OCCUPATIONS.
Mention has already been made of some of the daily occupations of the people. We have found the women caring for the home and preparing the rice and other foods which are served in the house. At no time did the writer see a man, other than a slave, take any part in such household duties; but when on the trail each would do his share in preparing the meals. In the village we found the women and children carrying the water and wood and, at rare intervals, doing laundry work. Instead of soaping and rubbing soiled clothing, they soak the garments in water, then place them on stones and beat them with wooden paddles or clubs. The articles are alternately soaked and beaten until at least a part of the dirt has been removed. It is also the privilege of any woman to engage in the manufacture of basketry, or to act as a potter.
In the manufacture of baskets the woman makes use chiefly of bamboo and rattan, though other materials, such as pandanus are sometimes brought into service. Three weaves or their variants are employed. The first is the common diagonal or twilled weave, in which each element of the weft passes over two or more of the warp elements. In this way most of the rice winnowers, transportation baskets, knife sheaths, and the like are made. In the second weave (Fig. 22), the foundation of the basket is made up of parallel horizontal rods, or strips of bamboo. These are laced together by warp strips which pass alternately under one and over one of the foundation rods, crossing each other at an angle, one above the other below the rod. The trinket baskets carried by the women, the larger waterproof receptacles known as binota, and the covers for wild chicken snares are in this technic. A variant of this weave is found in the rattan carrying frames and in some fish traps (Fig. 23). Here the warp strips cross one another at an angle, at each meeting place enclosing the horizontal foundation strips. Unlike the second weave described, the warp strips do not pass alternately above and below the horizontal foundation, but retain the same relation to it throughout the entire length of each strip. A coiled weave (Fig. 24) is used in the manufacture of tobacco boxes (Plate XIX) and in the rims of women's baskets. In this type the foundation consists of a series of horizontal rattan strips or rods which are sewed together in the following manner. A narrow strip A passes over two of these parallel rods 2 and 3 in a left handed spiral. At the top of the loop the strip passes under a similar strip B which binds rod 2 to the one above. Passing downward inside the basket, the strip A goes beneath the strip C which binds rods 3 and 4 together. These are drawn tightly while damp, thus forcing the foundation rods so closely together as to make the basket practically water-tight. Pitch from the tabon-tabon nuts may also be rubbed over the outside surface, thus making the receptacle impervious to water.
In the great majority of baskets the surface is divided into three parallel zones or decorative bands. These are produced by making a slight variation in the weave, by the use of blackened strips of bamboo and rattan, or by substituting in their place the black cuticle of a fern.
As a rule the women of this tribe are not good potters and take little pride in their work. In some districts the art has been entirely lost, and the people depend on the coast natives for their cooking utensils. At the village of Bansalan the women were found still to be proficient in their work. After the dampened clay had been carefully kneaded in order to remove lumps and gravel, the bottom of the jar was moulded with the fingers and placed on a dish which was turned on a bit of cloth or a board and answered the purpose of a potter's wheel. As the dish was turned with the right hand the operator shaped the clay with the fingers of the left adding fresh strips of material from time to time until the desired size was obtained. The final shaping was done with a wooden paddle and the jar was allowed to dry, after which it was smoothed off with a stone. When ready for firing it was placed in the midst of a pile of rubbish, over which green leaves were placed to cause a slow fire.
Other dishes are made by splitting a cocoanut in half and removing the "meat." This is readily accomplished by the use of a scraper fitted with a rough iron blade (Fig. 25), over which the concave side or the half nut is drawn. The cocoanut meat is used for food and oil.
A little later we shall describe the active part woman takes in the planting and care of the fields, but now we shall take up in some detail the industry in which she stands pre-eminent, the preparation and weaving of hemp.
