CHAPTER XIX.

Dixon’s Ferry–Plight of Reynolds’ Messengers–Stillman’s Defeat.

Dixon’s Ferry, now Dixon, Illinois, at the period of this campaign consisted of a ferry, the simple flat-bottomed affair of those days, and a 90-foot log cabin, built in three sections, both owned by John Dixon. The patriarchal appearance of this old pioneer had brought to him the title “Na-chu-sa” from the Indians, meaning in the Winnebago dialect “Long hair white,” and from the whites “Father Dixon.” By his kindness, gentleness, honesty and courage he had won the love of every person, white and red, who had ever met him, and to those in the land who had not met him his reputation had extended, so that the mention of his name meant an overture for peace.

In the spring of 1827 his brother-in-law, O.W. Kellogg, broke a trail through the country from Peoria to Galena, to facilitate the rapidly increasing overland travel to the lead mines. “Kellogg’s trail,” as it was then called, crossed Rock River at this place, and in 1828, when Father Dixon received the contract for carrying the mails from Peoria to Galena and Gratiot’s Grove, he took with him from Peoria to Rock River a half-breed named Joseph Ogee,[[115]] who established a permanent, though unlicensed, ferry. Prospective competition or a friend must have suggested his laches in this respect, for on December 7, 1829, he received from Jo Daviess County, whose jurisdiction embraced all that section of country, the statutory license to operate the same. But by 1830 the restraint of a ferryman’s life had become so exceedingly irksome to one of his nomadic nature that Father Dixon was constrained to take it off his hands and remove his family thence, which he did, arriving there April 11, 1830.

When Ogee established his ferry he built a hut of logs, unfit for habitation to any but a rover like himself. The needs of Father Dixon’s family and increasing travel required something better, and this improvement he at once supplied by making additions, so that he soon had the comfortable house-store-hotel displayed in the illustration. He, with his family of wife and five children, from that time forward entertained travelers and traded with the Indians until the Indians were no more and travel many years later had become diverted to bridges and other thoroughfares made by the new and ever-multiplying settlements. He was made postmaster, and thenceforth Dixon’s Ferry was of commanding prominence in Illinois travel and Illinois geography. At this period, however, Father Dixon’s was the only family on Rock River above the old Black Hawk village.

On his march up the river Black Hawk camped one night near the Dixon cabin, and with Ne-a-pope and the Prophet ate with the family, Mrs. Dixon waiting upon them in a manner so courteous as completely to captivate Black Hawk and command from him thereafter his highest admiration. During this stop the family, after a careful observation, estimated the number of able-bodied warriors with the expedition to be 800, and that number was reported to the troops, which arrived there May 12. Under the order of April 16th from Governor Reynolds, Majors Stillman and Bailey recruited to their battalions the companies already named.

Leaving Pekin May 8th,[[116]] Bailey’s battalion reached Boyd’s Grove the first night out, where Stillman, with his three companies, joined them and all camped for the night. The following day, at Bureau Creek, another detachment under a Captain Bowman, which had been ranging through the country toward Dixon’s Ferry, joined these forces, reporting the theft of many of their horses by the Indians. At Dad Joe’s Grove the combined forces camped the second night, marching the following day (the 10th), across the present county of Lee to Dixon’s Ferry, where Reynolds and the militia joined them on the morning of the 12th.

The first act of the Governor was one of circumspection. Selecting from his ablest and most discreet officers Captain John Dement, Colonel James T.B. Stapp, Wyat B. Stapp, Major Joseph M. Chadwick and Benjamin Moore, and Louis Ouilmette, a French trader, thoroughly familiar with those parts and with Indian character, and who, with others, was waiting at Dixon’s Ferry, they were directed to start for Paw Paw Grove,[[117]] some forty miles to the southeast, in the present confines of Shabbona township, DeKalb County, and there have a “talk” with the Pottowatomies, whose village was at that place, and assure themselves of the positive neutrality of that nation.


CAPT. J.A. BALL.

LIEUT. EDWARD D. BAKER.

