THE GREAT BATTLE OF PITTSBURG LANDING.
A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF ONE OF THE GREATEST AND MOST SANGUINARY BATTLES OF THE CIVIL WAR—TERRIBLE LOSS OF LIFE—GALLANT ACTION OF THE FIRST MINNESOTA BATTERY—DEATH OF CAPT. W.H. ACKER.
The battle of Pittsburg Landing on the 6th and 7th of April, 1862, was one of the most terrific of the many great battles of the great Civil war. It has been likened to the battle of Waterloo. Napoleon sought to destroy the army of Wellington before a junction could be made with Blucher. Johnston and Beauregard undertook to annihilate the Army of the Tennessee, under Gen. Grant, before the Army of the Cumberland, under Buell, could come to his assistance. At the second battle of Bull Run Gen. Pope claimed that Porter was within sound of his guns, yet he remained inactive. At Pittsburg Landing it was claimed by military men that Gen. Buell could have made a junction with Grant twenty-four hours sooner and thereby saved a terrible loss of life had he chosen to do so. Both generals were subsequently suspended from their commands and charges of disloyalty were made against them by many newspapers in the North. Gen. Porter was tried by court-martial and dismissed from the service. Many years after this decision was revoked by congress and the stigma of disloyalty removed from his name. Gen. Buell was tried by court-martial, but the findings of the court were never made public. Gen. Grant did not think Gen. Buell was guilty of the charges against him, and when he became commander-in-chief of the army in 1864 endeavored to have him restored to his command, but the war department did not seem inclined to do so. About two weeks before the battle of Pittsburg Landing Gen. Grant was suspended from the command of the Army of the Tennessee by Gen. Halleck, but owing to some delay in the transmission of the order, an order came from headquarters restoring him to his command before he knew that he had been suspended. Gen. Grant's success at Fort Henry and Fort Donelson made his superiors jealous of his popularity. He was ordered arrested by Gen. McClellan, but the order was held up by the war department until Gen. Grant could be heard from. The reason for his arrest was that he went to Nashville to consult with Buell without permission of the commanding general. Dispatches sent to Grant for information concerning his command was never delivered to him, but were delivered over to the rebel authorities by a rebel telegraph operator, who shortly afterward joined the Confederate forces.
Many years after the war Gen. Badeau, one of Grant's staff officers, was in search of information for his "History of Grant's Military Campaigns," and he unearthed in the archives of the war department the full correspondence between Halleck, McClellan and the secretary of war, and it was not until then that Gen. Grant learned the full extent of the absurd accusations made against him.
After the battle of Pittsburg Landing Gen. Halleck assumed personal command of all the forces at that point and Gen. Grant was placed second in command, which meant that he had no command at all. This was very distasteful to Gen. Grant and he would have resigned his commission and returned to St. Louis but for the interposition of his friend, Gen. W.T. Sherman. Gen. Grant had packed up his belongings and was about to depart when Gen. Sherman met him at his tent and persuaded him to refrain. In a short time Halleck was ordered to Washington and Grant was made commander of the Department of West Tennessee, with headquarters at Memphis. Gen. Grant's subsequent career proved the wisdom of Sherman's entreaty.
When Gen. Halleck assumed command he constructed magnificent fortifications, and they were a splendid monument to his engineering skill, but they were never occupied. He was like the celebrated king of France, who "with one hundred thousand men, marched up the hill and then down again." Gen. Halleck had under his immediate command more than one hundred thousand well equipped men, and the people of the North looked to him to administer a crushing blow to the then retreating enemy. The hour had arrived—the man had not.
"Flushed with the victory of Forts Henry and Donelson," said the envious Halleck in a dispatch to the war department, previous to the battle, "the army under Grant at Pittsburg Landing was more demoralized than the Army of the Potomac after the disastrous defeat of Bull Run."
Soon after the battle the venerable Gen. Scott predicted that the war would soon be ended—that thereafter there would be nothing but guerrilla warfare at interior points. Gen. Grant himself in his memoirs says that had the victory at Pittsburg Landing been followed up and the army been kept intact the battles at Stone River, Chattanooga and Chickamauga would not have been necessary.