The hemp ordinarily stripped by the men is considered too fine to be used in the manufacture of clothing, so a smaller stripping device is employed by the woman (Plate XX). On this she cleans the outer layers of the hemp stalk, from which a stronger and coarser thread can be obtained. The fiber is tied in a continuous thread and is wound onto a reel. The warp threads are measured on sharpened sticks driven into a hemp or banana stalk, and are then transferred to a rectangular frame (Plate XXI). The operator, with the final pattern in mind, overties or wraps with waxed threads, such portions of the warp as she desires to remain white in the completed garment. So carefully does she wrap these sections, that, when the thread is removed from the frame and placed in the liquid dye, no portion of the coloring matter penetrates to the portions thus protected. If a red color is desired the root of the sikarig[17] palm is scraped and the scrapings placed in bark vats filled with cold water. The thread is first washed in, and is later boiled with the dye for a half hour, after which it is placed in a basket to drain and dry. The process is repeated daily for about two weeks, or until the thread assumes a brick red color. If a purple hue is desired a little lime is added to the dye. Black is obtained by a slightly different method. The leaves, root, and bark of the pinarrEm tree are crushed in water. This yields a black liquor which is poured into a jar containing the thread and the whole is placed over a slow fire where it remains until the liquid is near the boiling point. When this is reached the thread is removed and placed in a gourd, the open end of which fits over the jar so as to catch the steam coming from the dye. After a time the thread is removed and dried, and the process is repeated until at last a permanent black is obtained. After the coloring is complete the thread is again placed on the rectangular frame, the over-tying is removed and the warp is ready for the loom (Plate XXII.) In the loom (Plate XXIII) the threads encircle a bamboo pole attached to the wall, and are held tense by a strap which passes around the waist of the operator. The weft threads are forced up against the fabric by means of the comber board and are beaten in with a baton. The warp threads are held in their relative positions, first by the comber board, second by loops which pass under the lower threads and over a small stick or lease rod, and lastly by passing over and under, or around, other lease rods. These are rolled away as the work progresses.
[17] Morinda Bracteata Roxb.
[18] Woof threads are generally of one color. A somewhat similar process used in Java is described by SIR THOS. RAFFLES in The History of Java, Vol. I, p. 189.
[Transcriber's note: Although footnote 18 appears on the same page as the above paragraph, it is not clear to what particular part of that paragraph it refers.]
After the cloth is removed from the loom it is polished. A long pole of palma brava is fitted into a notch in the roof. The operator seats herself on the floor with a smooth board before her, or in her lap, and on it places the dampened cloth. A shell is fitted over the lower end of the pole, which is bent and made bowlike, until the shell rests on the cloth. It is then ironed rapidly to and fro until the fabric has received a high polish (Plate XXIV).
The woman's duties do not end with the manufacture of cloth, for all the garments worn by the members of the tribe are the result of her handiwork. She sews the strips of hemp cloth into skirts, men's trousers, carrying bags, and sometimes into jackets. The women devote hours of labor to these jackets, covering arms, necks, and waist bands with colored embroidery or designs in applique, while on the better garments they place elaborate designs in beads or shell disks.
After the evening meal is over the women of the household gather around the flickering lights, and until far into the night work on these garments, bead necklaces, or other ornaments.
Only a few of the weavers attempt to make the peculiar chocolate-colored head covering worn by the magani. For these kerchiefs the woman weaves a square cotton cloth of the desired size, and at one corner attaches a small brass hook. Joined to the hook, by means of a chain, is a loop which fits over the toes of the operator, thus enabling her to keep the fabric taut while her hands are left free for work. Small sections of this cloth are raised and are wrapped with waxed thread, so that when the fabric is dyed these portions will not receive the coloring matter (Plate XXV). Later the overtying is removed, leaving small white rings or squares on a chocolate-colored background. These cloths are meant primarily for the warriors, but expert weavers, who are under the protection of a certain powerful spirit, are also permitted to wear an upper garment of this material.