OTTAWA AT THE TIME OF THE WAR.


The prairies were covered with water, there were no roads, the day was dark and threatening, and, to frustrate their mission completely, a large party of Black Hawk’s band overtook them. The enemy undertook by every art known to savage tactics to lure the men into an ambush. To refute Black Hawk’s constant protestations of peace, this scouting party of his was discovered to be actively recruiting among the Pottowatomies and Winnebagoes. The attempts to decoy the messengers into the Indian camp were diplomatically avoided, and so was a pitched battle, which could only have resulted in annihilation of the whites. After forty-eight hours of ceaseless endeavor, without food, the party finally succeeded in reaching headquarters. By this time the forces of Stillman and Bailey were marching up the river on their ill-fated expedition.

There were at Dixon’s Ferry, when Reynolds arrived, several prominent men from the mining country, including Colonel James M. Strode, commander of the militia of Jo Daviess County, James W. Stephenson, William S. Hamilton, son of Alexander Hamilton, Col. Henry Gratiot and Louis Ouilmette, the trader. Colonel Henry Dodge of Michigan territory had organized a company to protect the frontier until he could communicate with Reynolds and systematically organize the mining district forces in a manner materially to assist the latter. James H. Gentry was captain of this company; Henry L. Dodge, son of Colonel Dodge, was elected first lieutenant; Paschal Bequette, a son-in-law, was elected second lieutenant, while Charles Bracken was aid to the colonel. The file consisted of some fifty men. This company of rangers, leaving Mineral Point May 8th, covered the northwestern frontier until Whiteside’s Brigade reached Dixon’s Ferry, and was camped on the north side of Rock River, not far from Black Hawk’s camp, when Whiteside and his troops reached that point. Here Colonel Dodge was keeping a watchful eye on Black Hawk’s every movement and warily awaiting the moment he could pounce down upon the old Indian if he saw fit to offer war,[[118]] an emergency which the intrepid little band was fully equal to.

Dodge saw the frightful consequences of an ill-advised expedition up Rock River and urged against it. Failure meant active co-operation with Black Hawk by the neutral and undecided Winnebagoes and Pottowatomies, and this in turn meant that the entire northwest frontier would be overrun with marauding bands and murderers.

But the impatient troops of Stillman and Bailey were ambitious to fight and would listen to no restraint. They had enlisted to kill “Injuns.” Nothing but a valorous conquest would receive their attention, and General Whiteside and Governor Reynolds were constrained to allow the following order to be issued:

“Headquarters Camp No. 10, Dixon’s Ferry,

“12th May, 1832.

“The troops under the command of Major Stillman, including the battalions of said Major Stillman and Major Bailey, will forthwith proceed with four days’ rations to the head of Old Man’s Creek, where it is supposed the hostile Sac Indians are assembled, for the purpose of taking all cautious measures to coerce said Indians into submission, and report themselves to this department as soon thereafter as practicable.

“By order of Brigadier Samuel Whiteside, commanding brigade of mounted volunteers.

“N. Buckmaster,

“Brigade-Major.”

Writers upon this subject have so stated before, and others have told the writer that such was the case here. Furthermore, a rankling jealousy existed between Stillman and Bailey, each contending that he should be the other’s superior and allowed the command of the combined troops. Governor Reynolds did his very best to harmonize the men by recognizing Stillman, but the rancorous hatred which existed among the troops for their rivals destroyed, in a great measure, their effectiveness.

On the morning of Sunday, the 13th of May, the two brigades marched up from Dixon’s Ferry for Old Man’s Creek. Many adventurous spirits from the main army were permitted to accompany the troops, as were a few others, like Colonel Strode, who wanted to see the “fun” which was promised. A baggage train of six wagons, drawn by oxen, guarded by about fifty men, under Mr. Hackelton of Fulton County, and bearing the four days’ rations, followed in the rear. The day was black and threatening, and before the battalions had proceeded ten miles a pelting rain compelled them to halt and camp for the night.[[119]] All through the night the rain continued, holding the troops there until the morning of the 14th was well advanced, when the march was resumed. About dark of the same day Old Man’s Creek was reached and crossed and the troops dismounted to camp for the night. The creek, then much swollen by recent rains, formed on the south side a disagreeable swamp. The object of crossing to the north side was to avoid this morass and also avail themselves of the natural advantages which the north side afforded for protection, as well as the more solid ground for camping.


