THE BLACK WATCH AT TICONDEROGA
By Frederick B. Richards, A. M., Glens Falls, N. Y.
A residence of ten years in Ticonderoga inspired me with an appreciation of the history of that most historic spot in America, and when as secretary of the Ticonderoga Historical Society I was instrumental in securing the erection of the Black Watch Memorial in that village, I became particularly interested in the record of that famous Highland Regiment which this building commemorates.
It has for several years been my wish to write so complete an account of the Black Watch at Ticonderoga that one would need look in no other place for any detail in the history of that regiment from the time it left Scotland in 1756 until after the capture of Ticonderoga by Amherst in 1759. As a meeting of the New York State Historical Association on Lake Champlain seemed an appropriate time to present such a paper and the printed histories of that period give only meagre accounts on this subject, Mrs. Richards and I made this an excuse for a trip to the British Isles and a large part of August and September, 1910, was spent on a Black Watch pilgrimage. We had a very enjoyable trip and gained many interesting facts but I am sorry to say that the story is still far from complete.
The reason for the lack of more detailed information about the Regiment in the Ticonderoga period is found in the following which is copied from the preface of Stewart of Garth’s first edition:
“The origin of these Sketches and Military Details was simply this: When the Forty-second regiment was removed from Dublin to Donaghadee in the year 1771, the baggage was sent round by sea. The vessel having it on board was unfortunately driven on shore by a gale of wind, and wrecked; the greater part of the cargo and baggage was lost, and the portion saved, especially the regimental books and records, was much injured. A misfortune somewhat similar occurred, when the army, under the Earl of Moira, landed at Ostend in June, 1794. The transports were ordered round to Helvoetsluys, with orders to wait the further movements of the troops. But the vessels had not been long there, when the enemy invaded Holland in great force, and, entering Helvoetsluys, seized on the transports in the harbour. Among the number of vessels taken were those which had conveyed the Forty-second to Flanders, having on board every article of regimental baggage, except the knapsacks with which the officers and soldiers had landed at Ostend in light marching order. Along with the baggage, a well-selected library, and, what was more to be regretted, all that remained of the historical records of the regiment, from the period of its formation till the year 1793, fell into the hands of the enemy.
“After the conclusion of the late war, his Royal Highness, the Commander-in-Chief, directed that the Forty-second should draw up a record of its services and enter it in the regimental books, for the information of those who should afterwards belong to the corps. As none of the officers who had served previously to the loss of the records in 1794 were then in the regiment, some difficulty arose in drawing up the required statement of service; indeed, to do so correctly was found impossible, as, for a period of fifty-four years previous to 1793, the materials were very defective. In this situation, the commanding officer, in the year 1817, requested me to supply him with a few notices on the subject.”
It seemed to have been the custom in the British army of that period for a Regiment to carry its entire belongings with it from place to place and this unfortunate practice has swept from existence every trace of the Regimental records of the Black Watch of Ticonderoga.
It may be readily seen that if Colonel Stewart who had all the information in 1817 which the British government was able to supply and who was also fortunate in having had an intimate acquaintance during his service in the Regiment with officers who have served almost from its formation, was unable to write a complete record, the task nearly one hundred years later might be considered well nigh hopeless. There was the hope, however, that some record which was then lost might have been discovered since Colonel Stewart’s time or that interesting matter might be found in the archives of the families who had sons in the Black Watch of 1758. It is a fact that only recently the regimental records of the Black Watch of two decades later were found in an old second-hand book store in Portsmouth and it is still possible that the regimental records of 1758-9, which are now lost, may yet come to light.
We find that nearly all the histories of the Highland Regiments follow Stewart of Garth nearly word for word in their accounts of the early history of the Black Watch. A notable exception, however, is “A Military History of Perthshire,” which has much that is new. There are also many interesting letters and other records in “The Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families,” relating to the service of those of the Black Watch who came from the Atholl Family or estate, and at London we found some dispatches in the Public Record Office in the War Department which I have not seen published. The chief merit, however, if any, which I can claim for this address is that while it does not add much that is new, it does, I think, collect in one article nearly all that is known about the Black Watch of the Ticonderoga period.
I might say here, also, that whatever was lacking in information was more than made up by the cordiality of our reception, as we found nearly every Scotsman interested in the oldest Highland Regiment of the British Army and glad to help us in any way possible. We are under special obligation, which I here wish to acknowledge, to Lt. Col. Hugh Rose, the present commander of the First Battalion of the Black Watch; Major D. L. Wilson Farquharson, D. S. O., who represented the Regiment at the unveiling of the memorial tablet at Ticonderoga, July 4, 1906, now retired and living in Allargue in Aberdeenshire, the home of the Farquharson’s for many generations; W. Skeoch Cumming of Edinburgh, artist and authority on Scottish costumes and tartans of the 18th century; Mrs. Campbell of Dunstaffnage, present owner of old Inverawe House; the Marchioness of Tullibardine, editor of “A Military History of Perthshire,” and the Duke of Atholl, present head of the Clan Murray, Honorary Colonel of the Third Battalion of the Black Watch and compiler of the “Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families.”
Before proceeding to the Black Watch of Ticonderoga, it would perhaps be well to give a brief history of the Regiment. There is considerable difference of opinion as to just when the independent companies which were afterwards to become the present regiment of the line were raised. The earliest record I have seen is that on the 3rd of August, 1667, King Charles II issued a commission under the Great Seal to John, second Earl of Atholl “to raise and keep such a number of men as he should think fit to be a constant guard for securing the peace in the Highlands” and “to watch upon the braes.”[1]
From this time until 1739 the Black Watch was in various stages of formation.[2]
It was at the period of the independent companies that the name Black Watch was given—Black from the sombre tartan in contrast to the regular soldiers who at that time had coats, waistcoats and breeches of scarlet cloth, and Watch because their duties were to watch or keep order in the Highlands. The character of the rank and file of the Black Watch of this period was exceedingly high, many gentlemen with servants serving as privates, and in addition to the enlistment being from the best families it was also possible to select only “men of full height, well proportioned and of handsome appearance.” There were several reasons for this, the principal one being probably the fact that at that period the carrying of arms was prohibited by penalties and it became an “object of ambition with all the young men of spirit to be admitted even as privates into a service which gave them the privilege of wearing arms.” Our interest in the Black Watch, however, is principally in the Regiment of the line as such and this dates from the commission given by George II, October 25, 1739, as follows:
“GEORGE R.—Whereas we have thought fit, that a regiment of foot be forthwith formed under your command, and to consist of ten companies, each to contain one captain, one lieutenant, one ensign, three serjeants, three corporals, two drummers, and one hundred effective private men; which said regiment shall be partly formed out of six Independent Companies of Foot in the Highlands of North Britain, three of which are now commanded by captains, and three by captain-lieutenants. Our will and pleasure therefore is, that one serjeant, one corporal, and fifty private men, be forthwith taken out of the three companies commanded by captains, and ten private men from the three commanded by captain-lieutenants, making one hundred and eighty men, who are to be equally distributed into the four companies hereby to be raised; and the three serjeants and three corporals, draughted as aforesaid, to be placed to such of the four companies as you shall judge proper; and the remainder of the non-commissioned officers and private men, wanting to complete them to the above number, to be raised in the Highlands with all possible speed; the men to be natives of that country, and none other to be taken.
This regiment shall commence and take place according to the establishment thereof. And of these our orders and commands, you, and the said three captains, and the three captain-lieutenants commanding at present the six Independent Highland Companies, and all others concerned, are to take notice, and to yield obedience thereunto accordingly.
Given at our Court at St. James’s, this 25th day of October, 1739, and in the 13th year of our reign.
By His Majesty’s Command,
(Signed): Wm. Yonge.
To our Right Trusty and Right Well-
Beloved Cousin, John Earl of
Craufurd and Lindsay.”
PW Reynolds
1909.
The tallest men of the Regiment of that period were formed into a Grenadier Company and wore the Grenadier bearskin. The rest of the uniform as above and the substitution of the blue bonnet for the bearskin was the uniform for the rest of the Regiment.
May, 1740, these ten companies were mustered in a field between Taybridge and Aberfeldy and in the army list of that year were known as “Earl of Crawford’s Regiment of Foot in the Highlands.”[3] There have been several changes of the official name of the Regiment but the “Black Watch” was always the familiar one in the country where it has drawn its recruits and since 1881 has been the official name in the British Army List.[4]
The uniform of this period was a “scarlet jacket and waistcoat, with buff facings and white lace, tartan plaid of twelve yards plaited round the middle of the body, the upper part being fixed on the left shoulder, ready to be thrown loose and wrapped over both shoulders and firelock in rainy weather. At night, the plaid served the purpose of a blanket, and was a sufficient covering for the Highlanders. These were called belted plaids, from being kept tight to the body by a belt, and were worn on guards, reviews, and on all occasions when the men were in full dress. On this belt hung the pistols and dirk when worn. In the barracks, and when not on duty, the little kilt or philibeg was worn, a blue bonnet with a border of white, red, and green, arranged in small squares to resemble, as is said, the fess cheque in the arms of the different branches of the Stewart family, and a tuft of feathers, or sometimes, from economy or necessity, a small piece of black bearskin. The arms were a musket, a bayonet, and a large basket-hilted broadsword. These were furnished by Government; such of the men as chose to supply themselves with pistols and dirks were allowed to carry them, and targets after the fashion of the country. The sword-belt was of black leather, and the cartouch-box was carried in front, supported by a narrow belt round the middle.”[5]
“While the companies acted independently, each commander assumed the tartan of his own Clan. When embodied, no clan having a superior claim to offer an uniform plaid to the whole, and Lord Crawford, the colonel, being a Lowlander, a new pattern was assumed, and which has ever since been known as the 42d, or Black Watch tartan, being distinct from all others.[6] Lord John Murray gave the Athole tartan for the philibeg. The difference was only a stripe of scarlet, to distinguish it from that of the belted plaid. The pipers wore a red tartan of very bright colours, (of the pattern known by the name of the Stewart or Royal Tartan), so that they could be more clearly seen at a distance. When a band of music was added, plaids of the pipers’ pattern were given to them.”[7]
Having given briefly the origin of the Regiment, we will pass to the period which is the subject of our article.
May, 1756, war having been formally declared between France and England, a body of troops, the Highlanders forming a part, were embarked under the command of Lieut. General James Abercrombie and landed at New York, June, 1756. These were soon followed by more troops under the Earl of Loudon who was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Army of America.
The official name of the Regiment at this time was the 42d Regiment of Foot, but they are often spoken of in dispatches simply as the Highlanders, because they were the only Highland Regiment then in this section, or as Lord John Murray’s Highlanders from the custom of the times of calling a Regiment by the name of its Honorary Colonel. The commander of the Black Watch at this time was Lieut. Col. Francis Grant, son of the Laird of Grant, who had served in the Regiment from the time he had received his commission as Ensign, October 25, 1739. He was made Lieutenant Colonel December 17, 1755 and was in command of the Regiment all through the American campaign. The only other officer who had served continuously from the formation of the Regiment in 1739 was Gordon Graham of Drainie, who in 1756 was senior captain.