Probably the battle of Pittsburg Landing was the most misunderstood and most misrepresented of any battle occurring during the war. It was charged that Grant was drunk; that he was far away from the battleground when the attack was made, and was wholly unprepared to meet the terrible onslaught of the enemy in the earlier stages of the encounter. Gen. Beauregard is said to have stated on the morning of the battle that before sundown he would water his horses in the Tennessee river or in hell. That the rebels did not succeed in reaching the Tennessee was not from lack of dash and daring on their part, but was on account of the sturdy resistance and heroism of their adversaries. According to Gen. Grant's own account of the battle, though suffering intense pain from a sprained ankle, he was in the saddle from early morning till late at night, riding from division to division, giving directions to their commanding officers regarding the many changes in the disposition of their forces rendered necessary by the progress of the battle. The firm resistance made by the force under his command is sufficient refutation of the falsity of the charges made against him. Misunderstanding of orders, want of co-operation of subordinates as well as superiors, and rawness of recruits were said to have been responsible for the terrible slaughter of the Union forces on the first day of the battle.
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The battle of Pittsburg Landing is sometimes called the battle of Shiloh, some of the hardest lighting having been done in the vicinity of an old log church called the Church of Shiloh, about three miles from the landing.
The battle ground traversed by the opposing forces occupied a semi-circle of about three and a half miles from the town of Pittsburg, the Union forces being stationed in the form of a semi-circle, the right resting on a point north of Crump's Landing, the center being directly in front of the road to Corinth, and the left extending to the river in the direction of Harrisburg—a small place north of Pittsburg Landing. At about 2 o'clock on Sunday morning, Col. Peabody of Prentiss' division, fearing that everything was not right, dispatched a body of 400 men beyond the camp for the purpose of looking after any body of men which might be lurking in that direction. This step was wisely taken, for a half a mile advance showed a heavy force approaching, who fired upon them with great slaughter. This force taken by surprise, was compelled to retreat, which they did in good order under a galling fire. At 6 o'clock the fire had become general along the entire front, the enemy having driven in the pickets of Gen. Sherman's division and had fallen with vengeance upon three Ohio regiments of raw recruits, who knew nothing of the approach of the enemy until they were within their midst. The slaughter on the first approach of the enemy was very severe, scores falling at every discharge of rebel guns. It soon became apparent that the rebel forces were approaching in overwhelming numbers and there was nothing left for them to do but retreat, which was done with considerable disorder, both officers and men losing every particle of their baggage, which fell into rebel hands.
At 8:30 o'clock the fight had become general, the second line of divisions having received the advance in good order and made every preparation for a suitable reception of the foe. At this time many thousand stragglers, many of whom had never before heard the sound of musketry, turned their backs to the enemy, and neither threats or persuasion could induce them to turn back. The timely arrival of Gen. Grant, who had hastened up from Savannah, led to the adoption of measures that put a stop to this uncalled-for flight from the battle ground. A strong guard was placed across the thoroughfare, with orders to hault every soldier whose face was turned toward the river, and thus a general stampede was prevented. At 10 o'clock the entire line on both sides was engaged in one of the most terrible battles ever known in this country. The roar of the cannon and musketry was without intermission from the main center to a point extending halfway down the left wing. The great struggle was most upon the forces which had fallen back on Sherman's position. By 11 o'clock quite a number of the commanders of regiments had fallen, and in some instances not a single field officer remained; yet the fighting continued with an earnestness that plainly showed that the contest on both sides was for death or victory. The almost deafening sound of artillery and the rattle of musketry was all that