Parish life in mediæval England

by Francis Aidan Gasquet

CHAPTER XII

GUILDS AND FRATERNITIES

Every account of a mediæval parish must necessarily include some description of the work of fraternities and guilds. Although these societies, absolutely speaking, were not existent in every parish, still they were so very general that they may be reckoned certainly as one feature of pre-Reformation parochial life. It is hardly necessary to say much upon the subject of guild origins. Their existence dates from the earliest times, and they probably were one result of the natural desire to realize some of the obvious benefits arising from combination, in carrying out purposes of common utility. As a system of widespread practical institutions, “English guilds,” says Mr. Toulmin Smith, who may be regarded as our great authority on this matter, “are older than any kings of England.” The oldest of our ancient laws—those, for example, of Alfred, of Athelstan and Ina—assume the existence of guilds, to some one of which, as a matter of course, every one was supposed to belong. The same author thus defines the scope and purpose of the ancient guilds. “They were,” he says, “associations of those living in the same neighbourhood, who remembered that they had, as neighbours, common obligations.” They were different entirely from modern partnerships or trading companies, for their main characteristic was to set up something higher than personal gain and mere materialism as the main object of man’s existence, and to make the teaching of love to one’s neighbour, not merely accepted as a hollow dogma of morality, but known and felt as a habit of life.

An examination of the existing records leads to a general division of mediæval guilds into two classes—Craft or Trade Associations and Religious Societies; or, as some prefer now to call them, Social Guilds. It is with these latter that we are here chiefly concerned. The former, as their name implies, had as the special object of their existence the protection of some kind of work, trade, or handicraft; and in this, for practical purposes, we may include those associations of traders or merchants known under the name of “Guild-Merchants.” Such, for instance, were the great Companies of the City of London; and it was in reality the plea that they were trading societies, which saved them from the general destruction which overtook all fraternities and associations in the sixteenth century. The division of guilds into the two classes named above is, however, after all, a matter of convenience, rather than a real distinction, grounded on fact. All guilds, no matter for what special purpose they were founded, had the same general characteristic principle of brotherly love and social charity; and no guild, so far as I have been able to discover, was divorced from the ordinary religious observances commonly practised in those days.

In speaking, therefore, of the purposes of what I have called religious or social guilds, I must not be thought to exclude craft or trade guilds. It is very often supposed that, for the most part, what are called religious guilds existed for the purpose of promoting or encouraging some religious practice, such as attendance at church on certain days; taking part in ecclesiastical processions; the recitation of offices and prayers, and the like. Without doubt there were such societies existing in pre-Reformation days, such as, for example, was the great Guild of Corpus Christi, in York, which counted its members by thousands. But such associations were the exception, not the rule. It is really astonishing to find how small a proportion these ecclesiastical or purely religious guilds formed of the whole number of associations known as guilds. The origin of the mistaken notion is obvious.

In mediæval days—that is, in the days when such guilds flourished—the word “religious” had a wider, and in many ways a truer signification than has obtained in later times. Religion was understood to include the exercise of the two commandments of charity—the love of God, and the love of one’s neighbour; and the exercises of practical charity, to which guild brethren were bound by their guild statutes, were considered as much religious practices as the attendance at church, or the taking part in any ecclesiastical procession. In these days, as Mr. Brentano, in his essay On the History and Development of Gilds, has pointed out, most of the objects, to carry out which the guilds existed, would be called Social duties; but then, in mediæval times, they were regarded as objects of Christian charity. “Mutual assistance, the aid of the poor, of the helpless, the sick, of strangers, pilgrims, and prisoners, the burial of the dead, even the keeping of schools and schoolmasters,” and other such-like objects of Christian charity, were held to be “exercises of religion.”

