Perfidious and cringing, concealing the symptoms of frenzied ambition under the cloak of moderation, polite in manner and haughty in character, he did not trouble to disguise his vices in his dealings with a people accustomed to servile obedience. Implacable in revenge, he skilfully laid the onus of the punishment of his enemies upon the king. Everyone agrees that he was possessed of certain virtues which never became obscured throughout his life. A sincere despiser of wealth, he made use of riches only for the purpose of personal aggrandisement. His incorruptible nature was never suspected of receiving bribes in the administration of justice. Eager for the honours from which his birth seemed to have excluded him, he was all the more anxious to secure them. Faithful to his master, the only reward of his service that he claimed, was the privilege of maritime commerce, which furnished him with the money necessary for his expenses. It seems that he was a true Catholic, since free to make choice of a religion, he deserted the Anglican faith which would have been less of a hindrance to his desires.

He was a man of medium stature, with bright penetrating eyes. Although having an intelligent expression, there were traces of gloom in his character, indicative of a conscience smitten by remorse.

Such was the condition of the court of Siam when the question of an alliance with France was considered. A new treaty, the motives of which could not be clearly understood, drew the attention of those interested in politics.

Those who were jealous of Faulcon declared that he had invited the French, only for the purpose of furtherance of his schemes and to place him on the throne that was the summit of his ambition. It is quite possible that feeling himself exposed to the envy of the court, he might have wished to have raised some barrier against the designs of his foes and that in protecting the French, he was actuated by regard for his personal safety rather than by that of his master's prestige.

Whatever his ideas may have been on that point there is no doubt that he was fully alive to the advantages which would accrue to the kingdom from commerce. Otherwise the Dutch, the masters of the Malay Peninsula, would have been the arbiters of the fate of the Indies the kings of which needed an alliance to counterbalance the power of these formidable republicans. Their dangerous proximity was the lure the minister made use of to bring the king round to his ideas.

The Bishops, newly arrived in Siam gave such glowing accounts of Louis XIV that the Siamese monarch was greatly flattered by the prospect of obtaining so illustrious an ally. A pompous announcement of the list of presents sent was made, but fearing lest these gifts might be seized by the Dutch who at this time were at war with France, it had been decided to leave them at Bantam. This delay might have been fatal in a court ruled by avarice, and it was to be feared that over-zealous courtiers, jealous of the favour in which the prelates were held, took every opportunity of doing them harm by declaring that they were secretly plotting to possess themselves of these presents. The king anxious to receive these gifts was persuaded that he would receive them in due course; but hardly had the vessel set sail, than the Dutch caring naught for the King of Siam seized the presents as a prize of war. The Court of Siam broke out in threats at this audacious act; but the Dutch, too powerful to fear any act of reprisal, foresaw a rupture from which nothing was to be gained. So in order to depreciate the high ideal the Siamese had of Louis XIV., they craftily restored all the gifts of small worth, but retained those which were valuable so as to belittle the offering of the King of France.

The King of Siam, hearing of this act of bad faith was only the more eager to hasten the projected alliance, and, to ensure its consummation, he pretended to have decided leanings towards Christianity. The Buddhist temples were closed and those who disobeyed this order were severely punished. The King was pleased to hear the Bishops discourse on Christianity. His gifts helped to embellish the Seminary. He caused a gilt throne to be carried there, the magnificence of which seemed to indicate the respect for the doctrines there promulgated. On the cessation of hostilities between the Dutch and the French, ambassadors were chosen to bear a reply to the French monarch. The King built a church at his own expense. This edifice still remains and the memory of its founder made it to respected by the persecutors of the followers of Christ. The people, free to select a religion, would have ranged themselves under the banner of the Gospel, if the chief minister had not secretly disobeyed the order of his master.

The first ambassadors had many obstacles to overcome. The Court, impatient at receiving no tidings, sent two other high officials accompanied by M. M. Vachet and Pascal two enlightened missionaries to be their guides in a land where the manners and customs would be unfamiliar.

It was at the beginning of January 1684 that they set sail on board an English vessel, together with six young Siamese who were to be instructed in European arts and sciences. They arrived in London after voyage of six months and thence took for ship Calais. It was then that M. Vachet resigned the position of chief of the embassy in order that the Siamese officials might enjoy the dignities of the post.