The record of the Regiment from the landing in June, 1756, until the battle of July, 1758, is exceedingly meagre. In fact nothing of importance was done by the whole army. As one author puts it “Loudon was so engrossed in schemes for improving the condition of his men that he seemed to have no time for employing them against the enemy.” The following extract from a letter from the Earl of Loudon to William Pitt dated New York, March 10th, 1757, will illustrate the method of quartering troops of that period.
“In the end of your letter you have acquainted me, that words shall be inserted, in the mutiny act to take away every doubt about the Right of Quartering extending to America.
When I writ on that subject, I was but just arrived, and the troops were mostly encamped. Since that I have had disputes to settle, all over this Continent, in settling the winter quarters for the Troops from whence I find, that the manner of quartering in England, as in time of peace, on Publick Houses only, will in no shape answer the intent in this country, for there are few Publick Houses and most of them sell nothing but spirits, where they possess only one room in which they sell the liquor, where men cannot be quartered.
Whilst the war lasts, necessity will justify exceeding that rule, as Troops must be under cover, in the places where it is necessary to post them, for the security of the country and carrying on the service, but as soon as a peace comes, it will, by the English rule, be impossible to quarter any number of Troops, in this country, without a new regulation, and the only remedy that occurs to me at present, is adopting the method of quartering in Scotland, where for the same reason of there not being Publick Houses sufficient for the reception of Troops they are by law quartered on private houses.
I must beg leave to give you one instance of the situation of quarters here. When I arrived at Albany, I do not believe it was possible to have quartered Fifty men on that town, on all the Publick Houses in it, and taking a full survey of it, I found that by quartering on the Private Houses, I can, without incommoding them, in the parts of their houses, in which they live, quarter Fourteen Hundred men, and for a short time, in case of necessity, I could quarter Two thousand. I have mentioned this to show you what the situation of all the Frontier Places, in this country that are liable to attacks, must be, if quartering is likely to be kept to, on Publick Houses only.
On the 10th instant arrived the Harriet Packet which brought me the duplicates of your letters of the 9th and 11th of January, and the next day came in here His Majesty’s ship the Hampshire commanded by Captain Norbury, having under his convoy the nine additional companies of the Highlanders,[8] who had a passage of twelve weeks from Cork, and met with very bad weather; of this convoy there were missing on his arrival in this Port, the Arundal and Salisbury Transports. The last we have, since, accounts of her getting into Rhode Island.
The Troops being sickly, I have cantooned them in villages adjacent to this Port, for the sake of fresh provisions and vegetables.”
In the published histories of the time it is stated that the
“42d remained inactive in or near Albany during 1756 and that throughout the winter and spring of the following year the men were drilled and disciplined for bush fighting and markmanship, a species of warfare for which they were well fitted, being for the most part good shots and experts in the management of arms.”
From the following letters found in the Public Record Office in London the quarters for the winter of 1756-7 were probably at Schenectady. Extract from letter from Loudon to Pitt, New York, 25th April, 1757,
“The Highlanders were set in motion from Schenectady * * * they marched without tents and lay in the woods upon the snow making great fires and I do not find the troops have suffered * * * We have on that River (Mohawk) at Schenectady and up to the German Flats, the Highland Regiment upwards of a thousand men,” etc.
The second letter reads as follows, and while it is chiefly of interest in this connection because it is dated from Schenectady, it also illustrates the custom of selling commissions:
Schenectady, April 24, 1757.
Francis Grant, Lt. Col. 42d Regiment.
Sir:—
I am convinced from several things that have happened me since I have been in the Regiment that my continuing to serve any longer in it would be disagreeable to the whole corps of officers and being likewise sensible of my own unfitness for a military life I have resolved to quit the Army as soon as I can obtain leave to resign my commission. But as I have nothing else in the world to depend upon and finding myself at present at a distance from my family and friends or anyone whom I can depend on for advice, interest or assistance and having frequently experienced your goodness and favor, I have made bold to apply to you that you would be pleased to intercede with his Excellency the Earl of Loudon, in my behalf that His Lordship in consideration of my distressed situation and circumstances might be moved to give me leave to resign in favor of some person that would be willing to allow me wherewithal to support me till I can settle and apply to some other way of life.
In doing me this favor you’ll forever oblige, Sir,
Your respectful and gratefully obed’t hum. serv’t,
George Maclagan, Ens.
P. S.—If it is agreeable to your Lordship I am willing to pay fifty pound Sterling for Mr. Peter Grant Voluntier.
Francis Grant, Lt. Col. 42d. Regt.”
With these two dispatches from the British War Office as a clew I have tried to learn more about the winter quarters of the Black Watch and have looked through the Colonial manuscript in the New York State Library,[9] the Records of the City of Albany and the published works of the period but so far without success. I have been unable to find any Schenectady records of this period. It seems that a valuable collection of Glen-Sanders papers from the old Mansion across the Mohawk from Schenectady was recently sold and I have been told that in these there were several references to officers of the Black Watch. As the Glens[10] were Scots it would be quite likely that if this collection were not now scattered to the four winds much information about the Highlanders could be obtained. It is said that Schenectady was only a frontier village in 1756 and not large enough to take care of a regiment and it seems to be a fact from the reference given above that only a part of the thousand men were stationed here as it states that the Regiment was stretched along the Mohawk from Schenectady to the German Flats, but that it was a station for troops is proven by the list in the Public Record Office of the winter quarters for the troops in America for 1758, which states that the Black Watch was quartered in New York and Lt. General Murray’s at Schenectady. There is in the Public Record Office no list of winter quarters of the troops in America previous to 1758.[11]
It appears, however, from the Town Records of Stamford, Conn., that a committee representing that town made a claim on the “General Court” of the Colony of Connecticut to reimburse them for £369-13-4½ which the town had expended “in taking care of the Highlanders from November 30, 1757, to March 30, 1758. The soldiers numbered 250 officers and men and they had also belonging to them 17 women and 9 children.” They were probably part of the Black Watch. The only other Highland regiments of that time were Montgomery’s and Fraser’s, both raised in 1757 and their arrival at New York from Halifax is noted in the “Post Boy” of April 11, 1757. This town record also further illustrates the custom of that time as previously stated and as an officer of the present Regiment aptly puts it, “they took not only their mess plate but their wives also, on service with them, and sometimes lost both.”
Copy of an old Engraving showing the method of wearing the Belted Plaid
Drawn from the ... by Jnn Sebastian Müller. Published Apr ... 1746. Engraved by J. S. Müller.
An Highlander standing Centry, another walking,
both of them with their Cloaks gather’d ... the left Shoulder.
Two Highlanders with their Cloaks over their
Shoulders as in rainy weather.
This 250 at Stamford would only be a quarter of the Regiment, however, if Loudon had upwards of a thousand at or near Schenectady the winter before and it is probable that the rest were quartered at or near Schenectady as in 1756.
Another statement that I have tried to confirm is the account by James Grant in his “Legends of the Black Watch” of the 50 chosen men under orders of MacGillivray of Glen Arrow, who went to reinforce Col. Munro at Fort William Henry. It is also said in a foot note of Wilson’s Orderly Book that Capt. Gordon Graham was at Fort William Henry at the time of the surrender, and this is repeated in N. Y. Colonial Mss. by O’Callaghan, page 728, Vol. 10, but I have not been able to find any other reference that would substantiate these statements.
The only time the 42d emerges from the haze of mystery from June, 1756, to the spring of 1758, is that they were a part of Loudon’s expedition against Louisbourg in 1757, and this was more a summer vacation than an act of war.
If the English could have attacked Louisbourg in the spring or early summer, success would have been certain but Loudon couldn’t seem to get started. As a messenger from the Governor of Pennsylvania, who had waited in vain for a reply to a message, said about him he was like “St. George on a tavern sign, always on horse back and never riding on.” The expedition did not start from New York until June 20th and entered Halifax harbor the 30th. Even after this delay he was there before Admiral Holbourne, who did not arrive from England with his fleet of 15 ships-of-the-line and 3 frigates, with 5,000 troops until July 10th. Then there was more delay, the 12,000 troops were landed and weeks spent in drilling and planting vegetables for their refreshment. Lord Charles Hay was put under arrest for saying that the “nation’s money was spent in sham battles and raising cabbages.” The troops were embarked again, but Aug. 4th a sloop came from Newfoundland bringing news of the arrival of three French squadrons at Louisbourg and as an attack after this reinforcement would be hopeless, the costly enterprise was abandoned and Loudon and the troops sailed back to New York where he arrived Aug. 31st. Delay was the ruin of the Louisbourg expedition and drew off British forces from the frontier where they were most needed.
The troops were started immediately up the Hudson as soon as they were landed at New York but Fort William Henry had already been captured Aug. 9th and the French forces had fallen back to Ticonderoga.
The spring of 1758 opened up with bright prospects. Lord Loudon had been recalled and General Abercrombie, with the able assistance of Lord Howe, was in command. Admiral Boscowen was appointed to command the fleet and Major-General Amherst and Brigadier-Generals Wolfe, Townsend and Murray were added to the military staff. Three expeditions were proposed for this year, Louisbourg, Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and Fort DuQuesne. The army in America had been largely reinforced during the winter and spring. Of these reinforcements the 42d was strengthened by three additional companies and recruits bringing the Regiment up to about 1,300 men.
As we have considerable information about these three companies through the Atholl Records, it will be interesting to turn back and follow them from the start to the beginning of the Ticonderoga campaign. The first item and one of interest because it shows the method of raising companies in those days, is a letter from the Duke of Argyll to the Duke of Atholl, dated London, July 9, 1757.[12]
“My Lord:—This is to acquaint your Grace that there is to be 3 additional Companies raised for Lord John Murray’s Regiment. I believe the nomination of the officers will be left to me and consequently to Your Grace; there will be 3 captains, 6 lieutenants and 3 ensigns and 100 men each company. The raising the men will be the merit of those who shall desire to be officers and if any can be found who have served in Holland, so much the better. Your Grace will have your thought on this but don’t promise anybody till you let me hear from you. I shall speak to Lord John but I will bid him consult you and will plainly tell him that the commissions must all be given gratis. The other two Highland Regiments will likewise have the same addition made to them.
I am with the greatest truth and respect, My Lord, Yr Gr’s most faithful and obt. h’ble Servant, Argyll.”
By the Duke of Atholl’s recommendation the three companies were given to James Stewart of Urrard; James Murray, nephew of the Duke of Atholl and son of Lord George Murray; and Thomas Stirling of Ardoch. Three of the new subalterns were from the Atholl estate, namely Lieut. Alexander Menzies and Ensigns Duncan Stewart, son of Derculich, and George Rattray, son of Dalralzion. The three companies were mustered in October and marched from Perth to Glasgow, where they remained until November 15, when they marched to Greenock and embarked December 1st in transports for Cork en route to America.