By whichever name we prefer to call them, the character and purpose of these mediæval guilds cannot in reality be misunderstood. Broadly speaking, they were the benefit societies and the provident associations of the Middle Ages. They undertook towards their members the duties now frequently performed by burial clubs, by hospitals, by almshouses, and by guardians of the poor. Not infrequently they are found acting for the public good of the community in the mending of roads and in the repair of bridges. They looked to the private good of their members in the same way that insurance companies to-day compensate for loss by fire or accident. The very reason of their existence was to afford mutual aid, and by timely contributions to meet the pecuniary demands which were constantly arising from burials, legal exactions, penal fines, and all other kinds of payments and compensations. Mr. Toulmin Smith thus defines their object: “The early English guild was an institution of local self-help, which, before the poor-laws were invented, took the place, in old times, of the modern Friendly or Benefit Society, but with a higher aim; while it joined all classes together in the care of the needy and for objects of common welfare, it did not neglect the forms and practice of religion, justice, and morality,” which, it may be added, was indeed the mainspring of their life and action.

“The Guild lands,” writes Mr. Thorold Rogers, “were a very important economical fact in the social condition of early England. The Guilds were the benefit societies of the time, from which impoverished members could be and were aided. It was an age in which the keeping of accounts was common and familiar. Beyond question, the treasurers of the village Guild rendered as accurate an annual statement to the members of their fraternity as a bailiff did to his lord.... It is quite certain that the town and country guilds obviated pauperism in the middle ages, assisted in steadying the price of labour, and formed a permanent centre for those associations which fulfilled the function that in more recent times trade unions have striven to satisfy.”

An examination of the various articles of association contained in the returns made into the Chancery in 1389, and other similar documents, shows how wide was the field of Christian charity covered by these “fraternities.” First and foremost among such works of religion must be reckoned the burial of the dead, regulations as to which are invariably to be found in all the guild statutes. Then came, very generally, provisions for help to the poor, sick, and aged. In some, assistance was to be given to those who were overtaken by misfortune, whose goods had been damaged or destroyed by fire or flood, or had been diminished by loss or robbery; in others, money was found as a loan to such as needed temporary assistance. In the guild at Ludlow, in Shropshire, for instance, “any good girl of the guild had a dowry provided for her if her father was too poor to find one himself.” The “guild-merchant” of Coventry kept a lodging-house with thirteen beds, “to lodge poor folk coming through the land on pilgrimage or other work of charity ... with a keeper of the house and a woman to wash the pilgrims’ feet.” A guild at York found beds and attendance for poor strangers, and the Guild of Holy Cross in Birmingham kept almshouses for the poor in the town. In Hampshire, the guild of St. John at Winchester, which comprised men and women of all sorts and conditions, supported a hospital for the needy and infirm of the city.

Speaking of the poor, Bishop Hobhouse, in his preface to the Somerset churchwardens’ accounts, says—

“I can only suppose that the brotherhood tie was so strongly realized by the community (of the parish) that the weaker were succoured by the stronger, as out of a family store. The brotherhood tie was, no doubt, very much stronger then, when the village community was from generation to generation so unalloyed by anything foreign, when all were knit together by one faith and one worship and close kindred, but, further than this, the Guild-fellowship must have enhanced all the other bonds in drawing men to spare their worldly goods as a common stock. Covertly, if not overtly, the guildsman bound himself to help his needy brother in sickness and age, as he expected his fellow-guildsman to do for him in his turn of need; and these bonds, added to a far stronger sense of the duty of children towards aged parents than is now found, did, I conceive, suffice for the relief of the poor, aided only by the direct almsgiving which flowed from the parsonage house, or in favoured localities, from the doles or broken meat of a monastery.”

For the purpose of collecting money for parochial needs, the services of the various fraternities were constantly requisitioned. In some places, as at St. Dunstan’s, Canterbury, the authorized collectors wore badges, by which they could be recognized as such; at others, as at St. Peter’s Cheap, London, the various brotherhoods were connected with some special chapel, or altar, or statue, and regularly collected for the particular end of their society. In some parishes these religious fraternities were more numerous than many at this day would be inclined to suppose. At St. Dunstan’s, Canterbury, just mentioned, there was first the brotherhood of the “Schaft,” which seems to have been a general society embracing the whole parish, and which possessed property, such as malt, barley, wheat, cattle, and sheep. Besides this, there was the fraternity of St. Anne, which included women, and that of St. John; there were also small groups under their wardens; and of these we have the wardens of St. John’s light, those of St. Anne’s light, and those of St. Katherine. Mr. Cowper, the editor of these accounts, on this remarks: “These all go to show what life and activity there was in the little parish, which never wanted willing men to devote their time and influence to the management of their own affairs.”