M. de Seignelay, before making the news public, wished to learn verbally the reason for the embassy. M. Vachet told him that the fame of Louis XIV, had penetrated to the extreme Orient and that the King of Siam hoping to form an alliance, offered him, if his efforts were successful, a position in a state where a French company might establish a trading station to extend commercial operations to China and all parts of the Indies.

The minister, having previously been misled by false reports, appeared to doubt the truth of this recital. "Be careful," he said, "in speaking of this embassy we know very well that it has not been sent by the King of Siam and that Louis XIV. fears that his dignity would be compromised if he were to send an embassy to him." M. Vachet had no difficulty in surmounting this obstacle. Louis XIV., who was better informed on the matter, summoned him to his presence and entered into the details of the affair. He appointed a day for the audience of the ambassadors to whom the ministers lent their equipages and retainers.

They went to Versailles, where their presence aroused the interest of the whole Court. Their dress was rich and elegant, they wore white pointed head-dresses ornamented with a ring of gold three inches in width. The spectacle was interesting from its novelty.

They were conducted with great ceremony to the Royal Presence. On the appearance of His Majesty they prostrated themselves with their faces to the ground, having the hands above the head, in the same posture as they were wont to adopt towards their own King. M. Vachet acted as interpreter and the King replied "Tell these officials that We shall have great pleasure in doing what our brother the King of Siam desires."

Afterwards they dined with the King and the luxury of the table appointments, made a great impression on men naturally accustomed to frugality. They were conducted over the park where the fountains which were playing seemed to them to be an exhibition of magical power. Having satisfied their curiosity, they were invited to magnificent banquet. The King's brother was their host at a splendid entertainment at St. Cloud at which the choice vintages excited their appetites. The objects of art in the Prince's apartments attracted their attention and many Frenchmen were astonished to find such good taste and appreciation in strangers coming from so distant a country. The Prince of Condé, who inherited the inborn courtesy of the heirs of his house, invited them to Chantilly. The most distinguished persons vied with each other in the magnificence of their receptions and during a stay of more than two months in France, they appeared of more account than their master.

On their return to Siam, they rendered account of their negociations and the King pleased with their success and the honours they had received, called M. Vachet to renew to him the assurance of his protection. He addressed him in these words which sounded strange from the mouth of an idolatrous prince.

"Father Vachet, do not pride yourself on the success of your voyage, it is not you that have effected such great things, it is the God of Heaven and Earth to whom all praise be due."

These negociations were the fruit of Faulcon's intrigues and above all of the zeal of the missionaries for the glory of their religion and of their King.

The French merchants who foresaw new openings for commerce were also greatly interested in the scheme. Louis XIV. had resolved to send out Jesuit mathematicians to China, where their observations might perfect the knowledge of geography and navigation. He seized the occasion of the visit of the Siamese ambassadors to carry out his design. The Chevalier de Chaumont was appointed ambassador to Siam with the Abbé de Choisy as his co-adjutor with instructions to reside in the Indies until the King of Siam had been converted to Christianity and to work in conjunction with the missionaries to further the great work.

The Abbé who was a most agreeable personage, was bent more on pleasure, than on the giving of instruction but it is not by amenities of character that apostleship is successful.

The Chevalier de Chaumout cast anchor in the Gulf of Siam on September 27th 1687 after a voyage of six months duration. He was accompanied by M. M. Ceberet and La Loubere the chiefs of the deputation, five missionaries and fourteen Jesuits. Father Tachard who had no rank other than that of a mathematician was the life and soul of the party of which he alone imagined he pulled the strings. The stress he lays on the smallest details of the negociations ought at once to make his position suspected. The French were received with every mark of distinction. The King of Siam, laying aside the hauteur of an Asiatic monarch became quite familiar. It was then that the ambassadors become apostles and begged the King to become a Christian.

Their efforts were redoubled on receiving the news that an ambassador had just arrived from Persia to convert the King to Islam. The Missionaries in their zeal and desire to gain so illustrious a convert, overstepped the limits of his favour. The Chevalier du Chaumont under instructions from them and from Faulcon (who though animated by the same zeal had yet other motives) never ceased pointing out to the King on every possible occasion, that it was the ardent wish of Louis XIV that he should embrace Christianity.

Narai, wearied by his importunity, asked what had led the King of
France to believe that he had wished to become a Christian.

The following was the King's reply from the memory of those who were present and who were desirous of his conversion. Faulcon himself acted as interpreter.