DAVID HAACKE.

MONUMENT ON STILLMAN’S BATTLEFIELD.

ORDER MAY 25.


MAJ. ISAIAH STILLMAN.

MAJ. DAVID BAILEY.

WYATT B. STAPP.

OLIVER W. HALL.


The creek was lined on both sides with tall willows, while just a little to the north the ground was covered with a growth of small black oak trees, denominated generally scrub oak. These same “scrub oak,” grown to thrice the thickness of a man’s body, stand to this day, and, judging from a present-day standpoint, one can easily see how a handful of resolute men could defend themselves there against overwhelming odds. To the willows the horses were tied, fires were made, coffee pots put to boiling and a general preparation for supper was going forward, when three Indians appeared in camp bearing a white flag.[[120]] They were taken in, but in the haste of supper preparations and the absence of an interpreter, their mission, if for peace, was not discovered at once. As a matter of fact, however, Black Hawk had in his lifetime disregarded so many treaties and flags of truce, that it is no small wonder some of the men were for dispatching them on the spot. An abiding sense of his many misfeasances, no doubt, prompted him to station five other Indians on a neighboring hill, some three-quarters of a mile to the north, where they might watch and report the manner in which his flag was received. The presence of these five Indians on the hill, unexplained, may rightfully be styled a misprision, and sufficient to set the camp into a spasm of turmoil. About twenty of Eads’ men mounted their horses to charge the five Indians, who in turn wheeled to run away. This action was taken by the excited and undisciplined troops to mean a retreat, and Eads’ men immediately began firing upon their retiring foe. Other small squads joined the haphazard pursuit, in the course of which two of the five Indians were killed.

The camp became a bedlam, and while Stillman, Bailey, Adams, Eads and other officers tried desperately to restrain the troops and restore order, as well might they have commanded the rains to cease and the sun to return for half an hour as to have expected obedience from those raw and independent spirits. They were having the “fun” for which they had enlisted.

Black Hawk the while was at the mouth of the creek with half a hundred warriors, where he had been giving a dog feast to Shabbona, Waubansee and other influential Pottowatomies in his frantic efforts to secure reinforcements against the whites.

The interchange of shots ahead led those in camp to believe that a general engagement was upon them, whereupon Thomas B. Reed of Eads’ company shot down in cold blood one of the three bearers of the flag of truce, an offense so dastardly as to permit of no excuse. It may be urged that the troops were frenzied by excitement or dazed with the thought that the 800 Indians were coming down upon them like an avalanche, but such was not the case; it was part of the program of “fun” which impelled it. The confusion which followed permitted the two remaining Indians of the party of three to escape and join in the massacre of the whites which followed soon after. Squads of two, three and more continued to leave camp to join the chase, presenting in the twilight a thin and irregular line, without order and without a head, until nearly four miles were covered by these stragglers.

As had been adroitly arranged, no doubt, by the survivors of the party of five, the foremost of the pursuers were suddenly plunged into Black Hawk’s presence, behind a growth of chaparral at the mouth of the creek, where this wily old savage had arranged his braves, few in number, but many more than the first white arrivals, and the instant the whites appeared the Indians sent up whoops, shrieks and howls calculated to frighten even a brave man. As the savages dashed headlong into the advance column, or rather squad, of the whites, with the spirit and suddenness of an electric shock, the reckless pursuers realized their awful temerity, and the futility of fighting, even under careful protection and with the full strength of the battalions, what might be the 800 warriors known to belong to Black Hawk’s command.