April 22, 1758, Capt. James Murray wrote from New York to Mr. Murray of Strowan announcing his safe arrival after a voyage of eleven weeks from Cork. The joys of a voyage in those times when it could take ten days to sail from Scotland to Ireland, is illustrated by a letter from Capt. Murray, dated Youghall, 11 Dec., 1757.[13]
My dear Brother:—This is to let you know that I am just now in good health and safely arrived here with my company. My transport, together with the other five, set sail on the 1st cur’t in the evening along with the Convoy; we had a fair wind and good weather until Sunday, early in the morning (when we were past Waterfort in our way to Corck) about eight, there came on one of the most prodigeous storms that the sailors said they had never seen the like before. About two in the afternoon we lost sight of the Convoy and all the transports and have not yet any sure accounts whether they have got all safe into harbours or not. But since I came here I hear that there was five or six ships lost on the Coast that day. The storm abated somewhat Monday morning but it continued bad weather until Friday evening, during which time we were often in risk of our lives especially twice, once being within two yards of a great rock and the other time when we were on two fathom water going on a sandbank.
During all that time we were near several harbours, such as Doublin, Waterfort, Corck and others but all without success. Saturday and this day we had good weather by which means we got into harbour.
Your most aff’te brother,
James Murray.
From November until April seems a long voyage from Scotland to America even in those days of primitive navigation, but another of the three additional companies was blown into Antigua and did not arrive at New York until June.
With the activities of the preparations for the Ticonderoga campaign a number of dispatches were sent to the Home Government and it is possible to follow more closely the fortunes of the Black Watch.
The addition of these three companies raised the Regiment to 1,300 men, and we find among the official documents a petition from Capt. Gordon Graham, endorsed by Lt. Col. Grant and General Abercrombie, asking to be made Major in addition to Major Duncan Campbell, as follows:[14]
To His Excellency James Abercromby, Esq., General and Commander in Chief of all His Majesty’s forces in North America, etc., etc., etc.
The Memorial of Gordon Graham, eldest Captain in His Majesty’s 42nd Regiment of Foot in North America.
Humbly sheweth
That your memorialist hath had the honour to serve His Majesty upwards of twenty-five years, twelve of which as Captain in the above Regiment and is now eldest in that Rank.
That he hath served in Flanders and elsewhere during all the last war, some part of which he was employed as Major of Brigade, and had a commission as such from General St. Clair, on the expedition under his command in the year 1746.
May it therefore please your Excellency to lay his case before His Majesty that he in his great wisdom may be graciously pleased to promote him to the Rank of Major when an opportunity offers, all which is humbly submitted.
To His Excellency, James Abercromby, Esqr., General and Commander in Chief of all his Majesty’s forces in North America, etc., etc., etc.
The Memorial of Colonel Francis Grant, Commanding his Majesty’s 42nd Regiment of Foot.
Humbly sheweth
That his Majesty having thought proper to augment the said Regiment to 1,300 men by adding three additional companies to it, and such a body of men being too numerous to be exercised and disciplined by one Major only, your memorialist humbly conceives, that it would be for the good of his Majesty’s service to have another Major added, as has been already done to the other two Highland Battalions commanded by the Colonels Montgomery and Fraser.
May it therefore please your Excellency to lay this matter before His Majesty that he in his great wisdom may be graciously pleased to give such directions thereupon as shall be thought necessary, all which is humbly submitted.
Colo. Grant, commanding His Majesty’s 42nd Regiment, and Mr. Gordon Graham, a Captain in the same, having each of them presented me with a memorial, the contents of which I know to be true, I herewith transmit them to your Lordship, to be laid before the King, and to know His Royal Pleasure therein.
Extract from a letter signed James Abercromby to the Right Hon. Lord Viscount Barrington, dated New York, Apr. 28, 1758.
As will be seen later Capt. Graham became Major before hearing from the King.
The next dispatch which is of interest and which makes changes in the list of Commissioned Officers is as follows: Extract from letter signed by James Abercromby to the Right Honorable the Lord Viscount Barrington, dated Albany, May 27, 1758.[15]
“In the list of the Commissions which I had the honour to transmit to your Lordship, by my last letter, you will have observed two vacancies in the 42nd Regiment, occasioned by the removal of Sir James Cockburn into the 48th which could not be filled up at the time my letter went away, as the gentlemen, whom it was proposed should purchase those vacancies were then at Albany,[16] and their answer not arrived; since that the Lieutenancy has been made out in the name of Mr. Patrick Balnevas, and bears date the 1st of April; and Mr. Elbert Hering succeeds to the Ensigncy, dated the 3rd of the same month.”
Then we have the dispatch just before the battle from Abercrombie to Pitt, dated Camp at Lake George, June 29, 1758, saying:
“Arrived Fort Edward on the 9th, where Lord Howe was encamped with the 42nd, 44th, and 55th Regiments and 4 companies of Rangers. Remainder of Regulars were at posts below on Hudson River and were working up the stores, etc. On the 17th Lord Howe marched to the Brook, half way between Fort Edward and the Lake with the 42nd, 44th, and 55th. This Half-way Brook was judged a proper post for the first Deposit in a Portage of 15 miles.[17] After the carriages had made several trips Lord Howe advanced to the Lake with the 42nd, 44th, and 55th.”
Attached to this letter is a report of troops at Lake George, June 29, 1758, and the roll of the 42nd was as follows:
“10 companies, 1 Lt. Colonel, 1 Major, 8 Captains, 18 Lieutenants, 7 Ensigns, 1 Chaplain, 1 Adjutant, 1 QuarterMaster, 1 Surgeon, 2 Mates, 40 Sergeants, 18 Drummers; Rank and File—981 fit for duty, 11 sick present, 6 in general hospital, 2 on command, 1,000 total. 1 drummer and 40 rank and file wanting to complete.”
We find the solution of why there were only 1,000 of the Black Watch with the Ticonderoga expedition when its strength was known to be 1,300 at that time, in another extract of the Report of June 29th from Abercrombie to Pitt: “I have left two additional Companies of Lord John Murray’s to garrison Fort Edward. The other additional company of the 42nd which was blown into Antego (Antigua), I hear is arrived at New York, which I have ordered up to Albany.”
This is confirmed in more detail in a letter from Sir Robert Menzies to Mr. Murray of Strowan, dated Rannock, 6th Sept., 1758, in which is an extract from a letter received by Menzies from “Jamie Stewart.”[18]
“That, after the additional Companies arrived in Fort Edward, the best men were picked out to compleat the Regiment in place of the sick and old men that were put in their place. That, as Capt. Reid was left behind sick at Albany, Capt. Murray was appointed to his company and Reid to the additionals, as Capt. Abercrombie was to Capt. Murray’s Company. That the additional companies, with Captains Sterling, Reid, and Abercrombie, etc., were left at Fort Edward, where they had nothing to do but to garrison the Fort and divert themselves.”
Everything is now in readiness for the attack on Ticonderoga and an army of six thousand three hundred seventy-seven regulars and nine thousand thirty-four provincials (Abercrombie to Pitt July 12, 1758) embarked at Lake George early on the morning of July 5th. There were nine hundred batteaux, a hundred and thirty-five whale boats and a large number of heavy flatboats carrying the artillery and from front to rear the line was six miles long.
—Courtesy Glens Falls Insurance Co.
Parkman in his “Montcalm and Wolfe” paints the scene as follows:
“The spectacle was superb; the brightness of the summer day; the romantic beauty of the scenery; the sheen and sparkle of those crystal waters; the countless islets, tufted with pine, birch, and fir; the bordering mountains, with their green summits and sunny crags; the flash of oars and glitter of weapons; the banners, the varied uniforms, and the notes of bugle, trumpet, bag-pipe, and drum, answered and prolonged by a hundred woodland echoes. ‘I never beheld so delightful a prospect,’ wrote a wounded officer at Albany a fortnight after.
“Rogers with the Rangers, and Gage with the light infantry, led the way in whaleboats, followed by Bradstreet with his corps of boatman, armed and drilled as soldiers. Then came the main body. The central column of regulars was commanded by Lord Howe, his own regiment, the fifty-fifth, in the van, followed by the Royal Americans, the twenty-seventh, forty-fourth, forty-sixth, and eightieth infantry, and the Highlanders of the forty-second, with their major, Duncan Campbell of Inverawe, silent and gloomy amid the general cheer, for his soul was dark with foreshadowings of death. With this central column came what are described as two floating castles, which were no doubt batteries to cover the landing of the troops. On the right hand and the left were the provincials, uniformed in blue, regiment after regiment, from Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island. Behind them all came the batteaux, loaded with stores and baggage, and the heavy flatboats that carried the artillery, while a rear-guard of provincials and regulars closed the long procession.”
It will be unnecessary to go into the details of this disastrous campaign as it is not only well known to most of you but three papers bearing on the subject will be read at this meeting.[19] Briefly the army landed at the foot of Lake George the morning of the 6th and the afternoon of the same day Lord Howe at the head of a Ticonderoga party was killed at the outlet of Trout Brook. This is the beginning of the end as Lord Howe was the real head of the army. Abercrombie took until the eighth to make up his mind what to do and this interim gave the French time to build the fatal breastworks across the ridge about one-half mile west of the Fort and enabled Lévis to arrive with reinforcements.
As the breastworks play a most important part in the Battle it will perhaps be well to again quote from Parkman who gives a most comprehensive description.
“The trees that covered the ground were hewn down by thousands, the tops lopped off, and the trunks piled one upon another to form a massive breastwork. The line followed the top of the ridge, along which it zigzagged in such a manner that the whole front could be swept by flank-fires of musketry and grape. It was so high that nothing could be seen over it but the crowns of the soldiers’ hats. The upper tier was formed of single logs, in which notches were cut to serve as loopholes; and in some places sods and bags of sand were piled along the top, with narrow spaces to fire through. From the central part of the line the ground sloped away like a natural glacis; while at the sides, and especially on the left, it was undulating and broken. Over this whole space, to the distance of a musket-shot from the works, the forest was cut down, and the trees left lying where they fell among the stumps, with tops turned outwards, forming one vast abattis, which, as a Massachusetts officer says, looked like a forest laid flat by a hurricane. But the most formidable obstruction was immediately along the front of the breastworks, where the ground was covered with heavy boughs, overlapping and interlaced, with sharpened points bristling into the face of the assailant like the quills of a porcupine. As these works were all of wood, no vestige of them remains. The earth-works now shown to tourists as the lines of Montcalm were begun four days after the battle to replace the log breastwork; and though on the same ground are not on the same plan.”
Behind these breastworks the battalions of LaSarre and Languedoc were posted on the left under Bourlamaque, the first battalion of Berry with that of Royal Roussillon in the center under Montcalm and those of LaReine, Béarn and Guienne on the right under Lévis. A detachment of volunteers occupied the low grounds between the breastworks and the outlet of Lake George and on the side toward Lake Champlain were stationed 450 regulars and Canadians, about 3,600 in all.
