The Great Pestilence (A.D. 1348-9), Now Commonly Known as the Black Death

by Francis Aidan Gasquet

The Great Pestilence (A.D. 1348–9), NOW COMMONLY KNOWN AS The Black Death.

BY FRANCIS AIDAN GASQUET, D.D., O.S.B.

London: SIMPKIN MARSHALL, HAMILTON, KENT & CO., Limited. 1893.

Lewes: SOUTH COUNTIES PRESS LIMITED.

CONTENTS.

• [To The Reader] xi
• [Introduction] xiii
• [CHAPTER I]. The Commencement of the Epidemic. First reports as to the sickness — General account of the epidemic in eastern countries — The great trade routes between Asia and Europe — The plague in the Crimea — Tartar siege of Caffa — Origin of the name "Black Death" — Symptoms of the disease — Constantinople is attacked; account of the epidemic by the Emperor Cantacuzene — Genoese traders carry the infection to Sicily — Effect in Messina and Catania 1–15
• [CHAPTER II]. The Epidemic in Italy. Date of the arrival of the infected ships at Genoa — Striking sameness in all accounts — De Mussi's account of the beginning of the plague in Italy, specially in Genoa and Piacenza — Boccaccio's description of it in Florence — This confirmed by the historian Villani — Progress of the disease in Italy — Pisa — Padua, Siena, etc. — Petrarch's letter on the epidemic at Parma — Venice and its doctors — Description of the desolation by Bohemian students 16–33
• [CHAPTER III]. Progress of the Plague in France. Its arrival at Marseilles — A Parisian doctor's account of the epidemic at Montpellier — Avignon is attacked and suffers terribly — Contemporary account of its ravages by a Canon of the Low Countries — Gui de Chauliac, the Pope's physician — Spread of the infection in every direction — William of Nargis' description of the mortality in Paris — Philip VI. consults the medical faculty — Normandy — Amiens — Account of Gilles Le Muisis, Abbot of Tournay — M. Siméon Luce on the conditions of popular life in France in the Fourteenth century — Agrarian troubles follow the epidemic 34–57
• [CHAPTER IV]. The Plague in Other European Countries. From Sicily the pestilence is carried to the Balearic islands — Majorca — The scourge in Spain — The shores of the Adriatic are visited — From Venice the wave passes into Austria and Hungary — It passes over the Alps into the Tyrol and Switzerland — Account of a Notary of Novara — From Avignon the epidemic is carried up the Rhone Valley to the Lake of Geneva — It visits Lucerne and Engelberg — Account of its ravages at Vienna — It goes from Basle up the valley of the Rhine — Frankfort — Bremen — From Flanders it passes into Holland — Denmark, Norway, and Sweden — Account of Wisby on the Island of Gotland — Labour difficulties consequent upon the epidemic 58–70
• [CHAPTER V]. The Plague Reaches England. Jersey and Guernsey are attacked — First Rumours of the epidemic in England — It is brought to Melcombe Regis in Dorsetshire — Discussion as to the date — Difficulty in dealing with figures in Middle Ages — Value of episcopal registers in giving institutions of beneficed clergy — Evidence of Patent Rolls — Institutions in Dorsetshire — Letter of the Bishop of Bath and Wells — Difficulty of obtaining clergy — Institutions in Somerset — Effect of the disease in the religious houses — Bristol — Evidence of the mortality in Devon and Cornwall — Institutions in the diocese of Exeter — Spread of mortality — Religious houses of the diocese 71–91
• [CHAPTER VI]. Progress of the Disease in London and the South. Rapidity of the spread of the epidemic — Date of its reaching London — The opening of new churchyards — Number of the dead in the capital — State of the city streets — Evidence of the wills of the Court of Hustings at this period — Westminster and other religious houses — St. Alban's — Institutions of clergy for Hertfordshire — Evidence as to the counties of Bedford, Buckingham, and Berks — Special value of the Inquisitiones post-mortem — State of various manors after the Plague — Institutions for the county of Bucks — The diocese of Canterbury — William Dene's account of the Rochester Diocese — Difficulty in finding priests — The diocese of Winchester — Bishop Edyndon's letter on the pestilence — Date of the epidemic in Hampshire — Troubles about the burying of the dead — Institutions for Hants — Institutions for the county of Surrey — Little information about Sussex 92–115