Stunned by the sudden and furious onslaught of Black Hawk, the troops wheeled to retreat, yelling as they fled “Injuns! Injuns!” (like the madmen they now truly became), that their approaching comrades might in turn retreat to safety. In no time at all the cry had reached camp, which became as panic-stricken as the returning troopers.[[121]]

At the foot of the hill on which the five Indians had rested James Doty of Eads’ company was killed, and while many of the horses became mired in the mud of the creek, Gideon Munson, a Government scout, was also slain. As the troops came headlong on, Captain Adams,[[122]] than whom no braver man ever lived, attempted to make a stand with a handful of companions upon the brow of the hill which lies about half a mile to the south of the creek, to cover the retreat of the fugitives. Darkness was upon them and they had no reason to believe that less than the full force of 800 was upon them, yet they stood their ground to sell their lives as dearly as possible to save those who by the delay might reach points of safety.


STILLMAN’S BATTLEFIELD.


JOHN E. BRISTOL.

ALFRED HAINES.

JONATHAN HAINES.

LIEUT. ASAHEL GRIDLEY.


The moonlight was only sufficient to confuse the panic-stricken troops still more, and in that heroic fight unto death which Captain Adams and his men made, he scarcely knew whether he was fighting friend or foe. In the gloaming the conflict went on, and in the darkness of the night, while the scattering forces were safely fleeing on to Dixon’s Ferry, Captain Adams and his little band fell one by one, until the last man bit the dust, and then a scene of malignant deviltry almost incredible was perpetrated.[[123]] Mr. Oliver W. Hall of Carlinville, Illinois, who was present on the field the following day, wrote a brief description of it as follows:

“We were camped at Dixon’s Ferry at the time of Stillman’s defeat. Now Stillman had about two hundred and seventy-five well-mounted men, with baggage wagons, and he started out on his own accord, camping late in the evening on the north side of that little creek. The ford was just above, where the willows stood thick on each side of the creek. While Stillman’s men were cooking supper, three or four Indians on their ponies rode up on that high hill just north of Stillman’s camp, about sundown, and five or six of Stillman’s men caught their horses and ran them to where the Indians were in camp, in the timber, about a mile and a half from Stillman’s camp, north. The Indians killed one of our men and ran the balance of them into camp. The first that Stillman knew of any danger was when the Indians came yelling over that high hill just north of Stillman’s camp, and it was a perfect stampede with Stillman’s men. Some of them got their horses, but lots of them got away on foot, and after the Indians had killed eleven of our men they went back to Stillman’s camp and cut the spokes out of the wagons and poured out a barrel of whisky. Well, we lay on our arms the next night on the south side of the creek, for we had left our tents at Dixon’s Ferry, as we had to go back to meet the boat to get our rations. There were twenty-five hundred of us with shotguns and rifles and muskets, all flintlocks, and we were mounted, all but two or three companies. We picked up nine dead men as we came up from Dixon’s Ferry on a forced march the next morning after Stillman’s defeat. The last two that we found were Major Perkins and Captain Adams,[[124]] with both their heads cut off and their heads skinned all over and left by them. We found them on that descent as you go down to the creek from the high land, about half way down, and we buried nine men in one grave about two hundred yards southwest of those willows, just below the ford and on sideling ground, not as far south as the top of the hill. We buried one young man about three-quarters of a mile north of Stillman’s camp (if true, this was James Doty), where he was found, and another young man about one-half a mile east, where he was found. (This was Gideon Munson.)

“Now the road crossed the creek just east of those willows, where there were a few scattering, scrubby trees. The nine men were buried about two hundred yards southwest of those willows and on the west side of the road leading to Dixon’s Ferry. We never knew how many Indians there were.”

If the statement concerning Doty and Munson is true, then but eight men could have been buried in the common grave, because but twelve were killed, and two were buried to the south. The fact is, Munson was buried in this one grave.

The names of Captain Adams’ companions were David Kreeps, Zadock Mendinall and Isaac (nicknamed Major) Perkins, of Captain Adams’ company; James Milton of Captain Pugh’s company; Tyrus M. Childs, Joseph B. Farris and Corporal Bird W. Ellis of Captain David W. Barnes company, and Sergeant John Walters of Captain Ball’s company.