In times of common need, or when some great work of repair or of decoration was undertaken by the parish for their church, the various “fraternities” are found contributing out of their peculiar “stores” to the object. At Ashburton, for example, in 1486-87, a “silver foot” was made to the parish cross, and also the weather-cock got out of order and had to be seen to. To both of these objects there were contributions from “the stores of St. Nicholas,” and “of St. George,” etc. In fact, in this parish there were apparently about a dozen of these confraternities, namely: “the Stores of the B. V. Mary;” of “the Junior torches;” of St. George, St. Margaret, St. Clement; of “the Wyvyn store” of B. V. Mary; of St. Thomas of Canterbury; of St. James and of St. Giles. Some of these had as much as forty shillings at one time as a fund under their administration.

Some of the “fraternities” were merely spiritual associations, which helped to strengthen the bond of brotherhood between parishes. One such existed in connection with the Cathedral of Lichfield, called the “Fraternity of the Brethren and Sisters of St. Chad.” Enrolled as members are many bishops, abbots, priors, and other religious superiors, besides priests and all sorts and conditions of lay people. The priests were all pledged to say Masses for the welfare of the associates, living or dead. Thus, in each of the abbeys of Darley, Burton, and Shrewsbury, 100 Masses were said yearly for this end; at Trentham Priory 60 Masses; and at the Convent of Derby 300 psalters by the Benedictine Nuns were said for the associates. In the Cathedral church of Lichfield also four Masses were said daily, two for the living and two for the dead members; and in every associated parish 30 Masses were said during the year. In all these churches, every Sunday before the Holy Water, the “Our Father” was said by priest and people, “with hands raised,” followed by a versicle and prayer to St. Chad. In the fifteenth century, when the bishop gave an indulgence to all those who were members of the fraternity, he states that this union of prayer already comprised 2434 Masses and 452 psalters yearly.

The organization of these societies was the same as that which has existed in similar associations up to the time of our modern trade unions. A meeting was held, at which officers were elected and accounts audited; fines for non-acceptance of office were frequently imposed, as well as for absence from the common meeting. Often members had to declare, on oath, that they would fulfil their voluntary obligations, and would keep secret the affairs of the society. Persons of ill repute were not admitted, and members who disgraced the fraternity were expelled. For example, the first guild statutes printed by Mr. Toulmin Smith are those of Garlekhith, London. They begin—

“In worship of God Almighty our Creator and His Mother, Saint Mary, and all Saints and St. James the Apostle, a fraternity is begun by good men in the Church of St. James at Garlekhith in London, on the day of Saint James, the year of our Lord 1375, for the amendment of their lives and of their souls, and to nourish greater love between the brethren and sisters of the said brotherhood.”

Each of them have sworn on the Book to perform the points underwritten—

“First, all those that are, or shall be, in the said brotherhood shall be of good life, condition, and behaviour, and shall love God and Holy Church and their neighbours, as Holy Church commands.” Then, after various provisions as to meetings and payments to be made to the general fund, the statutes order that “if any of the aforesaid brethren fall into such distress that he hath nothing and cannot, on account of old age or sickness, help himself, if he has been in the brotherhood seven years, and during that time has performed all the duties, he shall have every week after from the common box fourteen pence (i.e. about £1 of our money) for the rest of his life, unless he recovers from his distress.” In one form or other this provision for the assistance of needy members is repeated in the statutes of almost every guild. Some provide for help in case of distress coming “through any chance, through fire or water, thieves or sickness, or any other haps.” Some, besides this kind of aid, add, “and if it so befall that he be young enough to work, and he fall into distress, so that he have nothing of his own to help himself with, then the brethren shall help him, each with a portion as he pleases in the way of charity.” Others furnish loans from the common fund to enable brethren to tide over temporary difficulties. “And if the case falleth that any of the brotherhood have need to borrow a certain sum of silver, he (can) go to the keepers of the box and take what he hath need of, so that the sum be not so large that one may not be helped as another, and that he leave a sufficient pledge, or else find a sufficient security among the brotherhood.” Some, again, make the contributions to poor brethren a personal obligation on the members, such as a farthing a week from each of the brotherhood, unless the distress has been caused by folly or waste. Others extend their Christian charity to relieve distress beyond the circle of the brotherhood—that is, of any “whosoever falls into distress, poverty, lameness, blindness, sent by the grace of God to them, even if he be a thief proven, he shall have sevenpence a week from the brothers and sisters to assist him in his need.” Some of the guilds in seaside districts provide for help in case of “loss through the sea,” and there is little doubt that in mediæval days the great work carried on by such a body as the Royal Lifeboat Society would have been considered a work of religion, and the fitting object of a religious guild.