It is always easy to criticise an event after it has occurred, but the result certainly shows that Abercrombie could not have planned his campaign more to the advantage of the French. He first gave them time to build those formidable breastworks and then instead of choosing any one of half a dozen plans which would have brought victory, he decided to throw his army unsupported by artillery, which was still at Lake George, at the strongest part of the French position, he himself staying in safety at the saw mill (about which we heard this afternoon in the able paper read by Mr. Delano at the unveiling of the tablet) a mile and a half in the rear of his army.[20]
The sad result is too well known to dwell on and we pass at once to the part played by the Black Watch. They, with the 55th were to have formed the reserve but impatient at being left in the rear the Highlanders could not be restrained and were soon in the front endeavoring to cut their way through the fallen trees with their broadswords. Captain John Campbell, who was one of the two soldiers presented to George II in 1743, with a few men, were the only ones to force their way over the breastworks and they were instantly dispatched with the bayonet.
Lieut. William Grant of the Regiment writes as follows:
“The attack began a little past one in the afternoon and about two the fire became general on both sides. It was exceedingly heavy and without intercession insomuch as the oldest soldier never saw so furious and incessant a fire. The fire at Fontenoy was nothing to it. I saw both.”
An officer of the 55th regiment, of which Lord Howe had been the commander, wrote as follows:
“With a mixture of esteem, grief and envy, I am penetrated by the great loss and immortal glory acquired by the Highlanders engaged in the late bloody affair. Impatient for the fray, they rushed forward to the entrenchments which many of them actually mounted, their intrepidity was rather animated than dampened by witnessing their comrades fall on every side. They seemed more anxious to avenge the fate of their deceased friends than to avoid a like death. In their co-operation we trust soon to give a good account of the enemy and of ourselves. There is much harmony and friendship between the two regiments.”
Even the French were impressed with the valor of the Black Watch as Garneau writes in L’Histoire du Canada.[21]
“The Highlanders above all, under Lord John Murray, covered themselves with glory. They formed the head of the troops confronting the Canadians, their light and picturesque costume distinguishing them from all other soldiers amid the flame and smoke. This corps lost half of its men and 25 of its officers were killed or severely wounded.”
Lossing writes,
“The whole army seemed envious to excell but the Scotch Highland Regiment of Lord John Murray was foremost in the conflict and suffered the severest loss.”[22]
The following letters from Captain Allan Campbell are of interest:
Camp at Lake George, 11th July, 1758.
Dr. Broyr.,—The 8th of this month we had a hot brush at the lines of Ticonderoga where we lost a considerable number of men and officers. The officers of your acquentance wounded are Major Campbell and his son. Both in their arms, and I hope will do well. Captain Stratchur slightly in the breast, Ltt. Archd. Campbell Sheriff Badly in the Breast, Lt. John Campbell Glendaruel slightly in the arm, Capt. Ltt. John Campbell Duneaves killed, Ltt. Hugh Macpherson ditto, Capt. Graham, Duchra, and Broyr. Both wounded slightly and several other offrs. of the Regt, but not of your acquentance are killed and wounded.
Our Regt, acquired great glory by their good behaviour of both men and officers, tho’ we were unsuccessfull. I have the pleasure to aquent you that both my nephew George and I eskeaped without a scratch, tho’ both in the heat of the action. George is a pritty Lad: he’s now a Ltt. in Coll. Gages Regt, of Lt. Infantry. Your son the Major was well about 2 months ago at Philadelphia. We are now at the end of Lake George Encampt. I have told you now all the news that can occurr to me or that I have time to write you, and I thought it my duty to acquent you and my other Broyrs. of my being well after a smart action. I have no time to write you more being excessively hurried having no Body to assist me in the affairs of my Company having my three Ltts. killed or wounded viz. Ltt. Balie killed and Ltts. Archd. Campbell and William Grant wounded. I’ll write you very fully in my nixt. My best wishes to my sister, to your family and all our friends, and I am Dr. Bryr, your most affec. and Lov. Broyr, while
Allan Campbell.
New York, 6th January 1759.
Dr. Brother,—I writt you the 11th July in a great hurry after our retreat from Ticonderoga to let you know of mine and George’s welfair, after that unlucky afair, where severall of our friends and a great many worthy Fellows suffer’d. Our Regt, lost more than any other Corps at the attack of the Lines. We have had killed and wounded since the beginning of the Campaign 520 (officers included) of which about 300 were left dead on the field or have dyed of their wounds, and of 37 officers that were present with the Regt. that day 11 only came off unhurt, of which number I was lucky enough to be one.
You would certainly hear before now of poor Major Campbell Inveraw’s death, he liv’d about a fortnight after he receiv’d his wound, the Doctors thought it necessary that his arm should be cut off, and he dyed soon after the operation at Fort Edward, all the rest of our wounded officers are quite recover’d except his son, Sandy, Jock Campbell Glendaruel, and Archie Shirreff, but they are out of all danger, only their cure will be tedious.
Poor George had a narrow escape the day we landed at the French end of the Lake, having had a scratch along the face with a musquet Ball. He was in a smart little action that happen’d in the woods a mounth afterwards between a detachment of 500 of our army under the command of Major Rogers and much the same number of Indians French and Canadians, where the latter were repulsed with the loss of 100 men, and I assure you his behaviour at that affair was much aplauded by his Broyr. officers on their return to the Army.
He’s now second oldest Lieut, in General Gage’s Regt. of light arm’d infantry, for which he’s obliged to the late Major Campbell, Inveraw; and as they talk at present of agmenting that corps, he’ll have a good chance of getting Higher up, and in any event he’s better off by being so High in that Regt. as they are now an Establish’d Corps, than if he had staid in ours, where he could be but a young Lieut. His Coll, has a great regard for him, and very Deservedly for he’s a lad of good morals, a good spirit, and very fit for his Business. He has acted as Adjutant to that Regt. since July last, by which he has nothing yet but Troble, there being no Adjutant allow’d, and that his Collonel means it for him; if he’s lucky enough to get that, I think he’s very well provided for for the time he has served.
I have advanc’d him Twenty Guineas for which he gave me a Bill on you. I hope you’ll not Disaprove of my conduct for doing it, nor blame him for running so much short, when I explain to you the cause of it; its trew he came over very well Riged out, but his changing Corps put him under a necessity of Buying new Regimentals, as these Differ in Colours from the rest of the Army, being Brown, besides his expense must be greater upon his first comming in among Strangers, and he had the misfortune of being sent a recruiting last winter, which really is a misfortune to an officer in this Country unless he is very carfull and happens to be successful, and I belive George lost by it. This I ashure you is truth, and when you consider it was owing to these accidents, that he could not possibly guard against, I am hopfull you’l easily forgive him. I was likewise oblig’d to advance our Unkle Corries’ son, Colin, Twenty two Pounds eighteen shillings and tenpence or he must have gone naked, having lost all his things at Fort William Henry. I have sent both Bills to Brother Robert. George and Colin are sent this winter a Recruiting to Pensilvania.
I had a letter dated the 30 Novr. from my nephew, the Major, from where Fort du Quesne stood, he was then very well. I expect dayly to hear from him, he’s had as troublesome and Fatigueing Campaign of it, as ever any Body had, our Army has been above a Month in Winter Quarters befor thers got to Fort du Quesne, which the French burnt upon ther near aproach, and an immense long march they have to get back to Philadelphia, wher ther Regt, is to be Quarter’s this winter, and where I intend to go and see him, when I hear of ther arrival, its about 100 miles from this place that our Regt, is now quartere’d in.
We long much for a Pacquet here having no news from Europe for some months, I take the opportunity of writing you now by the Kennington Man of War that carries home General Abercrombie. * * *
There is no News here at Present. All our Friends in this Country are Well. Remember my best wishes to my Sister, and the rest of your Family whom may God Almighty bless and I ever am, Dr. Brother, your affec. and Lov. Broyr.
Allan Campbell.[23]
I also give in full the letter written by Capt. James Murray to his brother, Mr. Murray of Strowan, dated Albany, July 19, 1758, as his description of the country and the events during and after the battle lend color to the picture.[24]
My Dear Brother:—The last letter I wrote you was dated from Fort Edward camp about 18th June. We proceeded on to Lake George where Fort William Henry formerly stood which was taken and destroyed by the French last year, where we remained until the 5th curt. and then the whole army embarked on the lake in batteaux that hold 23 men with a month’s provisions all the artillery stores was likewise embarked, and everything else belonging to an army. We were divided into brigades. There was in all about 5,000 regulars and 12,000 provincials. We had also light infantry and rangers who had whale-boats which are the lightest and best going boats that can be made. We put off about 8 and got fairly into the lake which I took to be about 20 miles long and not above two miles at the broadest part of it. There are several small islands which are quite covered with wood and all around the lake is very hilly and quite covered with woods, as the most part of the country is, at least what I have seen on’t.
This lake abounds in fine trout the meat of which is red, pearch, suckers and several other sorts of fish. There is also plenty of beavers. On the side of the lake there is plenty of deer but I have not seen any since I came to the country. Sometimes when I have been out on command I have killed rattle snakes about four feet long and as thick as the small of one’s leg, with 18 rattles, which altogether might be about four inches long. They say some have twenty or more. They have both teeth and a sting. The rattles being at the tail makes them that they can stand up on end and spring a short way at one. When touched they make a great noise with their rattles. Their bite is not so bad as called for it can be easily cured with oil or salt. They smell exactly like a goat, rather ranker if possible before they are seized but afterwards have almost no smell at all. They make the richest and best soup that can be which I eat of and like much. The meat is but insipid.
The 6th we disembarked at the lower end of the lake. In the morning out light infantry and rangers had some skirmishing with the French pickets. Lord Howe was killed at the second shot and he is very much regretted. There was taken that day about 150 prisoners, five of whom were officers. They had a great many killed so that very few of their pickets escaped which consisted in all of about 350.
The next day being the 7th, we were making preparations to invest a fort called Theenderora which is five miles from Lake George and is situate on a neck of land that runs into Lake Champlain. As to the dimensions of that lake I can’t say, and marched within a mile and half of it that evening. The next morning the light infantry made the French sentries and small posts retire to their entrenchments for the French had an encampment about half a cannon shot before their fort, and were entrenched after the following manner: They had large cut trees one laid above another a man’s height and in the outside there was brush and logs for about 15 paces from it which made it impossible to force their breastworks without cannon which we had not taken up that length as then. They were also under cover of the fort or if we could beat them out of their trenches, they could have retired pretty safely.
Between one and two we marched up and attacked the trenches and got within twenty paces of them and had as hot a fire for about three hours as possibly could be, we all the time seeing but their hats and the end of their muskets. About half an hour before we were obliged to retire I received a shot through my thigh after which I stayed a few minutes but finding if I stayed any longer my thigh would turn stiff and losing a great deal of blood I with help got into the road and that evening with Capt. Gordon Graham, our paymaster, got into a whaleboat and against the next morning got to the upper end of Lake George and was transported down here. I am confined to my bed but the surgeons say my wound looks as well as can be expected, nor is there any sort of danger in it as it has only grazed the bone, so I shall be well soon again. I am in perfect good health, have a good appetite and sleep tolerably well.