"I regret that the King of France sets me so difficult a choice. I should be rash to embrace a religion of which I know nothing. I wish for no other judge than this wise and virtuous prince. A sudden change might cause a revolution and I do not intend to forsake lightly a religion received and practised without interruption in my kingdom for the last 2229 years. Besides this I am greatly surprised at the eagerness with which this King upholds the cause of heaven, it seems that God himself takes no interest whatever in the matter, and that He has left the mode of worship which is due to Him to our own discretion. For could not this true God who has created heaven and earth and all the dwellers therein and has endued them with diverse characters, in granting souls and bodies to mankind, have inspired mankind with similar ideas on the religion they ought to follow, and have indicated to them the mode of worship most agreeable to Him and to have submitted all nations to a uniform law. As He has not done so we ought to conclude that He has not wished it to be so. This ordered unity of worship depends entirely upon a divine Providence that could have introduced it into the world just as easily as the diversity of sects that are established. It is then natural to believe that the True God takes as much pleasure in being worshipped in different ways as by being glorified by a vast number of creatures who praise Him after one fashion. Would the diversified beauty which we so admire in the physical, be less admirable in the ethical world or less worthy of the Divine Wisdom? Whatever may happen, since God is the absolute ruler and director of the world I resign myself and my kingdom entirely to His good providence and with all my heart I trust that His eternal wisdom will so order them according to His good pleasure."

These brilliant sophisms showed that the Prince had no great leanings towards Christianity. The Abbé de Choisy was quite capable of understanding their hollowness but, convinced that the logic of Kings is hard to refute, became tired of his apostleship owing to the small hope he held of success.

The French were none the less well received, and in virtue of a secret treaty, Mergui and Bangkok were banded over to the soldiery to whom the King extended a welcome. These towns were reckoned as two of the ramparts of the country the one on the Bay of Bengal and the other on the Gulf of Siam. Des Farges was appointed governor and commander in chief of the French soldiery.

These foreigners transferred to the Kingdom of Siam, were regarded as its defenders. Twenty-four of them were selected to act as a bodyguard to the prime minister, and the King himself never appeared in public without a French escort. One of these men was raised to the rank of colonel of the guards and others were placed in command of Siamese regiments in order to instruct them in military discipline. The soldier who fell ill was sent to Louvo where he received better attention than he would have in his own home. These privileges were extended to all Christians who enjoyed full rights of citizenship. The French Jesuits were allowed to preach the Gospel in all parts of the Kingdom. The King appointed many of them to Buddhist temples under the pretext of their having to learn Siamese, but in reality to observe their procedure as the priests were neither suited for, nor willing to act as spies. The minister laid the foundations of a college for the education of the younger member of the nobility under the name of College of Constantine. M. the Chevalier de Chaumont having brought the negociations to a conclusion departed from Siam at the end of 1688. He was accompanied by three Siamese Ambassadors equally distinguished by birth and ability and who were in charge of some rich gifts for the King of France.

The object of this mission was to demand that engineers should be sent to instruct the Siamese in the art of fortification and in the methods of attack and defence of positions. They were also empowered to request a body of troops to perfect the Siamese in military evolutions.

The French officers and soldiers who remained in Siam abused the consideration they had enjoyed. Convinced of their superiority in power and knowledge, they were rash enough to presume upon it, and instead of laying themselves out to please, desired to be thought much of. With impudent mockery they condemned every thing that differed from their own customs. The people and nobles at first suffered the pride of their insolent guests in silence. The Bishops and clergy alone were not exposed to the popular dislike. Keeping within the seminary and devoting their time to labour, they were neither vain nor ambitious, they were known by the services they rendered to the public and above all to the unfortunate.

The Jesuits, animated without doubt by the same motives had other means to attain their end; and it was by the brilliancy of their accomplishments that they endeavoured to enjoy the public confidence.

Surgeons, physicians, astronomers and mathematicians, they beheld men of all stations in life coming to ask their advice and to follow their teaching.

But while making converts, they multiplied enemies. The more they displayed the superiority of their talents the more were they suspected of dangerous designs. It was incredible that such learned men should expose themselves to such fatigue and danger for the mere purpose of dressing wounds free of charge, and to teach how to calculate eclipses or the periodicity of comets. They were both admired and hated, and the Siamese were told that it was merely by this display of secular learning that they had succeeded in having a powerful following in Japan. In such manner they decried the zeal of these religious persons pure in their motives, but perhaps too ostentatious in their methods.