A considerable part of the man's time is consumed in preparation for, or actual participation in, hunting or warfare, but in addition to this he does a goodly portion of the work in the fields, and is the house builder. When a man is about to erect a dwelling he notifies his friends to come and aid him. This they will do without pay, but when in need of similar services they will expect and will receive similar help. All sorts of house-furnishings, such as spoons, meat blocks, or rice mortars are made by the man, and not infrequently, he assists in the making or waterproofing of baskets. A few of the old men of Cibolan still engage in the manufacture of small shell disks with which valuable suits are decorated, but the greater part of those now in use have been inherited, or are purchased from neighboring peoples. The men carve beads out of "Job's tears"[19] and make them into necklaces. For this purpose a peculiarly carved and decorated stick is employed (Plate XXVI). This is placed in the palm of the left hand so that the thumb and forefinger can hold the seed which fits into a depression in the top. A knife in the right hand of the artist is worked over the seed thus cutting a line into which dirt is rubbed. Women's combs are made by shaping a half circle out of light wood and then cutting teeth into it with a saw-like blade of tin or iron.
[19] Coix lachryma Johi L.
Among the men, as with the women, certain industries are monopolized by a few individuals. In this community no men stand higher in the estimation of their fellows than do the smiths and the casters of copper. The writer spent many hours watching I-o, the brass and copper worker of Cibolan, while he shaped bells, bracelets, and betel boxes at his forge on the outskirts of the village (Plate XXVII). Feathered plungers, which worked up and down in two bamboo cylinders, forced air through a small clay-tipped tube into a charcoal fire. This served as a bellows, while a small cup made of straw ashes formed an excellent crucible. The first day I watched I-o, he was making bells. Taking a ball of wax the size of a bucket shot, he put it on the end of a stick (Fig. 26a), and over this moulded the form of a bell in damp ashes obtained from rice straw (b). When several bells were thus fashioned they were dipped in melted wax and were turned on a leaf until smooth, after which an opening was cut through the wax at the bottom of each form (c). Strips of wax were rolled out and laid in shallow grooves which had been cut in the sides of the bells and were pressed in, at intervals, with a small bamboo knife (d). The top stick was then withdrawn, leaving an opening down to the wax ball inside. Into this hole a thin strip of wax was inserted and was doubled back on itself so as to form a hanger (e). For three days the forms were allowed to harden and were covered with several coats of damp straw ashes. Finally they were laid in a bed of the same material with a thin strip of wax leading from each bell to a central core (f). [FIG. 26] The whole, with the exception of the top of the central wax strip, was covered with a thick coating of damp ashes, and when this had hardened pieces of copper, secured from broken gongs, were placed in the crucible, melted and poured into the open end of the clay form. The molten metal took the place of the wax as it was dissolved and flowed to all parts where it had been. After being dropped in water the form was broken open, revealing six nearly perfect little bells which were ready for use as soon as the ashes were removed from them. The same method was used for all other casting. Clay forms were made as desired, were covered with wax, and the final coating of ashes applied before the casting. The workers in copper and brass are under the care and guidance of a spirit, Tolus ka towangan, for whom they make a yearly ceremony, Gomek towangan.
[Transcriber's note: Two different figures on different pages are both labeled FIG. 26.]
Of even greater importance are the smiths who are also under the care of a powerful spirit for whom the Gomek-gomanan ceremony is celebrated each year, just prior to the planting time. Their forges are hidden away in the hemp fields, and I was repeatedly informed that no woman might see the smith at work. Whether or no such a rule is rigidly enforced at all times I cannot say, but at no time did I see a woman about the forge while the fire was burning, and although I was allowed to see and photograph the process, my wife was at all times prevented from doing so. The forge differs in no material respects from that used by the brass casters, except that hollowed out logs replace the bamboo tubes, and that a metal anvil and iron hammers are used. After an iron knife or spear head has been roughly shaped, the smith splits the edge to a slight depth and inserts a band of steel. The iron is pounded down on the harder metal and the whole is brought to a white heat in the charcoal fire. Removing it to the anvil the smith gives the blade one or two light blows and returns it to the fire. This is repeated many times before he begins to add the heavy strokes which finally weld the iron and steel together. The blade having been given its final shape is again heated and is held above a tube of water until the glowing metal begins to turn a yellowish green, when it is plunged into the cold water. This process, repeated many times, gives a fair temper to the whole weapon. Charcoal for the fire is secured by burning logs and chilling them suddenly with cold water.