Dr. Jessopp has described for us the functions of these religious brotherhoods—

“Besides all this there were small associations, called Gilds, the members of which were bound to devote a certain portion of their time and money and their energies to keep up the special commemoration and the special worship of some Saint’s chapel or shrine, which was sometimes kept up in a corner of the church, and provided with an altar of its own, and served by a chaplain who was actually paid by the subscriptions or free-will offerings of the members of the gild whose servant he was. Frequently there were half a dozen of these brotherhoods, who met on different days in the year; and frequently—indeed, one may say usually—there was a church house, a kind of parish club, in which the gilds held their meetings and transacted their business.”

In the account of the “Building of Bodmin Church” in the fifteenth century we have an example of the working of this guild system. Every one appears to have given according to his means, and even generously. There were personal gifts, like that of an “hold woman,” who gave 3s. 2½d.; and another woman, in addition to her subscription, sold her “crokk for 20d.” and gave the money to the Church. But the success of the enterprise evidently is to be attributed to the guilds which existed at that time in great numbers and in a most flourishing state in Bodmin. “Religious life,” we are told, “permeated society, particularly in the fifteenth century.” In Bodmin at that time almost every inhabitant seems to have been included in one or other of the many fraternities. Indeed, the spirit of association seems to have been so strong at this time that various groups of people joined themselves together for the purpose of making a common gift. In this way we read that “the young maidens of Fore Street and Bore Street” gave a common subscription in addition to the sums received from the Guild of Virgins in the same streets.

These interesting accounts also give the names of no fewer than forty guilds, all more or less connected with the parish church of Bodmin. Of these, five are trade guilds: the skinners and glovers under the patronage of St. Petroc; the smiths under St. Dunstan and St. Eloy; the cordwainers under St. Anian; the millers under St. Martin; and the tailors and drapers under St. John the Baptist. All the rest of these fraternities “were,” says the editor of these accounts, “established for social and religious objects, for the glory of God and the good of man.” For the “wax gathering,” money was received from (1) the Guild of St. David in “forestreet;” (2) St. Luke; (3) St. Michael; (4) Holy Trinity; (5) St. Leodgarius; (6) St. Clare; (7) St. Gregory, Pope; (8) St. Thomas; (9) B. V. Mary in the porch of the church; (10) Holy Trinity; (11) St. Katherine; (12) St. Anian; (13) St. Stephen; (14) St. Mary Magdalene; (15) St. James; (16) Holy Cross; (17) B. V. Mary in the chancel; (18) B. V. Mary in the chapel of St. Gregory; (19) St. Loy; (20) St. Petroc; (21) St. John; (22) St. Thomas “in Church hay;” (23) Corpus Christi.

One purpose of distinct utility to the parish, which was served by the guilds, was the provision of additional priests for the services of the church. In this they had the same object as the founders of chantries had in establishing them. Thus, to take an example, in the “Chantry Certificates” for Suffolk the purpose of the Guild of the Holy Ghost at Beccles is stated to have been to keep a priest “to celebrate in the church,” to “pay the tithes, fifteenths and other taxes,” and to contribute 40s. a year to the poor. A note appended says that “Beccles is a great and populous town” of “800 houseling” people, and “the said priest is aiding unto the curate there, who without help is not able to discharge the said cure. The said Guild is erected of devotion.” So, too, to take another example, in the parish of Bingham, in Nottinghamshire, there was “a guild of our Lady to maintain a priest;” and the Palmer’s Guild of Ludlow, sometimes called the “Fraternity of St John,” which was maintained partly by endowments of land and partly through the donations of its members, maintained no fewer than ten priests out of its funds.