Our regiment has suffered much. There was the captain, lieutenant and six subalterns killed on the spot and since the major and the lieutenant have died of their wounds. The colonel, four captains, and twelve subalterns are wounded. 180 men killed and 280 wounded. None of the other regiments’ losses were near so great. Capt. Stewart was not touched, Capt. Sterling nor Farquharson were not there so are well, but Lieut. Farquharson’s younger brother was killed. Lieut. David Mills, my lieutenant, is not ill wounded and is pretty well, so if you would inform his father-in-law, Mr. Hamilton, of Hutcheson, who stays near Glasgow, you would oblige me. Neil Stewart at Perth knows him.
I received a letter from Lord John 15th May letting me know you are all well which gave me a great deal of pleasure but it would much more so to hear from some of you for it is very long since I had that satisfaction, the last being at Ireland, for Lord John wrote me no particulars.
Offer my humble duty to my dear mother and elsewhere due and best love to dear Lady Charlotte, Lady Sinclair, George, Charlotte and Invercauld, and my best blessing attend all the young ones. My kind compliments to Shusy Moray and tell her I had her hair about my neck when I received my wound which might have probably gone to my heart if it had not been wounded already.
I am ever your most effectionate brother,
James Murray.
Thus had the army which landed so proudly two days before been disastrously repulsed, with a loss in killed and wounded and missing of nineteen hundred and forty-four officers and men. In his report of July 12, 1758, Abercrombie gives the casualty of the 42nd as follows:
“Killed—Capt. Lt. John Campbell; Lts. George Farquharson, Hugh McPherson, William Bailey, John Sutherland; Ensigns Peter Stewart and George Rattray.
Wounded—Major Duncan Campbell; Captains Gordon Graham, Thomas Graeme, John Campbell, James Stewart, James Murray; Lieutenants William Grant, Robert Gray, John Campbell, James Grant, John Graham, Alexander Campbell, Alexander McIntosh, Archibald Campbell, David Mill,[25] Patrick Balnevis; Ensigns John Smith and Peter Grant.
Summary—1 major wounded, captains 1 killed, 4 wounded; lieutenants 4 killed, 11 wounded; ensigns 2 killed, 2 wounded; adjutants 1 wounded; quarter master 1 wounded; sergeants 6 killed, 13 wounded, rank and file 190 killed, 265 wounded.”
Stewart of Garth writes as follows:
“Of these the 42nd regiment had 8 officers, 9 serjeants, and 297 men killed, and 17 officers, 10 serjeants, and 306 soldiers wounded. The officers were, Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe, Captain John Campbell, Lieutenants George Farquharson, Hugh McPherson, William Baillie, and John Sutherland; Ensigns Patrick Stewart of Bonskied and George Rattray killed; Captains Gordon Graham, Thomas Graham of Duchray, John Campbell of Strachur, James Stewart of Urrad, James Murray (afterward General); Lieutenants James Grant, Robert Gray, John Campbell, William Grant, John Graham, brother of Duchray, Alexander Campbell, Alexander Mackintosh, Archibald Campbell, David Miller, Patrick Balneaves; and Ensigns John Smith and Peter Grant, wounded.”
Capt. James Murray writes from Albany 17th August, 1758:[26]
“As I observed in my last, our regiment has suffered greatly. The Major has since died of his wounds, Sandy Farquharson has got his lieutenancy by seniority which one would not have thought that the youngest ensign of the additionals would have been so soon a lieutenant. I am recovering pretty well and can walk about although I am much pained in my knee but hope will be able to soon joint the regiment.”
Capt. James Stewart writes 14th July from Lake George:[27]
“That all the Captains were wounded, less or more, excepting Captains McNeil and Allan Campbell, that Major Campbell got his right arm wounded, but not dangerous and his son, Lieutenant Alexander Campbell had his arm broke betwixt the elbow and shoulder, but he was in a good way.”
Parkman states that Lt. Alexander Campbell was severely wounded but reached Scotland alive and died in Glasgow.[28]
Abercrombie reports to Pitt from Lake George, Aug. 19, 1758;
“Major Duncan Campbell of the 42nd who was wounded in the arm at the battle on the 8th was obliged to have it cut off and died soon thereafter.”[29]
It would seem therefore that the wounds of Major Campbell and his son were not necessarily fatal and that modern surgery would have cured them. The following however, taken from Garneau’s L’Histoire du Canada might explain the unexpected mortality. “Scarcely any of the wounded Highlanders ever recovered and even those sent home as invalids; their sores cankered, owing to the broken glass, ragged bits of metal, etc., used by the Canadians instead of shot.”[30]
Or this extract from letter of Brig. General James Wolfe to Lord George Sackville:
Halifax 24″ May 1758.
“Some of the Regiments of this Army have 300 or 400 men eat up with the Scurvey. All of them that are wounded or hurt by any accident run great risks of their lives from the corrupted state of the blood.
“The curious part of the barbarity is that the scoundrels of Contractors can afford the fresh meat in many places and circumstances as cheap as the salt.”
Original headstone at Grave of Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe.
(Jane McCrea lot in Union Cemetery, between Fort Edward and Hudson Falls.)
Abercrombie states in his report of July 12, 1758,
“I sent the wounded officers and the men that could be moved to Fort Edward and Albany.”
Major Campbell was sent to Fort Edward and upon his death nine days after the battle he was buried in the family lot of the Gilchrists, in the old cemetery at Fort Edward. The body was moved to the Gilchrist lot in the new Union cemetery between Sandy Hill and Fort Edward in 1871, and in 1920 was moved again to the Jane McCrea lot in the same cemetery. The original stone may still be seen and bears the inscription: “Here Lyes the body of Duncan Campbell of Inversaw, Esqr Major to The old Highland Regt. Aged 55 Years. Who died The 17th July, 1758, of wounds he received in the attack of the retrenchments of Ticonderoga or Carillon, 8th July, 1758.”
Stewart of Garth says,
“The old Highland Regiment having suffered so severely * * * they were not employed again that year.”
In the N. Y. Colonial Records, however, we find that some regulars of the 42nd and 6th Regts. amounting to 155 men (probably one company of each) were with Bradstreet in his exposition against Fort Frontenac.[31]
In Abercrombie’s report of Aug. 19, 1758, he states that part of the additional companies of the 42nd were sent to reinforce Brig. General Provost at Fort Edward and that one company of the 42nd and some of the recovering men were stationed at Albany. From this it might be inferred that the only part of the Black Watch fit for duty were the three additional companies which had not been in the battle of July 8th and it is possible that the one company of the 42nd that had been blown out of its course to Antigua and had not arrived at New York until June did not get further north than Albany. The winter quarters of the 42nd for 1758 were at New York. (Abercrombie to Pitt, No. 25, 1758.)[32]
The official title is now changed to the “42nd or Royal Regiment of foot,” and the regiment is commonly called the Royal Highlanders. It has erroneously been stated that the Black Watch was granted this honor of being a “Royal” regiment because of its gallantry at Ticonderoga, but it is all the more to its credit that it had earned this distinction before the battle at Ticonderoga. The title was granted by special warrant dated July 22, 1758, while the news of the defeat did not reach London until the arrival of Abercrombie’s aide de camp with dispatches Aug. 20, 1758.
A copy of the warrant is as follows:
George R
We being desirous to distinguish Our Forty Second Regiment of Foot with some mark of Our Royal favor, Our Will and Pleasure therefore is, and we do hereby direct, that from henceforth Our said regiment be called, and distinguished by the title and name of Our Forty-Second, or Royal Highland Regiment of Foot, in all commissions, orders, and writings, that shall hereafter be made out, or issued for and concerning the said regiment. Given at Our Court at Kensington this 22nd day of July 1758, in the thirty second year of Our reign. By His Majesty’s command.
(Signed) BARRINGTON.
The vacancies occasioned in the 42nd were filled up in regular succession and the seven companies which had been ordered at the same time as the change of title were immediately recruited. These were completed in three months and embodied at Perth, October 1758, each company being 120 men strong, all with few exceptions Highlanders and hardy and temperate in their habits. (Lord John Murray’s orders were preemptory that none but Highlanders be taken, but a few O’Donnels, O’Lachlans and O’Briens passed muster as MacDonnels, MacLachlans and MacBriars.)
These seven companies with the three additional companies raised in 1757 were formed into a Second Battalion. The officers appointed to the seven new companies were Robert Anstruther, who was senior captain and served as Major, Francis MacLean, Alexander Sinclair, John Stewart of Stenton, William Murray of Lintrose, Archibald Campbell, Alexander Reid, and Robert Arbuthnot, to be captains; Alexander MacLean, George Grant, George Sinclair, Gordon Clunes, Adam Stewart, John Robertson, son of Lude, John Grant, James Fraser, George Leslie, John Campbell, Alexander Stewart, Duncan Richardson and Robert Robertson, to be lieutenants and Patrick Sinclair, John Macintosh, James MacDuff, Thomas Fletcher, Alexander Donaldson, William MacLean, and William Brown, to be ensigns.
The seven new companies embarked for the West Indies where they joined with the Old Buffs, Kings, 6th, 63rd, 64th, 800 marines and a detachment of artillery amounting in all to 5,560 men under the command of Major Generals Hopson and Barrington and of Brigadier Generals Haldane, Armiger, Trapaud and Clavering, in an exposition against Martinique and Gaudaloupe. This resulted in the capture of Gaudaloupe but was not altogether a success and a great many men were lost by fever and sickness. Of the Royal Highlanders Ensign MacLean was killed, Lieutenants MacLean, Leslie, Sinclair and Robertson were wounded, and Major Anstruther and Captain Arbuthnot died of the fever. One hundred and six privates were killed, wounded or died of disease.
This was a severe initiation for the new recruits who had been herding sheep on their native hills nine months before, but as has always been the case with the Black Watch they acquitted themselves with distinction. The seven companies were then embarked for New York to join the First Battalion where they arrived in July. They just missed being at the capture of Ticonderoga. Major Gordon Graham was ordered at the end of July by General Amherst then at Crown Point to take command of the seven companies and to march them up to Oswego. In August they were ordered to join the First Battalion, Capt. Stewart with 150 men being left at Oswego and the First and Second Battalions, now united, served together for the rest of the campaign.
We will now return to the Veterans of the previous year. After wintering in New York (or on Long Island, as another authority states) the old Black Watch now the first Battalion of the Royal Highlanders, recruited again to its full strength and the three additional companies now a part of the Second Battalion, joined Amherst at Fort Edward in June, 1759.[33] Col. Grant of the 42nd with the Royal Highlanders and light infantry of the army moved forward to Lake George the 20th and the main part of the army followed on the 21st. For five years now Lake George had been the annual mustering place of armies.