could be heard as the men stood silently and delivered their fire, evidently bent on the work of destruction which knew no bounds. Foot by foot the ground was contested, a single narrow strip of open land dividing the opponents. Many who were maimed fell back without help, while others still fought in the ranks until they were actually forced back by their company officers. Finding it impossible to drive back the center of our column, at 12 o'clock the enemy slackened fire upon it and made a most vigorous effort on our left wing, endeavoring to drive it to the river bank at a point about a mile and a half above Pittsburg Landing. With the demonstration of the enemy upon the left wing it was soon seen that all their fury was being poured out upon it, with a determination that it should give way. For about two hours a sheet of fire blazed both columns, the rattle of musketry making a most deafening noise. For about an hour it was feared that the enemy would succeed in driving our forces to the river bank, the rebels at times being plainly seen by those on the main landing below. While the conflict raged the hottest in this quarter the gunboat Tyler passed slowly up the river to a point directly opposite the enemy and poured in a broadside from her immense guns. The shells went tearing and crashing through the woods, felling trees in their course and spreading havoc wherever they fell. The explosions were fearful, the shells falling far inland, and they struck terror to the rebel force. Foiled in this attempt, they now made another attack on the center and fought like tigers. They found our lines well prepared and in full expectation of their coming. Every man was at his post and all willing to bring the contest to a definite conclusion. In hourly expectation of the arrival of reinforcements, under Generals Nelson and Thomas of Buell's army, they made every effort to rout our forces before the reinforcements could reach the battle ground. They were, however, fighting against a wall of steel. Volley answered volley and for a time the battle of the morning was re-enacted on the same ground and with the same vigor on both sides. At 5 o'clock there was a short cessation in the firing of the enemy, their lines falling back on the center for about half a mile. They again wheeled and suddenly threw their entire force upon the left wing, determined to make the final struggle of the day in that quarter. The gunboat Lexington in the meantime had arrived from Savannah, and after sending a message to Gen. Grant to ascertain in which direction the enemy was from the river, the Lexington and Tyler took a position about half a mile above the river landing, and poured their shells up a deep ravine reaching to the river on the right. Their shots were thick and fast and told with telling effect. In the meantime Gen. Lew Wallace, who had taken a circuitous route from Crump's Landing, appeared suddenly on the left wing of the rebels. In face of this combination the enemy felt that their bold effort was for the day a failure and as night was about at hand, they slowly fell back, fighting as they went, until they reached an advantageous position, somewhat in the rear, yet occupying the main road to Corinth. The gunboats continued to send their shells after them until they were far beyond reach. This ended the engagement for the day. Throughout the day the rebels evidently had fought with the Napoleonic idea of massing their entire force on weak points of the enemy, with the intention of braking through their lines, creating a panic and cutting off retreat.
The first day's battle, though resulting in a terrible loss of Union troops, was in reality a severe disappointment to the rebel leaders. They fully expected, with their overwhelming force to annihilate Grant's army, cross the Tennessee river and administer the same punishment to Buell, and then march on through Tennessee, Kentucky and into Ohio. They had conceived a very bold movement, but utterly failed to execute it.
Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston, commander of the Confederate forces, was killed in the first day's battle, being shot while attempting to induce a brigade of unwilling Confederates to make a charge on the enemy.
Gen. Buell was at Columbia, Tenn., on the 19th of March with a veteran force of 40,000 men, and it required nineteen days for him to reach the Tennessee river, eighty-five miles distant, marching less than five miles a day, notwithstanding the fact that he had been ordered to make a junction with Grant's forces as soon as possible, and was well informed of the urgency of the situation.