In reality there is hardly any good and useful purpose which can be imagined, religious or social, to which some mediæval guild or other was not devoted. Mr. Toulmin Smith, after examination of the documents relating to these fraternities, has enumerated the following as objects for which they were founded, or at any rate worked: (1) relief in poverty—a very general object; (2) sickness; (3) old age; (4) loss of sight; (5) loss of limb; (6) loss of cattle; (7) on fall of house; (8) in making pilgrimages; (9) loss by fire; (10) loss by flood; (11) loss by robbery; (12) shipwreck; (13) imprisonment; (14) aid in pecuniary difficulties; (15) aid to obtain work; (16) defending in law; (17) relief to deaf and dumb; (18) relief for leprosy; (19) dowry on marriage or on entry into religious house; (20) repairs of roads and bridges; (21) repairs of churches; (22) burial of the dead.

Mr. Thorold Rogers, in his Economic Interpretation of History, says of the Guilds that—

“they were well-nigh universal, though they were unchartered and informal. Their prosperity was derived from grants or charges on land or houses made for the purpose of securing the continuance of a religious office, much appreciated and exceeding common in the period of English social history which precedes the Reformation, prayers or Masses for the dead.

“The ancient tenements, which are still the property of the London companies, were originally burdened with Masses for donors. In the country the parochial clergy undertook the services of these chantries.... The establishment of a Mass or chantry priest at a fixed stipend, in a church with which he had no other relation, was a common form of endowment. The residue, if any, of the revenue derivable from these tenements was made the common property of the Guild, and as the continuity of the service was the great object of its establishment, the donor, like the modern trustee of a life income, took care that there should be a surplus from the foundation. The land or house was let, and the Guild consented to find the ministration which formed the motive of the grant.”

This is very true, but it may be questioned whether Mr. Thorold Rogers appreciated the extent to which these chantry funds were intended to be devoted to purposes other than the performance of the specified religious services. Certainly writers generally have treated the question of the chantries as if they had no object but the keeping of obits or anniversary services for the original founder and his kin. To show what really was the case, it may be well to take a couple of instances in Hampshire. In connection with the parish church of Alton in the sixteenth century there were six obits or chantries. The following is the account of these which I take from the Chantry Certificates made by the King’s Commissioners in the first year of the reign of Edward VI.:—

“(1) Issues of land for an obit for John Pigott; growing and coming out of certain houses and lands in Alton, for to maintain for ever a yearly obit there, in the tenure of Thomas Mathew of the yearly value of 23s. 4d. Whereof to the poor 15s. 4d., to the priest and his clerk 8s.: (2) The same for an obit for William Reding of the annual value of 15s., of which the poor were to have 10s. and the priest and his clerk 5s.: (3) The same for Alice Hacker of the yearly value of 10s., of which the poor were to get 7s. 8d. and the priest 2s. 4d.: (4) Another of the value of 4s., the poor getting 2s. 10d. and the priest 1s. 2d.: (5) Another for the soul of Nicholas Bailey, worth annually 11s., and of this 7s. 8d. was intended for the poor and 3s. 4d. for the clergy: (6) Another for Nicholas Crushelow worth 4s. 4d., the poor getting 3s. 1d. and the priest 1s. 3d.”

That is to say, out of a total of 77s. 8d. the poor were to get 46s. 7d., and only 31s. 1d. was devoted to the ecclesiastical services connected with the obits of Alton. Or, if we take the value of money in those days as being only twelve times that of our present money, out of a total of £36 12s. some £27 19s. went to support the poor.