• [CHAPTER VII]. The Epidemic in Gloucester, Worcester, Warwick, and Oxford. Le Baker's account of the disease — Evidence of it in Wales — Account by Friar Clyn of the plague in Ireland — Institutions for Worcester — New burial ground in the city — State of the county after the plague — Institutions in Warwickshire — The city and county of Oxford — Effect on the university 116–127
• [CHAPTER VIII]. Story of the Disease in the Rest of England. Dr. Jessop's account of Norfolk and Suffolk — Institutions in the diocese of Norwich — Evidence of the court rolls — Norwich and its population — Yarmouth — The diocese of Ely — Preparations by the bishop — Institutions in the diocese — Cambridge — Decay of parishes consequent upon the mortality — Straits of the clergy — Huntingdon — Institutions in the county of Northampton — Effect on religious house of the county — Fall in the value of land — Leicestershire — Knighton upon the plague in the city of Leicester — Fall in prices — Labour difficulties — Staffordshire — Institutions in the diocese of Hereford — Shropshire — Evidence of Inquisitiones post-mortem — Chester — Accounts of the County Palatine — Derbyshire — Derby — Monasteries — Wakebridge and Drakelow — Nottinghamshire — Lincolnshire — Louth Park abbey — Yorkshire — Archbishop Zouche — Vacant livings — Deaths among superiors of religious houses — Meaux abbey — Deanery of Holderness — Doncaster — Hull — Lancashire — Amounderness — Westmoreland — Cumberland — Carlisle — Durham — Northumberland — Alnwick 128–161
• [CHAPTER IX]. The Desolation of the Country. Vacant livings in diocese of Salisbury — In Dorset and Wilts — Ivychurch priory — Manors ruined by plague — Somerset parsonages — Court roll of Gillingham, Dorset — Stockton, Wilts — Chedzoy, Bridgwater — Carthusians of Hinton and Witham — Exeter diocese — Lydford — North Cornwall — The Black Prince and his tenants — Essex benefices — Lands vacant — Rents lowered — Colchester wills — Talkeley priory — Chesthunt nunnery — Anglesey priory — Kent — Sussex — Hants — Isle of Wight — Surrey — Winchester cathedral priory — Hyde abbey — Nuns of St. Mary's abbey — of Romsey — Decrease among the mendicant friars of Winchester diocese — Debts at the cathedral — At Christchurch — Sandown hospital — Shireborne priory — Hayling Island — Taxation — Gloucester — Lantony priory — Horsleigh cell — Warwickshire — Wappenbury — Whitchurch — Bruerne abbey — St. Frideswide's at Oxford — Barlings 162–193
• [CHAPTER X]. Some Consequences of the Great Mortality. Estimate of population of England in 1377, and before the great pestilence — Social revolution — Dearth of labourers and artisans — The tenantry swept off — Rise in prices — State efforts to depress the working classes — A third of the land falls out of cultivation — Leasehold farming — Serfdom declines — Popular rising of 1381 practically emancipates the labourer — Growth of large landowners — English language spreads as French declines — Effects on architecture — Great works left unfinished — Statistics of clerical mortality — Effects on the Church — Old traditions perished — Decline of public liturgical worship — Young and aged, and inexperienced persons ordained priests — Curious examples of this — Great falling off in number of candidates for ordination at Winchester, Ely, Hereford — Decline of the universities — False views about the preponderance of regular clergy — After the Black Death their number relatively greater — Pluralities — Depopulation of monasteries — Instances cited — Wadding's explanation of Franciscan decadence — The Black Death, a calamity sudden, overwhelming, and of widespread effect 194–219

TO THE READER.

In publishing this story of a great and overwhelming calamity, which fell upon England in common with the rest of Europe, in the middle of the fourteenth century, I desire to record my grateful thanks to those who have in any way assisted me in gathering together my material, or in weaving it into a connected narrative. Amongst these many kind friends I may specially name Mr. F. Bickley, of the British Museum, Mr. F.J. Baigent, the Rev. Prebendary Hingeston-Randolph, and, above all, Mr. Edmund Bishop, to whom I am greatly indebted for advice, criticism, and ever-patient assistance in revising the proof-sheets.