During the night steamers were engaged in carrying the troops of Nelson's division across the river. As soon as the boats reached the shore the troops immediately left, and, without music, took their way to the advance of the left wing of the Union forces. They had come up double quick from Savannah, and as they were regarded as veterans, the greatest confidence was soon manifest as to the successful termination of the battle. With the first hours of daylight it was evident that the enemy had also been strongly reinforced, for, notwithstanding they must have known of the arrival of new Union troops, they were first to open the ball, which they did with considerable alacrity. The attacks that began came from the main Corinth road, a point to which they seemed strongly attached, and which at no time did they leave unprotected. Within half an hour from the first firing in the morning the contest then again spread in either direction, and both the main and left wings were not so anxious to fight their way to the river bank as on the previous day, having a slight experience of what they might expect if again brought under the powerful guns of the Tyler and Lexington. They were not, however, lacking in activity, and they were met by our reinforced troops with an energy that they did not anticipate. At 9 o'clock the sound of the artillery and musketry fully equaled that of the day before. It now became evident that the rebels were avoiding our extreme left wing, and were endeavoring to find a weak point in our line by which they could turn our force and thus create a panic. They left one point but to return to it immediately, and then as suddenly would direct an assault upon a division where they imagined they would not be expected. The fire of the united forces was as steady as clockwork, and it soon became evident that the enemy considered the task they had undertaken a hopeless one. Notwithstanding continued repulses, the rebels up to 11 o'clock had given no evidence of retiring from the field. Their firing had been as rapid and vigorous at times as during the most terrible hours of the previous day. Generals Grant, Buell, Nelson and Crittenden were present everywhere directing the movements on our part for a new strike against the foe. Gen. Lew Wallace's division on the right had been strongly reinforced, and suddenly both wings of our army were turned upon the enemy, with the intention of driving the immense body into an extensive ravine. At the same time a powerful battery had been stationed upon an open field, and they poured volley after volley into the rebel ranks and with the most telling effect. At 11:30 o'clock the roar of battle almost shook the earth, as the Union guns were being fired with all the energy that the prospect of ultimate victory inspired. The fire from the enemy was not so vigorous and they began to evince a desire to withdraw. They fought as they slowly moved back, keeping up their fire from their artillery and musketry, apparently disclaiming any notion that they thought of retreating. As they retreated they went in excellent order, halting at every advantageous point and delivering their fire with considerable effect. At noon it was settled beyond dispute that the rebels were retreating. They were making but little fire, and were heading their center column for Corinth. From all divisions of our lines they were closely pursued, a galling fire being kept up on their rear, which they returned at intervals with little or no effect. From Sunday morning until Monday noon not less than three thousand cavalry had remained seated In their saddles on the hilltop overlooking the river, patiently awaiting the time when an order should come for them to pursue the flying enemy. That time had now arrived and a courier from Gen. Grant had scarcely delivered his message before the entire body was in motion. The wild tumult of the excited riders presented a picture seldom witnessed on a battlefield. Gen. Grant himself led the charge.
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Gen. Grant, in his memoirs, summarizes the results of the two days' fighting as follows: "I rode forward several miles the day of the battle and found that the enemy had dropped nearly all of their provisions and other luggage in order to enable them to get off with their guns. An immediate pursuit would have resulted in the capture of a considerable number of prisoners and probably some guns…." The effective strength of the Union forces on the morning of the 6th was 33,000 men. Lew Wallace brought 5,000 more after nightfall. Beauregard reported the rebel strength at 40,955. Excluding the troops who fled, there was not with us at any time during the day more than 25,000 men in line. Our loss in the two days' fighting was 1,754 killed, 8,408 wounded and 2,885 missing. Beauregard reported a total loss of 10,699, of whom 1,728 were killed, 8,012 wounded and 957 missing.
On the first day of the battle Gen. Prentiss, during a change of position of the Union forces, became detached from the rest of the troops, and was taken prisoner, together with 2,200 of his men. Gen. W.H.L. Wallace, division commander, was killed in the early part of the struggle.
The hardest fighting during the first day was done in front of the divisions of Sherman and McClernand. "A casualty to Sherman," says Gen. Grant, "that would have taken him from the field that day would have been a sad one for the Union troops engaged at Shiloh. And how near we came to this! On the 6th Sherman was shot twice, once in the hand, once in the shoulder, the ball cutting his coat and making a slight wound, and a third ball passed through his hat. In addition to this he had several horses shot during the day."
During the second day of the battle Gen. Grant, Col. McPherson and Maj. Hawkins got beyond the left of our troops. There did not appear to be an enemy in sight, but suddenly a battery opened on them from the edge of the woods. They made a hasty retreat and when they were at a safe distance halted to take an account of the damage. In a few moments Col. McPherson's horse dropped dead, having been shot just back of the saddle. A ball had passed through Maj. Hawkins' hat and a ball had struck the metal of Gen. Grant's sword, breaking it nearly off.