As a further example of the way in which property was left to a guild as trustees, the case of the “Candlemas Guild” at Bury St. Edmund’s may be cited. A few years after its foundation in 1471, one of its members left the guild considerable property for the common purposes of the fraternity, and for certain other specified objects. The name of the donor was John Smith, and his will was witnessed by the Abbot and Prior of Bury. It provided for the keep of an annual obit “devoutly,” and for the residue of income to be kept till the appointment of every new abbot. On that event the sum thus accumulated was to be paid to the new abbot in lieu of the sum of money the town was bound to find at every election. Should there be any sum over the amount necessary for this purpose, it was to be expended in payment of the tenth or fifteenth, or other tax imposed on the citizens by royal authority. Year by year, at the annual meeting of the guild, the wardens were bound to give an account of their administration of this trust. Year by year John Smith’s will was read out at the meeting, and proclamation was made before the anniversary of his death in the following manner: “Let us all of charity pray for the soul of John. We put you in remembrance that you shall not miss the keeping of his dirge and also of his Mass.” Round the town went the crier also with the lines—

“We put you in remembrance all that the oath have made,

To come to the Mass and the dirge the souls for to glade;

All the inhabitants of this towne are bound to do the same,

To pray for the souls of John and Anne, else they be to blame;

The which John afore-rehearsed to this town hath been full kind,

Three hundred marks for this town hath paid, no penny unpaid behind.

Now we have informed you of John Smith’s will in writing as it is,

And for the great gifts that he hath given, God bring his soul to bliss.

Amen.”

The example set by this donor to the Candlemas Guild at Bury was followed by many others in the latter part of the fifteenth century. For instance, “a gentlewoman,” as she calls herself, Margaret Odom, after providing by will for the usual obit, and for a lamp to burn before “the holie sacrament in St. James’ church,” desires that the brethren of the guild shall devote the residue of the income arising from certain houses and lands she has conveyed to their keeping, to paying a priest to “say mass in the chapel of the gaol before the prisoners there, and giving them holy water and holy bread on all Sundays, and to give to the prisoners of the long ward of the said gaol every week seven faggots of wood from Hallowmas (November 1) to Easter day.”

One function of the mediæval guilds must not be altogether passed by. This was their attendance at the great processions, and notably at that of Corpus Christi. Some guilds, like the celebrated Corpus Christi Guild at York, with its thousands of members, were, of course, founded chiefly to do honour to the Blessed Sacrament. But, ordinarily, guilds of every kind were only too ready in those days to take part in the ecclesiastical pageants of the day. One example will suffice. It is the Order of the Corpus Christi procession at Winchester in 1435—

“At a convocation held at the city of Winchester the Friday next before the feast of Corpus Christi, in the 13th yere of the raigne of King Harry the sixt, after the Conquest—it was ordained by Richard Salter, mayor of the cytie of Winchester, John Symer and Harry Putt, Bailiffs of the cytie aforesaid, and also by all the cytizens and commonaltee of the same cytie: It is accorded of a certain general processyon in the feste of Corpus Christi of diverse artyficers and crafts within the same cytie being: that is to say: the Carpenters and Felters shall go together first; Smythes and Barbers, second; Cooks and Buchers, third; Shomakers with two lights, fourth; Tanners and Tapaners, fifth; Plummers and Silkmen, sixth; Fyshers and Farryers, seventh; Taveners, eighth; Wevyres with two lights, ninth; Fullars, with two lights, tenth; Dyers with two lights, eleventh; Chandlers and Brewers, twelfth; Mercers with two lights, thirteenth; Wyves with one light and John Blak with another, fourteenth; and all these lights shall be borne orderlie before the said procession before the prieste of the citie. And four lyghtes of the Brethren of St. John’s shall be borne about the Body of our Lord Jesus Christ, the same day in the procession aforesaid.”

Lastly, it may be well to give an instance of some of the laws under which the mediæval guild system was governed. For this purpose the Statutes of the “Guild of the Purification of our Lady” at Bury St. Edmund’s, which were revised and renewed in 1471, may be taken as a sample:—

1. All members were to swear obedience to the laws: were to pay 4d. on enrollment and 1d. to the light kept by the guild in the parish church: they must also get a surety to pay 10s. to the property of the fraternity on their death.

2. On becoming members all shall swear to fulfil the wills of John Smith and Margaret Odham, which were written in English at the beginning of the book, and which were to be read every year at the Guild dinner on February 2. After the dinner all members of the Guild shall kneel and say the De profundis and the “prayers that long therto” for the souls of the above founders.