The campaign this season comprehended three very important enterprises—Wolfe was to attack Quebec from Lower Canada, Prideaux was to proceed against Niagara, and Amherst, now Commander in Chief and successor of General Abercrombie, was to drive the French from Lake Champlain and if possible join Wolfe on the St. Lawrence.
The army under Amherst consisted of the Royals, 17th, 27th, Royal Highlanders, two battalions of the 55th, Montgomery’s Highlanders, nine battalions of Provincials, and a battalion of light infantry and a body of Rangers and Indians with a detachment of artillery. When joined by the 2d battalion of the Royal Americans from the West Indies, this army amounted to 14,500 men.
Major Alexander Campbell of the 77th writes from Fort Edward, June 19th, 1759:
“Our General is beloved by his soldiers, Honoured and Esteem’d by his officers, Carful of mens lives and healths, in short he is the man I would choose to serve under of any I know in the service. Our Regiment are healthy and in High spirits as are the whole army, and I hope we soon will stricke a stroke that will bring credite and Glory to our General and Army and Satisfaction to our Country and friends.”
Amherst never remained long in one place without building a fort. Fortified places were built at intervals of three or four miles along the road to Fort Edward and especially at the station called Halfway Brook, while for the whole distance a broad belt of wood on both sides was cut down and burned to deprive a skulking enemy of cover. At Lake George he started a fort, now called Fort George, the ruins of which are in the Lake George Battle Ground Park of which this Association is custodian.
July 21st, 1759, Lake George again witnessed a military pageant as the army embarked for its second attack on Fort Ticonderoga. At daylight they landed, beat back a French detachment and marched by the portage road to the sawmill. There was little resistance and the army marched to the former line of entrenchments which had proved so fatal to Abercrombie. These had been reconstructed partly of earth and partly of logs, and as the French made no attempt at their defence the English encamped along their front and found them excellent shelter from the cannon of the fort. It is the general impression that the French retreated with only faint resistance and that there was hardly a shot fired at the second attempt to capture Fort Carrillon but the following letter from Capt. Murray would correct this impression:
“Camp at the Lines of Burning Theanderoga, 27 July, 1758.
My Dear Brother:—I write you these few lines to acquaint you that I am in perfect good health and that the army landed at this end of the lake the 22nd, invested the Fort the 23rd and was very buisy carying on the worcks till the 26th in the night, at which time we had three batteries ready to open, when the enemy abbandoned and set fire to the fort. During the time that the enemy remained they could not keep a hotter fire, for I dare say that fired ten thousand cannon shott and five hundred bombs and I don’t believe there has been forty men killed and wounded during that hott fire, altho’ all the Bombs fell in different parts among us and that we were nigh point blank of the cannon shott but the line that had been of so much hurt to us last year saved our men this.
Your most afft. Brother, James Murray.”
I also add Amherst’s report to Governor James DeLancey:
Camp at Ticonderoga 27th July 1759.[34]
Sir:—
On Saturday morning last I embarked with the army at Lake George, the next day landed without opposition and proceeded to the saw mills, and took post on the commanding grounds, meeting only a trifling opposition from the enemy. We lay on our arms all night and early on the 23rd we continued our march to the ground which I took possession of in the forenoon, the enemy having abandoned the lines without destroying them, first having carried off their effects as well as sent away the greatest part of their troops. As soon as I was set down before the place and after having reconnoitered it, I ordered the trenches to be opened and batteries to be made, which were finished last night, and were to have opened at break of day, but the enemy did not think proper to wait till then, having about ten of the clock yesterday evening blown up a part of the Fort, and made their escape all to about 20 deserters. Our loss considering the fire we sustained is inconsiderable. We have only two officers killed, vis. Colonel Townshend, Deputy Adjutant General and Ensign Harrison of late Forbe’s.
Bourlamaque had on receipt of orders from Vaudreuil retired down Lake Champlain leaving four hundred men under Hebecourt to defend the fort as long as possible and then to abandon Ticonderoga and later when pressed Crown Point and to retreat to Isle-oux-Noix at the outlet of Lake Champlain, where defense was to be made to the last extremity. When the English battery was ready to open fire Hebecourt saw that further resistance was useless and lighting a slow match to the magazine the French escaped down the lake in their boats and a few hours later an explosion which hurled one bastion of old Fort Carrillon skyward shook the promontory. Thus did French Carillon become English Ticonderoga and “Ticonderoga 1758-9” should be among the battle honors to be borne on the colors of the Black Watch. It is true that these honorary distinctions are awarded by the King only in case of victory but Ticonderoga 1758-9 would certainly be as much a victory as “South Africa 1899-1902,” which has been granted. South Africa was not all victory and the Black Watch suffered at Magersfontein as it did at Ticonderoga under Abercrombie.
The length of time elapsed since the battle would also be no objection to the honor being now granted as it was not until 1910, two and one half centuries later that the armies that upheld British honor on the Coast of Morocco were authorized to bear “Tangier 1662-1680” on their colors and appointments.
Copyright 1930 by William H. Hill, Fort Edward
Ticonderoga is the one place on the American continent where Great Britain and France, Canada and the United States can all unite on one common ground. The Yankees and British can meet here and clasp hands over the time when they once fought together and there is not even a sectional feeling which detracts from the unanimity. The North, South, East and West of the United States all join with equal fervor. Each nation had its defeats here at different times but each also had its victories. Therefore there is no battle honor which could be conferred on any British regiment that would please more people of different nations than “Ticonderoga 1758-9.” The fact that there is at present in the village of Ticonderoga a public library and historical building dedicated to a British Regiment, even though this same regiment in its line of duty fought against us in a later war, is sufficient proof that we consider Ticonderoga of international history and above matters of local prejudice.
The rest of the story is soon told. Crown Point was captured and the army was to have moved forward to Isle oux-Noix and to the St. Lawrence but a succession of storms so delayed operations that further active movements were abandoned for the remainder of the season. Amherst profiting by the fatal precipitation of his predecessor was slow but sure and in this campaign was successful in every enterprise that he undertook.
After the capture of Crown Point the army under Amherst was mainly employed in building operations on Lake Champlain, Fort Amherst at Crown Point and Fort Ticonderoga in place of old Fort Carrillon at Ticonderoga. The Black Watch was stationed at Crown Point and helped to build Fort Amherst. In November, they went into camp for the winter and in his report of “Garrisons and Winter Quarters of His Majesty’s forces in North America under the command of His Excellency, Major General Amherst, Headquarters at New York, 15 Dec., 1759” in the Public Record Office, the stations of the Black Watch were as follows: 1st Battalion Royal Highland Regiment, 1 company Halfway Brook, 5 companies Fort Edward, 1 company Fort Miller, 1 company Saratoga, 1 company Stillwater and 1 company Halfmoon, 2d Battalion Royal Highland Regiment, Albany, one Battalion of the Inniskilling (27th Foot) and two companies of the Rangers were left at Crown Point, six companies Late Brig. Gen’l Forbe’s (17th Foot) at Ticonderoga, and four companies 17th Foot at Fort George. The following season (1760) the Black Watch was with Amherst at the capture of Montreal which was the end of the French domain on the American Continent.
In 1761 the Black Watch with ten regiments embarked for Barbadoes there to join an armament against Martinique and Havana. After the surrender of Havana, the first battalion of the 42nd and Montgomery’s Highlanders embarked for New York which they reached in the end of October, 1762. Before leaving Cuba most of the second battalion of the 42nd fit for service were consolidated with the first, and the remainder shipped to Scotland where they were reduced the following year.
The Black Watch was stationed at Albany until the summer of 1763, when they, with a detachment of Montgomery’s Highlanders and another of the 60th, under command of Col. Henry Boquet were sent to the relief of Fort Pitt then besieged by the Indians. The 42nd passed the winter at Fort Pitt and during the summer of 1764, eight companies were sent with the army of Boquet against the Ohio Indians. After subduing the Indians they returned to Fort Pitt, January 1765. The regiment remained in Pennsylvania until the month of July, 1767, when it embarked at Philadelphia for Ireland. Such of the men who preferred to remain in America were permitted to join other regiments. These volunteers were so numerous that along with those who had been previously sent home disabled and others discharged and settled in America, the regiment that returned was very small in proportion to that which had left Scotland.
Let us now turn our attention to Major Duncan Campbell as not only would no sketch of the Black Watch of Ticonderoga be complete without the legend with which his name is associated, but we are perhaps more interested in him than any other officer of the Regiment of that time because he lies buried in the cemetry midway between Hudson Falls (formerly Sandy Hill) and Fort Edward. The other officers and men who were killed July 8, 1758, were doubtless buried on the field of battle and if the graves were ever marked, these marks have long since been destroyed.
AT INVERAWE
Old Inverawe House from the River Awe with Ben Cruachan in the background.
View from the West. X marks the window of the Ghost Room.
Bridge over the Awe built by Captain William Piman about 1756.
No ghost story is more widely known or better authenticated than that of Duncan Campbell of Inverawe. It has been made the subject of an address before this Association by the late Robert O. Bascom at the meeting of July 30, 1901, and has been repeated in many forms and in various publications but it will bear still one more repetition. The following is taken from Parkman’s “Montcalm and Wolfe” and is the story as was told by Dean Stanley and endorsed by the family of the hero of the tale:
“The ancient castle of Inverawe stands by the banks of the Awe, in the midst of the wild and picturesque scenery of the Western Highlands. Late one evening, before the middle of the last century, as the laird, Duncan Campbell, sat alone in the old hall, there was a loud knocking at the gate; and, opening it, he saw a stranger, with torn clothing and kilt besmeared with blood, who in a breathless voice begged for asylum. He went on to say that he had killed a man in a fray, and that the pursuers were at his heels. Campbell promised to shelter him. “Swear on your dirk!”[35] said the stranger; and Campbell swore. He then led him to a secret recess in the depths of the castle. Scarcely was he hidden when again there was a loud knocking at the gate, and two armed men appeared. “Your cousin Donald has been murdered, and we are looking for the murderer!” Campbell, remembering his oath, professed to have no knowledge of the fugitive; and the men went on their way. The laird, in great agitation, lay down to rest in a large dark room where at length he fell asleep. Waking suddenly in bewilderment and terror, he saw the ghost of the murdered Donald standing by his bedside, and heard a hollow voice pronounce the words: “Inverawe! Inverawe! blood has been shed. Shield not the murderer.” In the morning Campbell went to the hiding place of the guilty man and told him that he could harbor him no longer. “You have sworn on your dirk” he replied; and the laird of Inverawe, greatly perplexed and troubled, made a compromise between conflicting duties, promised not to betray his guest, led him to the neighboring mountain (Ben Cruachan) and hid him in a cave.[36]
In the next night, as he lay tossing in feverish slumbers, the same stern voice awoke him, the ghost of his cousin Donald stood again at his bedside, and again he heard the same appalling words: “Inverawe! Inverawe! blood has been shed. Shield not the murderer!” At break of day he hastened, in strange agitation, to the cave; but it was empty, the stranger had gone. At night, as he strove in vain to sleep, the vision appeared once more, ghastly pale, but less stern of aspect than before. “Farewell, Inverawe!” it said; “Farewell, till we meet at TICONDEROGA!”