On the first day of the battle about 6,000 fresh recruits who had never before heard the sound of musketry, fled on the approach of the enemy. They hid themselves on the river bank behind the bluff, and neither command nor persuasion could induce them to move. When Gen. Buell discovered them on his arrival he threatened to fire on them, but it had no effect. Gen. Grant says that afterward those same men proved to be some of the best soldiers in the service.
Gen. Grant, in his report, says he was prepared with the reinforcements of Gen. Lew Wallace's division of 5,000 men to assume the offensive on the second day of the battle, and thought he could have driven the rebels back to their fortified position at Corinth without the aid of Buell's army.
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At banquet hall, regimental reunion or campfire, whenever mention is made of the glorious record of Minnesota volunteers in the great Civil war, seldom, if ever, is the First Minnesota battery given credit for its share in the long struggle. Probably very few of the present residents of Minnesota are aware that such an organization existed. This battery was one of the finest organizations that left the state during the great crisis. It was in the terrible battle of Pittsburg Landing, the siege of Vicksburg, in front of Atlanta and in the great march from Atlanta to the sea, and in every position in which they were placed they not only covered themselves with glory, but they were an honor and credit to the state that sent them. The First Minnesota battery, light artillery, was organized at Fort Snelling in the fall of 1861, and Emil Munch was made its first captain. Shortly after being mustered in they were ordered to St. Louis, where they received their accoutrements, and from there they were ordered to Pittsburg Landing, arriving at the latter place late in February, 1862. The day before the battle, they were transferred to Prentiss' division of Grant's army. On Sunday morning, April 6, the battery was brought out bright and early, preparing for inspection. About 7 o'clock great commotion was heard at headquarters, and the battery was ordered to be ready to march at a moment's notice. In about ten minutes they were ordered to the front, the rebels having opened fire on the Union forces. In a very short time rebel bullets commenced to come thick and fast, and one of their number was killed and three others wounded. It soon became evident that the rebels were in great force in front of the battery, and orders were issued for them to choose another position. At about 11 o'clock the battery formed in a new position on an elevated piece of ground, and whenever the rebels undertook to cross the field in front of them the artillery raked them down with frightful slaughter. Several times the rebels placed batteries In the timber at the farther end of the field, but in each instance the guns of the First battery dislodged them before they could get into position. For hours the rebels vainly endeavored to break the lines of the Union forces, but in every instance they were repulsed with frightful loss, the canister mowing them down at close range. About 5 o'clock the rebels succeeded in flanking Gen. Prentiss and took part of his force prisoners. The battery was immediately withdrawn to an elevation near the Tennessee river, and it was not long before firing again commenced and kept up for half an hour, the ground fairly shaking from the continuous firing on both sides of the line. At about 6 o'clock the firing ceased, and the rebels withdrew to a safe distance from the landing. The casualties of the day were three killed and six wounded, two of the latter dying shortly afterward. The fight at what was known as the "hornet's nest" was most terrific, and had not the First battery held out so heroically and valiantly the rebels would have succeeded in forcing a retreat of the Union lines to a point dangerously near the Tennessee river. Capt. Munch's horse received a bullet In his head and fell, and the captain himself received a wound in the thigh, disabling him from further service during the battle. After Capt. Munch was wounded Lieut. Pfaender took command of the battery, and he had a horse shot from under him during the day. On the morning of April 7, Gen. Buell having arrived, the battery was held in reserve and did not participate in the battle that day. The First battery was the only organization from Minnesota engaged in the battle, and their conduct in the fiercest of the struggle, and in changing position in face of fire from the whole rebel line, was such as to receive the warmest commendation from the commanding officer. It was the first battle in which they had taken part, and as they had only received their guns and horses a few weeks before, they had not had much opportunity for drill work. Their terrible execution at critical times convinced the rebels that they had met a foe worthy of their steel.
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Among the many thousands left dead and dying on the blood-stained field of Pittsburg Landing there was one name that was very dear in the hearts of the patriotic people of St. Paul,—a name that was as dear to the people of St. Paul as was the memory of the immortal Ellsworth to the people of Chicago. Capt. William Henry Acker, while marching at the head of his company, with uplifted sword and with voice and action urging on his comrades to the thickest of the fray, was pierced in the forehead by a rebel bullet and fell dead upon the ill-fated field.