3. All officers to be elected yearly.

4. All shall “have every year ther presens and speche daye at the charnell or in the churchyard in the day of the Epiphany for the ordynaunce and profit of the guylde. And yf any be absent of the sayde fraternytie but if he have a reasonable excuse he shall loose a pounde waxe.”

5. All shall come to the Guild hall “anent after evensonge the daye of the Purification to the beadesbydding and there devoutly to praye for all the brethrene and systerne sowles that have been in guylde aforesaide.” For absence a fine of a pound of wax.

6. On the death of any one member all shall attend at the “Exequye and Dirige.”

7. The Alderman and Dye (i.e. sword-bearer) shall have £10 to give a dinner to the Guild out of the “crease.” The £10 to be delivered to the next Alderman and Dye at election.

8. The Alderman and Dye to have for their trouble 3s. 4d., and one pound and a half of wax for a torch. Also the Alderman shall have 6 gallons of ale and the Dye 4 gallons, “and every eche of the four holders two gallons ale of the best of the guylde aforesaide.”

9. On the death of any member, all shall contribute ½d. to be disposed of to the poor by the Alderman.

10. If a brother is sick whilst the Guild is “holden” he shall have meat and drink also as well as the one present at the dinner.

11. The number of the brethren were not to exceed 32, that they must be “of goode name and fame.”

12. If any of the members “fall in stryfe together, ... they shall not pursue to judicial courte,” but notify it to the Alderman, who shall try to settle it and “bring them to accord.” If he cannot, “then they may goo to common law.”

13. If any brother “have anie need of our heres or lighte to any friend of his dead,” he may have them for the “common profit of the guylde.” If he take any other, he must pay a pound of wax.

14. Accounts to be passed every year by four auditors.

15. An unworthy member may be expelled by the “more part of the fraternity,” and any property he holds must be returned.

16. The Guild shall maintain 5 tapers, one of 5 lbs. and four of “five quarters,” burning in the Church of St. James; one shall burn each year at the sepulchre—“one year in the church of our Lady, and another year in the church of St. James.”

17. The fraternity shall sing a Mass on the Purification at one of the churches, at which each shall offer ¼d. for dead members.

18. The Alderman shall find a part of the high days in the Guild hall, that is, “all manner naperie to the sayde deyce or table longing; and also all manner stuffe to the firste messe except bread and ale. And the Dye, the charges in the kechen and the holders all the necessaries longing to the buttery, pantry and to the said tables in the guylde hall except bread and ale.”

19. All who hold any “Guylde Cattle” shall come to the Hall on the Sunday after the Assumption, and the Alderman, Dye and auditors shall have the roll of stock and the increase entered.

20. The Alderman and Dye “shall receive of two houses in Wellis street of the gift of Jeffery Glemes for the 2s. yerely, keeping the reparation of four alms-houses joining to them.”

21. Upon any alienation of the lands, etc., that John Smith gave to the town of Bury, the same shall be done with those which Margaret Odham gave to the Candlemas Guild, also those belonging to St. Mary’s aulter, to St. Thomas’ aulter and to the almshouses.

22. According to John Smith’s will, four of the feofees of the property to be chosen at Candlemas are to give account to the other feofees. They shall provide for the Dirge on St. Peter’s even at Midsummer and the Mass next day for J. S. and his wife Anne.

23. Those who have keys of the hutch or of the porch door of Guild are to bring them in at Candlemas, and they are to be given to those “who are considered best to keep them.”

In the foregoing chapters I have endeavoured to gather together from the scattered and frequently minute material which exists some illustrations of parochial life in mediæval times. The result must speak for itself; it is, I feel sure, as far as it goes, correct as to the outline of the picture. Had I not been anxious not to weary the reader by the very multiplicity and minuteness of the details, the result might have been perhaps more definite, and the lights and shades been more effective. As it is, however, my purpose has been accomplished if I have succeeded in interesting them in this description of the life led by our ancestors in a mediæval parish—a life so strangely and entirely different to that which now exists in the towns and villages of modern England. For “in the Middle Ages,” says a writer in a late number of The National Review, in a passage already referred to, “the conscious sharing in a world-wide tradition bound the local to the universal life, and through art and ritual the minds of the poor were familiarized with facts of the Christian faith. By our own poor I fear these facts are very dimly realized.”