The strange name dwelt in Campbell’s memory. He had joined the Black Watch, or Forty-Second Regiment, then employed in keeping order in the turbulent Highlands. In time he became its major; and, a year or two after the war broke out, he went with it to America. Here, to his horror, he learned that it was ordered to the attack of Ticonderoga. His story was well known among his brother officers. They combined among themselves to disarm his fears; and when they reached the fatal spot they told him on the eve of the battle, “This is not Ticonderoga; we are not there yet; this is Fort George.”[37] But in the morning he came to them with haggard looks. “I have seen him! You have deceived me! He came to my tent last night! This is Ticonderoga! I shall die today!” and his prediction was fulfilled.”
As will be seen by the preceding pages, Inverawe lived nine days after the battle and was not even mortally wounded if it had been possible in those times to have had antiseptic treatment, but the real point of the legend is that he had been warned of Ticonderoga when he did not know there was such a place, years before there was any prospect of his being sent there and when Ticonderoga was only the Indian name for a point of land on a lake in the wilderness of a far off continent.
To one interested no place could be more fascinating than old Inverawe;[38] everything connected with it breathes of legend and romance and naturally this was one of the first places visited in our Black Watch pilgrimage last summer. Taynuilt, the railroad station nearest Inverawe is a small village across the Awe and about a mile away as the crow flies, but to drive to our destination, one must follow the road two miles up the River to the old bridge which was being built at the time that the Major left for the war in America in 1756. The builder was Captain William Pitman apparently a good friend of Duncan of Inverawe as he charged him with the safe keeping during his absence of his daughter Janet and his favorite dog. History does not record what happened to the dog but the Captain married the daughter and in time Inverawe became her property.
Two Views of Library
Photo by Miss Dorothea E. Seaton, Edinburgh
A Corner of the Ghost Room
After crossing the Awe the road turns down the north side of the River and winds through a magnificent park, some of the trees of which must certainly have been there before the Major’s time. This is all the more remarkable because with the exception of the parks of the private estates, Scotland is nearly a treeless country and even the mountains and wild land which with us would be covered with forests, have there only grass and heather. Then at the end of a delightful four mile drive was old Inverawe house and a most cordial and hospitable welcome from its present owner.
The old house has had many additions in the past one hundred and fifty years but the entrance hall and the main part of the building and particularly the room where Duncan Campbell saw the ghost, are still very much as they were in his time. We endeavored to learn as much as possible of the family history of the Campbells of Inverawe, but like the records of the Black Watch of that time, there was in 1910, little left but tradition.
The Campbells of Inverawe
Twenty years have passed since the account of the Black Watch at Ticonderoga as written for the 1910 meeting of the New York State Historical Association was published, and while we regret that very little can be added, we are pleased to say that few corrections have had to be made in the story as then told. It was thought that the records of the Regiment of the 18th Century were discovered in 1913 among the military manuscripts in the Royal United Service Institution, but while they purported to be the original records, careful examination disclosed that they had been written early in the nineteenth century so nothing new was learned of the Regiment of the Ticonderoga period. The preceding pages therefore are practically unchanged.
The part, however, about the family history of Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe has been entirely rewritten. We are indebted for this additional information to the descendants of Alexander, a brother of Duncan of Inverawe, to the late Major Sir Duncan Campbell of Barcaldine, to the late Captain Douglas Wimberly, and others. No one feature of the Black Watch at Ticonderoga has been of such general interest as the ghost story of its Major, Duncan Campbell of Inverawe, and the straightening out of the family puzzle which was such a mystery in 1910 has been a fascinating study.
The Major’s memory has been honored recently by two celebrations. In 1920 when his bones were moved to the Jane McCrea enclosure, just inside the main gate of the Union Cemetery between Hudson Falls and Fort Edward, where his ancient tombstone now has the protection of a high iron fence, and in 1925 when a monument to the Black Watch and its Major was unveiled at Fort Ticonderoga. Both occasions were under the auspices of the St. Andrews Society of Scots of Glens Falls and vicinity, and the New York State Historical Association.
Photo by Miss Dorothea E. Seaton, Edinburgh
| Showing Door to Ghost Room from Balcony in Entrance Hall | Entrance Hall (Door to Ghost Room may be seen in upper left hand corner) |
| View from North showing Main Entrance |
Of all the new material which has been found since 1910 none is so important or so interesting as the following letter from Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe:
Albany, 14th March, 1758.
Dear Sir,
I received your letter from Inveraw of the 25th November and the first from you since we parted, tho I have been informed by letters that come to hand, of your writing formerly. The State you sent me of my affairs is not very agreeable nor encouraging for me to make a retreat that I had in view, and in a little time I believe might be in my power but I am not disappointed; and notwithstanding I shall do all in my power to assist you. I am sorry that no other scheme of living can be accomplished upon the fund, than the one fixed on; to me it gives uneasiness of minde, tho I’m sensible the consequence may be worse if it is not followed, and therefore bear it with concern. I don’t choose to mention my reasons or enter upon particulars as letters from this part of the world to yours are lyable to inspection and many accidents. I see a separation must be that will expose them to the disrespect and ridicule of many; coud they live together in the way proposed it might prevent much of that but I can’t hope or expect it from what I know.
As to my advice or directions with regard to any plan you, and my other freinds, to whom I fear I have given much trouble and to whom in any event I shall rekon myself oblig’d there is no sort of use for them, you are best judges, and as I am well satisfied that everything will be don and ordered for the best, I shall be as satisfied with any consequence. I am glade you think of raising nurseries and planting, I sent from this Country to be forwarded by Mr. Gatty from Belfast two Barrels of the different kindes of Timber tree seeds &c. but I doubt they will be too late excepting the Pines which seed will do when two year old.
Your letter came a few days ago by an advice Ship of War, which superceeded My Lord Loudoun in the Command and General Abercrombie appointed in his place, with many other changes and promotions in our Military affairs in this Continent, how far they may change our Luck I shall not pretend to judge, but we have need of some sort of medicine for that end. We have a prospect of a very warm and vigorous campaign, and I hope it will be successful. Our Regiment is appointed for the Lewisburgh Expedition, but as we are so far up in the Country where the Generall is to have his department and opperations it is yet uncertain but he may keep us with him; we are all in very good health and compleat for service.
I cannot yet know what remittance I can make for this year, some I will and shall, sometime before we take the field or the midle of May. To prevent a relaps of my last years companion I travelled to the Southard during the severity of the winter to N. York and Philadelfia &c. which have had the desyrd effect and I’m now as chois as ever, but it will not enlarge the remittance.
I have had no letter from Sandy Campbell since Aprile last, Nor from Jesie since July, I received one from Mr. Richardson with yours which I shall answer by next Pacquett and tell him so with my compliments. Lykways please tell Peter Campbell that his letter came at the same time, and that as Adam Fisher is here I had are opportunity of enquiring about his son who is at present out as master, not Capt. of a Privateer there was no such prizes or Fortoune as Peter believed what may be now I know not but there is no great prospect of it. This is the only letter I write by the first Pacquett, so that you may communicate it to my friends as a proof of my being well and youll in the same course make my compliments to them all.
I’m sorry that Captain Campbell should make objections to the payment of his Bill; he brought me 3 * * * for which I cleared him all his charge and gav * * * at that time 20 guineas over for his own trouble * * * expense this he knows and will appear by my * * * which you can see; * * * this indeed I thought suitable any expense he coud incur in Mull and that it * * * my power to give him or not the raising of an * * * rather than have any difference about it let h * * * what I had allowed me by the Regiment which was £3 per man for the first two years and two guineas for the remaining years that at a medium or the full as you please but I hope he’ll allow interest upon what Ballance may be due by him upon such an amot from the time it fell due April 46 when he went to the Regt.
I am,
My dear Sir,
Your affect, humble servant.
Dun. Campbell.
To
John Campbell of Cloichombie Esqr.
Inveraray,
North Brittain.
(edge of letter torn off—hence gaps) (J.F.C.)
The letter bears the Inverawe arms on seal and is endorsed, probably by the addressee “14th March 1758, from Inveraw concerning his familie and affairs and Lieut. Collonel Dugd. Campbell’s Bill.”
This letter will bear reading and re-reading. The first and to the writer the most important part of the letter was some financial and family problem. Unfortunately his guarded and cryptic message caused by the fear that the letter might be opened by another than the addressee will perhaps leave it always an unsolved mystery. It would be interesting to know what success attended the planting of the two barrels of timber seed. His guess that the Black Watch might be used in the Ticonderoga campaign rather than the Lewisburgh as planned, proved correct. It would be interesting to know what the malady of the previous winter was, to prevent a relapse of which it had been necessary to travel to the Southard. The letter closes with another financial problem. If he means that he was allowed ten or fifteen dollars per man for the thousand men in the Regiment, that would be a very sizable income for those days and the bill must have been a large one. The allowance, however, might have been for recruits secured or some other regimental activity. But aside from the interesting contents of this letter its real value is that it gives an opportunity to learn something of the character of its writer. One can read between the lines that Duncan of Inverawe was a reserved man of a strong but a quiet, kindly nature, he would suffer loss himself rather than make trouble for others, and after having done his best was willing to take whatever came without complaint. It quite matches the Inverawe of the ghost story who promised to protect a fugitive and then stood by his oath even though the refugee was the murderer of his cousin. The reader of this letter can not help but feel drawn towards its writer.
The Black Watch of Canada at the dedication of the Black Watch Memorial Tablet July 8, 1925, the inscription of which reads:
A. D. 1925. The Saint Andrews Society of Glens Falls, N. Y., erected this tablet to commemorate the heroic gallantry of the 42nd Regiment of Foot, better known as “The Royal Highlanders” or “THE BLACK WATCH” who on July 8, 1758, lost here in killed and wounded over six hundred of the thousand men engaged. Mortally wounded on that day was their Major, DUNCAN CAMPBELL OF INVERAWE, the hero of one of the most noted ghost stories of Scottish history and of Robert Louis Stevenson’s poem, “Ticonderoga.”
Now what was the immediate family and what was the background of our hero. One version of the ghost story was that he made his will the night before the battle, but no sensible man waits until death is at the door for this very important transaction and we find the following in Vol. XV, Abstract of Entry in Sheriff Court Books of Argyll at Inveraray.
“Disposition by Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe to Lieut. Dugald Campbell, his eldest son procreated between him and Mrs. Jean Campbell, his wife, whom, failing, to Lieut. Alexander Campbell, his second son, whom failing, Duncan Campbell, his third and youngest son, whom failing, to any other sons he may lawfully have, and the heirs male of their bodies in succession, whom failing, to Janet Campbell, his only daughter now in life procreated between him and the said Mrs. Jean Campbell, of his whole lands and estate of Inverawe and others, under certain reservations; dated at Glasgow 17th April, 1756; witnesses, John Campbell of Cloichombie, Alexander Campbell in Achalion, and others.”