Before going into action Capt. Acker was advised by his comrades not to wear his full uniform, as he was sure to be a target for rebel bullets, but the captain is said to have replied that if he had to die he would die with his harness on. Soon after forming his command into line, and when they had advanced only a few yards, he was singled out by a rebel sharpshooter and instantly killed—the only man in the. company to receive fatal injuries. "Loved, almost adored, by the company," says one of them, writing of the sad event, "Capt. Acker's fall cast a deep shadow of gloom over his command." It was but for a moment. With a last look at their dead commander, and with the watchword 'this for our captain,' volley after volley from their guns carried death into the ranks of his murderers. From that moment but one feeling seemed to possess his still living comrades—that of revenge for the death of their captain. How terribly they carried out that purpose the number of rebel slain piled around the vicinity of his body fearfully attest.
The announcement of the death of Capt. Acker was a very severe blow to his relatives and many friends in this city. No event thus far in the history of the Rebellion had brought to our doors such a realizing sense of the sad realities of the terrible havoc wrought upon the battlefield. A noble life had been sacrificed in the cause of freedom—one more name had been added to the long death roll of the nation's heroes.
Capt. Acker was born a soldier—brave, able, popular and courteous—and had he lived would undoubtedly been placed high in rank long before the close of the rebellion. No person ever went to the front in whom the citizens of St. Paul had more hope for a brilliant future. He was born in New York State in 1833, and was twenty-eight years of age at the time of his death. He came to St. Paul in 1854 and commenced the study of law in the office of his brother-in-law, Hon. Edmund Rice. He did not remain long in the law business, however, but soon changed to a position in the Bank of Minnesota, which had just been established by ex-Gov. Marshall. For some time he was captain of the Pioneer Guards, a company which he was instrumental in forming, and which was the finest military organization in the West at that time. In 1860 he was chosen commander of the Wide-Awakes, a marching-club, devoted to the promotion of the candidacy of Abraham Lincoln, and many of the men he so patiently drilled during that exciting campaign became officers in the volunteer service in that great struggle that soon followed. Little did the captain imagine at that time that the success of the man whose cause he espoused would so soon be the means of his untimely death. At the breaking out of the war Capt. Acker was adjutant general of the State of Minnesota, but he thought he would be of more use to his country in active service and resigned that position and organized a company for the First Minnesota regiment, of which he was made captain. At the first battle of Bull Run he was wounded, and for his gallant action was made captain in the Seventeenth United States Regulars, an organization that had been recently created by act of congress. The Sixteenth regiment was attached to Buell's army, and participated in the second day's battle, and Cat. Acker was one of the first to fall on that terrible day, being shot in the identical spot in the forehead where he was wounded at the first battle of Bull Run. As soon as the news was received in St. Paul of the captain's death his father, Hon. Henry Acker, left for Pittsburg Landing, hoping to be able to recover the remains of his martyred son and bring the body back to St. Paul. His body was easily found, his burial place having been carefully marked by members of the Second Minnesota who arrived on the battleground a short time after the battle. When the remains arrived in St. Paul they were met at the steamboat landing by a large number of citizens and escorted to Masonic hall, where they rested till the time of the funeral. The funeral obsequies were held at St. Paul's church on Sunday, May 4, 1862, and were attended by the largest concourse of citizens that had ever attended a funeral in St. Paul, many being present from Minneapolis, St. Anthony and Stillwater. The respect shown to the memory of Capt. Acker was universal, and of a character which fully demonstrated the high esteem in which he was held by the people of St. Paul.
When the first Grand Army post was formed in St. Paul a name commemorative of one of Minnesota's fallen heroes was desired for the organization. Out of the long list of martyrs Minnesota gave to the cause of the Union no name seemed more appropriate than that of the heroic Capt. Acker, and it was unanimously decided that the first association of Civil war veterans in this city should be known as Acker post.