Brass wire, secured in trade, is made into bracelets in the following manner. In order to soften it and make it more easily worked the roll of wire is heated until it begins to turn grey, when it is allowed to cool and is scraped, so as to restore the yellow color. One end is laid on an anvil made of an iron strip on a wooden block (Plate XXVII), and is cut into various designs by means of metal dies. A wooden cone is used as a form, about which the wire is placed in order to shape and measure it.
Hemp[20] grows wild in the Davao District and the Bagobo have, for generations, used it in the manufacture of their clothing. In recent years the demand for fiber has shown the people an easy way to secure the trade articles which they desire and, as a result, rather extensive plantings are found even in the more remote districts. The women strip a large part of the fiber in local use, but all that prepared for trade is produced by the men. When the ever-present cogon grass begins to invade a clearing, the young hemp is planted. In about eighteen months it has grown to a height of some sixteen feet and is ready to be cut. The man goes to the fields, cuts down some stalks and, having removed the leaves, splits off the outer fiber layers from the cellular matter of the interior, using a bone knife for this purpose. When he has accumulated a sufficient number of strips he carries them to the hemp machine (Fig. 27). This consists of a knife which rests on a wooden block. The handle turns on a pivot and the end is drawn upwards by means of a bent twig, or sapling, which acts as a spring. This spring is lowered and the knife blade raised by means of a foot treadle; a strip of hemp is laid on the block; the foot pressure is removed, and the knife descends. Taking a firm hold of one end of the strip, the operator draws it toward him under the blade, thus removing the pulp and leaving the free hemp threads. These are hung in the sun until dry, when they are tied in bundles ready to be carried to the coast. The work is hard and, unless necessity forces him to greater effort, a man seldom engages in it for more than three or four days in a month. He thinks his duty ceases with this expenditure of energy and, unless he is fortunate enough to possess animals or slaves, is quite content to allow his wife, or wives, to carry the product to the coast trader.
[20] Musa textilis.
During ceremonies and at festivals a fermented drink made of sugar cane is served, and in anticipation of its pleasurable effects the Bagobo is willing to expend a considerable amount of effort. The juice of the cane is extracted by means of a press made of two logs arranged in parallel horizontal positions, so that the end of a wooden lever can slip under one and rest in a groove cut in the other (Fig. 28). The cane is placed in the groove and the operator bears his weight on the lever, thus squeezing out the juice. After being boiled with the bark of certain trees and lime juice, the liquor is sealed in jars or bamboo tubes and is stored away until needed.
The sago palm is found in parts of the Bagobo territory, and in times of need, the people make temporary camps near to the sago districts, where they prepare the flour. This is done in the same manner as is fully described on page 140.
The most important thing in the life of the Bagobo is the care of the rice, for on this crop he depends for the greater part of his food supply, and by its condition he can ascertain with what favor he is looked upon by the spirits. So closely is the cultivation of this cereal coupled with the religious beliefs that it is necessary, in this relation, to describe the ceremonies connected with it.