INTRODUCTION.

[p-xiii]

The story of the Great Pestilence of 1348–9 has never been fully told. In fact, until comparatively recent times, little attention was paid to an event which, nevertheless, whether viewed in the magnitude of the catastrophe, or in regard to its far-reaching results, is certainly one of the most important in the history of our country.

Judged by the ordinary manuals, the middle of the fourteenth century appears as the time of England's greatest glory. Edward III. was at the very height of his renown. The crushing defeat of France at Crecy, in 1346, followed the next year by the taking of Calais, had raised him to the height of his fame. When, wearing the laurels of the most brilliant victory of the age, he landed at Sandwich, on October 14th, 1347, the country, or at least the English courtiers, seemed intoxicated by the success of his arms. "A new sun," says the chronicler Walsingham, "seemed to have arisen over the people, in the perfect peace, in the plenty of all things, and in the glory of such victories. [p-xiv] There was hardly a woman of any name who did not possess spoils of Caen, Calais and other French towns across the sea;" and the English matrons proudly decked themselves with the rich dresses and costly ornaments carried off from foreign households. This was, moreover, the golden era of chivalry, and here and there throughout the country tournaments celebrated with exceptional pomp the establishment of the Order of the Garter, instituted by King Edward to perpetuate the memory of his martial successes. It is little wonder, then, that the Great Pestilence, now known as the "Black Death," coming as it does between Crecy and Poitiers, and at the very time of the creation of the first Knights of the Garter, should seem to fall aside from the general narrative as though something apart from, and not consonant with, the natural course of events.

It is accordingly no matter for wonder that a classic like Hume, in common with our older writers on English history, should have dismissed the calamity in a few lines; but a reader may well feel surprise at finding that the late Mr. J. R. Green, who saw deeper into causes and effects than his predecessors, deals with the great epidemic in a scanty notice only as a mere episode in his account of the agricultural changes in the fourteenth century. Although he speaks generally of the death of one-half the population through the disease, he evidently has not realised the enormous effects, social and religious, which are directly traceable to the catastrophe.

Excellent articles, indeed, such as those from the pen of [p-xv] Professor Seebohm and Dr. Jessop, and chance pages in books on political and social economy, like those of the late Professor Thorold Rogers and Dr. Cunningham, have done much in our time to draw attention to the importance of the subject. Still, so far as I am aware, no writer has yet treated the plague as a whole, or, indeed, has utilised the material available for forming a fairly accurate estimate of its ravages. The collections for the present study had been entirely made when a book on the Epidemics in Britain, by Dr. Creighton, was announced, and, as a consequence, the work was set aside. On the appearance of Dr. Creighton's volume, however, it was found that, whilst treating this pestilence at considerable length as a portion of his general subject, not merely had it not entered into his design to utilise the great bulk of material to be found in the various records of the period, but the author had dealt with the matter from a wholly different point of view.

It is proper, therefore, to state why a detailed treatment of a subject, in itself so uninviting, is here undertaken. The pestilence of 1348–49, for its own sake, must necessarily be treated by the professional writer as an item in the general series of epidemics; but there are many reasons why it has never been dealt with in detail from the mere point of view of the historian. Yet an adequate realisation of its effects is of the first importance for the right understanding of the history of England in the later [p-xvi] Middle Ages. The "Black Death" inflicted what can only be called a wound deep in the social body, and produced nothing less than a revolution of feeling and practice, especially of religious feeling and practice. Unless this is understood, from the very circumstances of the case, we shall go astray in our interpretation of the later history of England. In truth, this great pestilence was a turning point in the national life. It formed the real close of the Mediæval period and the beginning of our Modern age. It produced a break with the past, and was the dawn of a new era. The sudden sweeping away of the population and the consequent scarcity of labourers, raised, it is well recognised, new and extravagant expectations in the minds of the lower classes; or, to use a modern expression, labour began then to understand its value and assert its power.