Joseph Draper of Captain Covell’s company was also shot and his body found five miles due south of the battlefield, on what is now known as Mrs. George F. Smith’s farm, where it was buried.

Young Ellis, who was but a boy in years, was able to crawl two and a half miles south of the battlefield, where his body was found beside a strapping Indian, who had demanded his life, though it was then ebbing away. In this enfeebled condition he fought and killed his antagonist, sinking into death soon after. Ellis was buried on the spot, now the farm of Mr. A.C. Brown.

The death of Private Joseph Draper was particularly pathetic, and is narrated in the historical records of McLean County as follows:

“In the confusion resulting from Black Hawk’s attack, Draper lost his horse. A comrade, John Lundy, took Draper onto his horse. While retreating they found a stray horse which Draper insisted upon mounting. It had no saddle or bridle, but it was supposed it would follow the other horses; instead, it turned and ran toward the Indians, who shot Draper. He fell from the horse, crawled off into the underbrush, where his body was found by the burial party. He had written on his canteen an account of his wounds. No copy of the writing on his canteen has been preserved.”

It would scarcely seem credible that a man in full possession of his faculties would remain on a horse running toward the enemy instead of dropping off to seek the shelter of the bushes and secrete his sound body, especially in the light of the fact that he was able securely to hide himself when wounded, but so it must have been in that fearful panic, because his comrade, Lundy, has vouched for the first part of the story and the man’s canteen told the rest; and the words of a dying man cannot be doubted, particularly when alone in the night, miles away from friends and ministering care, with the raw and desolate prairie for a bed, howling wolves and Indians prowling near and the rough winds of spring about to blow his spirit into eternity.

After five miles’ pursuit, the Indians abandoned it to return to mutilate the bodies, as described by Mr. Hall, but the whites continued their flight, running, riding, yelling, crying, hopelessly crazed, until Dixon’s Ferry was reached in the early hours of the morning of the 15th. Others who became confused in the darkness, and deflected to the south, never stopped until the Illinois River had been reached at a point near the present city of Ottawa. From here they scattered (some forty) for their homes.

It was a clear case of panic. Men were crazed. They who in a sober moment would have walked straight to death without a protest; they who would bend to no command of a superior officer; they who would not obey or follow, were driven as easily as a flock of panic-stricken sheep. It has been said and written that whisky was the cause of this unfortunate rout, but this is hopelessly improbable in the face of the fact that but two casks were taken with the baggage train to be consumed by 275 men, who lived in a whisky drinking age, when five or ten drinks, more or less, made little difference in a daily average. Mr. John E. Bristol, of Eads’ company, who at ninety-one is alive and hearty to-day, vouches for the truth of this assertion and the other one that but two small casks were taken along. Mr. Hall specifically states that one cask was emptied by the Indians, and Black Hawk makes the same statement, therefore it is certain that whisky cut no figure in the panic.


ELISHA DIXON.

WILLIAM DIMMETT.

LEVI DANLEY.

JAMES BENSON.


THOMAS O. RUTLEDGE.

MRS. E.B. BAKER.

LEWIS ROSS.

REV. REDDICK HORN.


In justice to Stillman, his version of the affair, published in “The Missouri Republican” of July 10th, 1832, should be given:

“To the Editors of the Missouri Republican: Gentlemen–I have this day discovered in your paper of the 22d ult. an account of the engagement between the men under my command and the hostile Sac and other Indians on the Rock River. Finding that statement altogether incorrect, I take the liberty to give an outline of the transaction, which I am compelled to do in the utmost haste.