We have previously stated that the incursion of the cogon grass into the fields makes necessary some new clearings each year. In the month of December a constellation known as Balatik appears in the sky. This has a double significance; first, it is the reminder for the yearly sacrifice; and secondly, it notifies all workers that the tools, which are to be used in making new clearings, shall be placed in readiness. All those who expect to prepare new fields for themselves, or are to assist others in such work, gather at the forge of the local smith and there take part in a ceremony held in honor of his patron spirit. They carry with them offerings of rice and chickens which they cook in bamboo tubes, for food taken from a pot is not acceptable to this spirit. When all is ready the food is placed on a rice winnower, near to the forge, and on it the men lay their weapons and working knives (Plate XXIX). Standing before the offering the smith, in a droning voice, calls on the spirit, beseeching him to come and eat of the food, to accept the weapons and tools, and having done so to be watchful over the workers during the clearing time, so that they may not be injured in the work or be molested by enemies. The prayer finished, the smith eats a little of the food, and all the men follow his example, but no woman may so much as touch this offering. Meanwhile other food which can be eaten by all has been prepared. After the meal the weapons and tools which are to be used during the clearing time are removed, but, as they now belong to the spirit, they can never be disposed of without first recompensing him. During this day there is a strict prohibition against music and dancing. For three days the men abstain from work and the forge stands idle. When the fire is again lighted the first knife made is the property of the spirit.
With the ending of the period of taboo the workers go to the fields and, in the center of each, place a tambara[21] fitted with a white dish containing betel nut. This is an offering to Eugpamolak Manobo, who is besought to drive from the field any tigbanawa or tagamaling[22] who may live there, to keep the workers in good health, to allow an abundant crop, and, finally, to make the owner rich and happy. The weeds, brush, and trees, after being cut and allowed to dry are fired, while the logs remaining after this initial burning are piled together and again set on fire, and the field is ready for the planting. No soil is broken and not a seed goes into the ground until the spirits again designate the time, by placing the constellation Marara in the sky. This appears early in April, and is followed by a period of great activity in the fields. If, for any reason, the owner of the land cannot plant at this time, he has two or more opportunities given him when the constellations Mamari and Bwaya appear, the latter toward the end of June.
[21] See p. 66, Fig. 12.
[22] Evil spirits which are classed with the buso. See p. 107.
When the workers go to the field on the day set for the planting they enter at one corner and proceed directly across it to the far left hand corner where they erect a small house or place a tambara which is known as pEmEg'ge. As soon as it is complete, the mabalian begin to call on the spirits. Manama[23] is called first and after him other spirits, according to their rank and power. They are informed that the planting is about to begin and that the people are showing them this mark of respect so that they will not allow anything to interfere with the crop. This done, they go to the center of the field and place a second tambara, called parobanian, for the spirit Taragómi/Taragomi, who owns all food. Leaves pleasing to him and presents of food or bracelets are placed in it, as well as in his tambara found in the house.[24] The owner of the field takes the malayag, a large variety of rice, and plants it around the parobanian,[25] and as the last grain is planted the mabalian again starts her prayer, this time beginning with Taragómi/Taragomi. She asks for good crops, and protection for the field from all animals, blight and drought. Finally, she begs Eugpamolak Manobo to control the sun and winds so that they will always be favorable to the growing grain. Having thus done all in their power to secure the cooperation of the superior beings the men take their rice planters and real work begins.[26] The planter (Fig. 29) consists of a long shaft at one end of which is a metal blade while at the other is a bamboo clapper decorated with feathers. When this instrument is struck on the ground it digs a shallow hole an inch or more in depth, the clapper meanwhile keeping up an incessant noise. It is said by some that the rattle is intended to please the guardian spirit of the fields, but this does not seem to be the prevalent idea. The women follow the men, dropping seeds into the holes and pushing the soil over them with their feet.
[23] Eugpamolak Manobo.
[24] At Cibolan only brass objects are placed in this tambara.
[25] At Digos the mabalian does the planting and harvesting about the tambara, and the rice grown there is reserved as seed, for the next season.
[26] FATHER GISBERT relates that it is the custom to sacrifice a slave at this time, but this is denied by the datu consulted by the writer. See letters of FATHER GISBERT in BLAIR and ROBERTSON, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII; pp. 233-4.