Many of the Siamese, attached to their own habits and customs were alarmed at seeing so many foreign priests and soldiers introduced into the Kingdom. They could not but perceive that this policy was a forecast of an approaching change in the laws and religion of the country. Faulcon, the author of these innovations, became the object of public execration. A zealous, but indiscreet Malay informed the King that the minister, the accomplice of the French, had conspired against him and the state. The Monarch having been forewarned of this tale would not deign to listen to the proofs he had to offer and instead of receiving the rewards that he thought would be his due, was condemned to be devoured by tigers.

The Prince of Johore, a vassal of the King of Siam, wrote to the King to induce him to expel these foreigners from his Kingdom; alleging that the French after having been received as allies would soon attempt to become masters. This prince with the connivance of the Dutch, offered his troops to help in the liberation of the Kingdom from these new oppressors. His advice was rejected in anger, and the envoys would have been beheaded had not Faulcon been wise enough to check an act of violence which might have led to disastrous results.

A few remarks should be made here on this embassy which was a brilliant, rather than a useful achievement.

The French clergy who had been the primary occasion of the embassy had only the interests of Christianity at stake, but the political party regarded it as an advancement of the prestige of the King of France, who, in his turn, surrounded by flatterers, was misled by their counsels.

Father Tachard, ready to grasp anything that would advance the interests of either his master or his sect, thought that the conquest of Siam was reserved for his own society. He was seconded by Pere de la Chaise, who removed all the opposition on the part of the ministers to this expensive and useless alliance.

The Chevalier de Chaumont and the Abbé de Choisy had had but a very superficial idea of the Siamese nation. They had been present at banquets and hunting parties and the Royal Treasures had been displayed to their view. They had been conducted round the temples where they had been told that the colossal images therein were of solid gold, whereas in reality they were only of plaster skilfully gilt. The ambassadors, dazzled by what they saw, deceived the Court of France in their turn.

Count Forbin, the head of the navy and a thorough Spartan, had observed all this parade in a philosophic spirit. This brave soldier who preferred the roar of cannon, to any more sensuous form of music, perceived that the French were being blinded by a bogus magnificence. The simple account he has given of this journey is a complete refutation of the meretricious lies of Tachard and Choisy.

His insight into the wretched state of the country was keen, and Faulcon, fearing lest he should discredit the reports that the ambassadors were about to carry to the French Court, asked the Chevalier de Chaumont that Forbin should be appointed Admiral of the fleet. The Count was obliged to obey the orders of the ambassador and was duly appointed Admiral and Commander-in-chief of the land and sea forces of the Kingdom of Siam. This grandiloquent title gave him opportunities of investigating the true state of the country the misery and weakness of which he soon discovered. Some days after he had an audience with the King whom he found surrounded by officials seated on wicker-work mats. A single lamp illuminated the hall and whoever wished to read, pulled out a yellow wax taper from his pocket, lit it, and then extinguished it with great economy when he had finished with it.

One day the mean and miserly Monarch asked the Count "Well Admiral, do you not find great pleasure in your appointment at Court?" Forbin was obliged to answer that he considered himself highly favoured to be in his service. This plain-spoken sailor ground his teeth as he uttered this polite lie.

The severity with which the slightest faults were punished made him squeamish. Those who did not speak sufficiently had their mouths slit from ear to ear and those who spoke too much had the mouths sewed up. Petty offenders were burnt in the arm or lacerated in the thigh, Forbin was surprised to see that the highest officials were exposed to such shameful treatment, from which even the King's brothers themselves were not exempt. He feared for his personal safety, but was reassured by Faulcon who employed every artifice to retain him in the service. He was not over-satisfied with the allowance made for his pay and accomodation which was quite out of proportion to his grandiloquent title.

He was given thirty six slaves to wait on him, and two elephants. His house was small and poorly furnished. He was presented with twelve plates two large silver cups, four dozen table napkins and a daily allowance of two of yellow wax tapers.

Such were the emoluments of Count Forbin, Admiral and Commander-in-chief of the forces of the Kingdom of Siam. This mean equipage can give some idea of what an Asiatic monarch considered to be luxury.

It seems that Fortune, in retaining Count Forbin in the service of a nation incapable of profiting by his example, had foreseen that the chance would be given him of acting as the country's defender, as happened in the Macassar revolt which broke out two years later and of which the circumstances shall now be related.