“On the 12th I received orders from His Excellency, John Reynolds, Commander-in-Chief, etc., to march immediately from Dixon’s Ferry to what is commonly known as Old Man’s Creek, about 30 miles distant, and coerce the said hostile Indians into subjection. We took up our march on the 13th, and on the 14th, at 2 o’clock, one of our spies discovered two Indians on our left. The Indians immediately fired on him, and undertook to make their escape by swimming Rock River; this, however, they did not succeed in; our spy brought his gun to bear on the forward one, who was tumbled into the river–the horse immediately turned his course and swam back, the surviving Indian being, from the unmanageable disposition of his horse, compelled to follow until he shared the fate of his companion. Both horses were brought in. We reached our camping ground on the north side of Old Man’s Creek about 6 o’clock, after having used every precaution to guard against being deceived by the Indians, having kept out the most experienced spies and a very strong guard front, rear and flank, during the day. Soon after our arrival we discovered a small party of men in our advance, supposed at this time to be a part of our front guard. Lieutenant Gridley being then mounted, passed up a ravine for the purpose of ascertaining. It was soon after, however, ascertained that our spies with the whole of our advance guard had come in. Captain Covell with a party detached, followed. On the approach of Lieutenant Gridley, while rising the bluff, the Indians faced and leveled their guns. When prudence directed a return, the Indians pursued and were met by Captain Covell at nearly the same moment, when the fire was exchanged without effect. The Indians retreated and were pursued. Three were killed and three taken, with a loss of one of our men (as supposed). Our men were all immediately formed and took their march in the direction of Sycamore Creek, five miles above. After marching about three miles an Indian appeared and made signs of peace. I was informed of the fact, and orders were given for a halt. Myself, together with most of the field and staff officers advanced with Captain Eads as interpreter. We were soon informed that the Indians would surrender in case they would be treated as prisoners of war. This was promised them, and they returned with the intelligence, after promising to meet us at a specified point. On arriving at that point, however, no Indians appeared to make the proposed treaty, which convinced us of treachery.

“Directions were immediately given for our men to advance, while Captain Eads proceeded a few yards alone to make further discoveries. On reaching Sycamore Bluff, the Indians were discovered in martial order; their line extended a distance of nearly two miles, and under rapid march. Their signals were given for battle–war-whoops were heard in almost every direction–their flanks extending from one creek to the other. Orders were given for a line of battle to be formed on the south of the marsh between the two creeks, while the Indians were advancing with the utmost rapidity; their fire was tremendous, but on account of the distance, of little effect. Night was closing upon us in the heart of an Indian country, and the only thing to brighten our prospects, the light of our guns. Both officers and men conducted themselves with prudence and deliberation, until compelled to give ground to the superior foe, when the order for a retrograde movement was given, and our men formed in Old Man’s Creek. Here a desperate attempt was made by the Indians to outflank us and cut off our retreat, which proved ineffectual, some clubbing with their fire-locks, others using their tomahawks and spears.

“A party of our men crossed the creek, and with much difficulty silenced their fire, which made a way for the retreat of our whole party, which was commenced and kept up, with few exceptions, in good order.

“Many of our officers and men having been in the battles of Tippecanoe, Bridgewater, Chippewa and Ft. Erie, have never faced a more desperate enemy. Having had the advantages of ground, the enemy being on an eminence, operated much in our favor. In passing Old Man’s Creek many of them got their guns wet and were deprived of the use of them. Our force consisted of 206 men; that of the Indians not known, but consisting of a whole hostile band. Eleven of our men were killed, 5 wounded, with a loss of 34 to the enemy. From report, their encampment consisted of 160 lodges. Our men mostly arrived at Dixon’s Ferry about 3 o’clock a.m., and it is to be hoped that in a short time the number of troops stationed at that point and elsewhere will be able to bring them into subjection, and relieve our frontier from a much dreaded foe.

“I am, with much respect, your obedient servant,

“I. Stillman,

“Brig.-Gen. 5 Brig., Ill. Mil. and Act. Maj. N. Ill. Vol.

“In Camp, 19 June, 1832”

It cannot be said of this explanation that it offers any extenuating circumstances for that inglorious retreat or that abandonment by Stillman’s men of gallant Captain Adams and his men to fight it out alone and die.[[125]]


WILLIAM McCULLOUGH.

JAMES K. ORENDORF.

WILLIAM COPES.

WILLIAM McKEE.


JOHN A. WAKEFIELD.

COL. JAMES M. STRODE.

SERGT. FRED STAHL.

CAPT. MILTON M. MAUGHS.