But there is another and yet more important result of the pestilence which, it would seem, is not sufficiently recognised. To most people, looking back into the past, the history of the Church during the Middle Ages in England appears one continuous and stately progress. It is much nearer to the truth to say that in 1351 the whole ecclesiastical system was wholly disorganised, or, indeed, more than half ruined, and that everything had to be built up anew. As regards education, the effect of the catastrophe on the body of the clergy was prejudicial beyond the power of calculation. To secure the most necessary public ministrations of the rites of religion the most inadequately-prepared subjects had to be accepted, and even [p-xvii] these could be obtained only in insufficient numbers. The immediate effect on the people was a religious paralysis. Instead of turning men to God the scourge turned them to despair, and this not only in England, but in all parts of Europe. Writers of every nation describe the same dissoluteness of manners consequent upon the epidemic. In time the religious sense and feeling revived, but in many respects it took a new tone, and its manifestations ran in new channels. If the change is to be described in brief, I should say that the religion of Englishmen, as it now manifested itself on the recovery of religion, and as it existed from that time to the Reformation, was characterised by a devotional and more self-reflective cast than previously. This is evidenced in particular by the rise of a whole school of spiritual writers, the beginnings of which had been already manifested in the writings of Hampole, himself a victim of the plague. It was subsequently developed by such writers as Walter Hilton and the authors of a mass of anonymous tracts, still in manuscript, which, in so far as they have attracted notice at all, have been commonly set down under the general designation of Wycliffite. The reason for this misleading classification is not difficult to understand. Finding on the one hand that these tracts are pervaded by a deeply religious spirit, and on the other being convinced that the religion of those days was little better than a mere formalism, the few persons who have hitherto paid attention to the subject have not hesitated to attribute them to the [p-xviii] "religious revival of the Lollards," and were naturally unable to believe them to be inspired by the teaching of "a Church shrivelled into a self-seeking secular priesthood."[1] The reader, who has a practical and personal experience of the tone, spirit, and teaching of works of Catholic piety, will, however, at once recognise that these tracts are perfect Catholic in tone, spirit, and doctrine, and differ essentially from those of men inspired by the teaching of Wycliffe.

The new religious spirit found outward expression in the multitude of guilds which sprang into existence at this time, in the remarkable and almost, as it may seem to some, extravagant development of certain pious practices, in the singular spread of a more personal devotion to the Blessed Sacrament, to the Blessed Virgin, to the Five Wounds, to the Holy Name, and other such manifestations of a more tender or more familiar piety. Even the very adornment and enrichment of the churches, so distinctive of this period, bears witness to the change. At the close of the fourteenth century and during the course of the fifteenth the supply of ornaments, furniture, plate, statues painted or in highly decked "coats," with which the churches were literally encumbered as time went on, proved a striking contrast to the comparative simplicity which characterised former days, as witnessed by a comparison of inventories. Moreover, the source of all this wealth and elaboration is [p-xvix] another indication of the change that had come over the country. Benefactions to the Church are no longer contributed entirely, or at least chiefly, by the great nobles, but they are now the gifts of the burgher folk and middle classes, and this very profusion corresponds, according to the ideas and feelings of those days, to the abundant material comfort which from the early years of the last century to the present has specially characterised the English homes of modern times. In fact, the fifteenth century witnessed the beginnings of a great middle-class movement, which can be distinctly traced to the effect of the great pestilence, and which, whether for good or for evil, was checked by the change of religion in the sixteenth century.

It is sufficient here to have indicated in the most general way the change which took place in the religious life of the English people and the new tendencies which manifested themselves. If the later religious history of the country is to be understood it is necessary to take this catastrophe, social and religious, as a starting-point, and to bring home to the mind the part the Black Death really played in the national history.

Merely to report what is said of England would tend to raise in the mind of the reader a certain incredulity. A short and rapid review has accordingly been made of the progress of the pestilence from Eastern Europe to these Western shores, and by this means the very distressing unanimity, even to definite forms of language, of writers [p-xx] who recorded events hundreds and even thousands of miles apart, brings home the reality of the catastrophe with irresistible force. The story, so far as England is concerned, is told at greater length, and the progress of the disease is followed as it swept from south to north and passed on to higher latitudes. The state of the country after the pestilence was over is then briefly described, and attention is called to some of the immediate results of the great plague, especially as bearing upon the Church life of the country.