At nightfall of the day in which the planting has been completed a mabalian cooks fish and rice, which she carries to the parobanian. Early next morning the family goes to the field and eats this offering which "belongs to Taragómi/Taragomi, so should be eaten at his house." From this time until harvest the fields must be guarded against birds and animals, but no further offerings take place unless unusual conditions should satisfy the owner that the spirits are demanding more gifts. When harvest time comes the owner and a few of his friends will go to the field and pull a few of the fresh stalks, which they place in the pEmEg'ge and parobanian, meanwhile addressing the spirits, and the cutting of the rice begins. This is done by women who, for this purpose, employ a small knife called gElat (Plate XXIXd). The last grain to be cut is that about the parobanian. The mabalian cooks a little of the new rice in the house and places a part of it in the various tambara and shrines; then, having placed a number of rice stalks on the floor, she offers them one by one to the spirits. Not until she has finished can any of the prepared food be eaten. The balance of the crop lies in the sun until dry, when it is tied in bundles and placed in the granary.
When all the harvesting is finished the people will make a festival known as Gatokbia-an, or pakakaro. Ordinarily each family will have its own celebration, but at times all the inhabitants of a village will join in one great celebration. The period of toil and doubt is past, the food supply is assured, and the people gather to give thanks. No New England Thanksgiving dinner is prepared with greater thought, or less regard for expense, than that which is made ready at this time. The finest of the rice, cocoanuts[sic], eggs, chickens, fish, shrimps, and many other edibles are prepared and placed in certain dishes which are dedicated to the spirits and are used only at this time. These plates are arranged in a row in the center of the room and the mabalian gather around them. Taking a wand of sandal wood in her hand one of the number waves it over the offerings, while she chants long prayers. Beginning with the most powerful, she addresses the spirits one by one, thanking them for the care they have given to the growing grain and to the laborers, and for the bounteous harvest. Frequently individuals will interrupt the proceedings to place near to the mabalian a fine knife or some other prized object which they desire to have presented to the spirits as evidence of their gratitude. At first, it is a little hard to understand this lavishness, but it transpires that the former owners still have possession of these objects, and that the spirits offer no objections to their use, so long as their ownership is not disputed, truly a case of eating the pie but still having it.
The knives and other implements which have been used in the fields are laid on a large basket filled with rice, "in order that they may eat, and, therefore, have no cause to injure their owners." Another large dish of rice is set aside as a special offering. In some cases this is taken out to the fields, where it is eaten by the wife, or wives of the host; but in Cibolan it is kept in the house until the next morning, when it is eaten by all the members of the family. The ceremonial eating of this rice causes the supply to last longer and assures abundant rains for the succeeding crop. Part of the food from the dishes is placed in the tambara and shrines, and then all the guests are permitted to feast and make merry. Unlike most Bagobo ceremonies this one lacks the music of the agongs,[27] for only bamboo guitars, flutes, and the bolang-bolang are permitted at this time. The last named instrument is made by placing a board on a rice mortar; the women gather around it with their wooden pestles and beat a rythmical[sic] tattoo. This concludes the festival proper, but many guests will remain for two or three days to enjoy the hospitality of their host.
[27] Copper gongs.
On the third morning after the festival the family and some friends will celebrate BagkEs "the tying together." The dishes in which food was offered are tied together and are carried to the rice field where, with great solemnity, the little dish in the parobanian is removed and placed among the others, while the people tell it that the other plates have come to take it away, but that it will be returned to its home the following year. The family goes back to the village in silence and after tying all the dishes together place them in the rice granary.
In the Bagobo settlement at Digos, the women hold still another festival following the cutting of the rice. This is known as Gomeng ka taragomi, or bitinbagáybe. In the main it resembles the ceremony of similar name, which the women of Malilla hold on the second day of GinEm (See page 111). A bamboo pole decked with leaves and green fruit of the areca palm is placed in the center of a room and is surrounded with cooked food. After this has been offered to the spirits, it is eaten by the guests who then indulge in dancing about the decorated pole. This generally lasts eight days, but in one instance the festivities continued for sixteen days and nights. The explanation given is that "the women wish to show Taragómi/Taragomi and the Nitos (anitos) how happy they are because of the good harvest, for when they see this they will be pleased and will help again next year."