This establishes Inverawe’s family and we will see what became of them. Dugald was appointed 2nd Lieutenant in the 21st or Royal North British Fuziliers, December 28, 1755, joined his Regiment at Gibraltar in 1756, died and was succeeded by John Wallace, March 1st, 1758.
Alexander was appointed Lieutenant in the Black Watch Jan. 28, 1756, was wounded at Ticonderoga and invalided to Glasgow where he was promoted to a Captaincy in the Argyllshire Regiment of Fencible men, July 21, 1759, died unmarried Feb. 8, 1760 and was buried in Grey Friers Burying Ground. A powder horn said to have belonged to Lt. Alexander and bearing the coat-of-arms of the Campbells of Inverawe is at the McCord Museum of McGill University in Montreal.
Duncan, third son of Inverawe, is still a mystery but the fact that Janet was proven heir to Inverawe February 5, 1762 would seem to show that he had died without issue before that date.
Major Duncan, born Nov. 22, 1702, married March 20, 1732 Jean, daughter of Col. Alexander Campbell of Finab. She died at Edinburgh August 20, 1761. When Janet succeeded to Inverawe in 1762 therefore her father, her mother and three brothers had all predeceased her—a tragic mortality in six short years. There is a family tradition that Major Duncan mortgaged Inverawe to his brother-in-law, Col. Robert Campbell of Finab and Monzie and that according to old Scottish law the property was handed over to the man who advanced the money until the rental had paid off the debt, and that this arrangement was called a wadset. Whether Col. Campbell of Finab and Monzie acquired the property by wadset or purchase, it passed into his hands soon after Janet proved her title and it is said that when she left the estate she washed her hands in a bottle of wine at the border, which we were told was an old Highland custom. The owner of Inverawe in 1910 was a descendant of Col. Robert Campbell of Finab and Monzie, a Mrs. Campbell of Dunstaffnage. Since then we are informed it was purchased by the late Mr. James Currie and is now for sale to settle his estate.
Janet who married Capt. William Pitman, had only one daughter, Susan, who died unmarried. So with her the descendants of Major Duncan Campbell of Inverawe are at an end.
There is a very interesting tale about an Inverawe cup. It seems that in 1714 the three brothers, Archibald of Inverawe, Dugald of Shirvan, and Alexander of Kilmartin, each got a silver cup. The Kilmartins always kept their cup but both those of Inverawe and Shirvan were lost. This was such a grief to the Inverawes that the fact was often mentioned. On one occasion a friend who had heard of this cup was hunting in Ireland and stopped at a wretched little inn to get a drink for himself and his horse. The place was so disreputable looking that he would not go in but had his drink brought out to him. It came in a battered old metal cup and on the chance that it might be of value, he bought it from the landlord. To his great pleasure he found on having it cleaned that it was the long lost Inverawe cup. He had an inscription put on it, recording the finding, and sent it to Archibald Campbell of Blackhouse, a nephew of Major Duncan, and the representative at that time of the Inverawe family. The cup is still a treasured possession of the descendants of this Archibald, the Campbells of Arduaine, Lochgilphead.
—From “Auchindarroch Miscellany”
The will of the Archibald of Inverawe of the Silver Cup and father of Major Duncan Campbell, is as follows:
“1727, February 23rd—Disposition by Archibald Campbell of Inveraw to Duncan Campbell, his eldest lawful son, and the heirs male of his body, whom failing, to Dugall Campbell, his second lawful son, and his heirs male, whom failing, Lachlan Campbell, his third son, and Alexander Campbell, his fourth son, whom all failing, the heirs of the Granter and Janet McLean, his spouse, whom failing, his heirs of any other marriage of his lands of Inveraw, Drumchoise, Dalneass, etc., with certain exceptions, including a life rent right granted by the deceased Archibald Campbell of Inveraw to Lilias Campbell, his spouse, now spouse to Angus Campbell of Dunstagnage; dated at Inveraw 14th February 1722.”
Another interesting fact in the Inverawe annals is that Dugald Campbell of London in the parish of Saint Martin’s, Westminster, and County of Middlesex, by his will bearing date the 2nd day of June 1718, gave to old decayed men and young women of Campbell of Inverawe’s family, the sum of £300, and that this “Inverawe Annuity Fund” since augmented, is still administered by Trustees chosen from the Inverawe heirs.
The present known Campbells who are proud to claim that they are of the Clan Inverawe are descended from Alexander, brother of Duncan, the fourth son of Archibald, as named in the foregoing will. Alexander was born in 1710 and married Ann Somerville in 1747. If all of the descendants of this union have been of as fine, high character as those whom we have been privileged to meet, the world has indeed been richer for the Campbells of Inverawe.
Family Tree of The Campbells of Inverawe
The family does not seem to be entirely in agreement on the line back of the 18th Century. The following is gathered from different branches. One version is that the Inverawes descended from Sir Archibald Campbell of Lochow, whose son Colin was knighted by Alexander III, 1280, and died 1294. His son, Niel or Nigel of Lochow, died 1360, and his son, Dugald or Duncan was the 1st “Inverawe” and ancestor of the Clan Dhonnachie Campbells. He got a grant of the estate of Inveraw and Cruachan from David II, 1330. A later Inveraw got a grant of lands from Queen Mary, 1558. With the exception of a gap of about 60 years from 1460 or so to 1510, we have a complete record of “Inveraws” practically an unbroken succession from father to son.
Another version is the following:
Archibald, c/v from 1st Earl of Argyll
Dougal, c/v 22.11.1485, from 2nd Earl. Sasine Des. 1486. Officer of Over Lochow to the Earl. (Inverawe deeds)
Archibald, signs Archibald McCoul McConachie of Inverawe 1519, (Thanes of Cawdor), c/v from 2nd Earl as heir to Dugal (Inverawe deeds) married Margaret Campbell.
Dougal, (Inverawe 1548-1562). (Register of Decreets and Acts) said to have married a dau. of Lochnell.
Archibald, (1562-1567 or 1576) married Margaret C. dau. of Dougal C. of Ardcullour, sister of Sir James C. VIth of Ardkinklas. (A. Charters)
Dougal, (1576 or 1567-1583) married Christian Carswell, dau. (or granddaughter) of Bishop Carswell. Relict of Dougal 1587. She afterward married Neill Campbell, Bishop of Lismore.
Archibald, (1583-1650)
Dougal, (1650-1674), burned “Bonnie House of Airlie” 1640. married 1st, Agnes, dau. of Sir Robert C. of Glenarguhy (Braedalbane) 2nd, Janet, dau. of Rory McNeill of Barra.
Archibald, (1674-1705), son of Dougal and Agnes. Married 1st, Mary, dau. of Hector McNeill of Thayneis. 2nd, Lilias, dau. of Sir James C. of Lawers.
Archibald, (1705-1730) married Janet McLean of Torloisk. Served heir to Cattinis 1700, later Inverawe, etc. Received Inverawe cup 1714.
Duncan (1730-1758), Major Black Watch, married Jane Campbell of Finab.
ARCHIBALD OF INVERAWE
b. abt. 1670. got cup 1714. d. 1730.
m. Janet Maclean of Tarloisk, in Mull, abt. 1700.
|
+-----+----------+-----------+-----------+-------------+--------+
| | | | | |
Duncan of Inveraw Barbara Archibald Dugald Alexander |
Maj. Black Watch b. 1703 b. 1705 b. 1706 b. 1710 |
b. 1702. d. 1758 Campbell d. before no issue m. 1747 |
m. Jean Campbell m. Archd. 1721 Ann Somerville |
of Finab of Jura | |
| | |
+----+-----+------------+-------+ | |
| | | | | |
Dugald Alexander Duncan Janet | |
Lieut. b. abt. 1705 Lieut. m. Wm. Pitman, M. D. 33d | |
d. unm. Lieut. Black d. unm. Regt. (Duke of Cumberland’s | |
Watch. d. of army.) Sold Inveraw 1762 to | |
wounds rec’d her uncle, Col. Robt. Campbell | |
Ticonderoga. of Monzie and Finab. One dau. | |
Unm. Susan, d. unm. | |
| |
+---------+-------+----------------+---------+---------+-----+ |
| | | | | | |
Jean John Archibald Ann Alexander Duncan |
m. Duncan of Blackhouse d. unm. b. 1763 d. 1815 |
Campbell m. Katherine Fish m. 1798 Harriot |
Achlian | 1817 Young, b. 1774. |
| | |
| | |
Alexander of Auchindarock | |
Pur’d 1829. Trustee sold See next page |
Tirvine to James A. C. 1830. |
3rd Dragoon Guards, d. July 1902. |
m. Harriet Keir, dau. Sir James Keir. |
| |
+----------+-----+-------+---------------+-----------+--------+ |
| | | | | | | |
Archibald Julia Mary Alister James Walter Neil |
b. 1842 b. 1846. Killed Arthur b. 1854 b. 1858 |
d. Aug. 1885 Sakokunis Krael b. 1850 m. M. G. |
74th Highlanders 1879. (Schipka d. Nov. 1929 Bovill |
m. Isabella C., dau. pass Campbell) m. Miss E. M. |
Col. Fairlie of Bruce |
Coodham A. | |
| Arduaine family |
| |
+------------------+--------------+------------+------------+ |
| | | | | |
Alister Magnus Roma Constance Archibald Zella Muriel Donald |
of Auchindarroch 1870 b. 1878 b. 1880 b. 1881 |
b. 1868. d. Aug. 1930 m. Eva, dau. m. Robertson d. 1886 |
m. 1st, Lilias Mary 1897 Col. Agnew Glasgow |
dau. Robt. Roberston of East |
Mountgrenan, Glasgow Warristoone +-------------------+
| |
+----------------------+ |--Lachlan b. 1709
| | | d. young
Alister Norman Colin C. |
b. 1898 |--Isobel b. 1711
m. 2nd Evelyn Sanderson |
1903, Edinburgh |--Elizabeth b. 1713
| |
+-----------+-----------------+ |--Patrick b. 1714
| | | |
Amy Muriel Neil Arch’d Alan Keir |--Lilias b. 1716
1905 b. 1906, d. 1907 b. 1908 |
|--Ann b. 1717
|
+--John b. 1719
DUNCAN (son of Alexander who was brother of Duncan of Inveraw)
b. 1763 d. 1815 m. 1798 Harriot Young, b. 1774
|
+----------+------+---+---------+--------+--------------+----------+
| | | | | | | |
Henrietta Alexander | Ann Duncan Jane James Archibald |
b. 1800 b. 1801 | Eliza b. 1805 b. 1806 b. 1807, d. 1879 |
m. Rev. | b. 1803 d. at m. Sir m. 1st 1832 |
Bracken Robert Eton Alex Jane Augusta |
| b. 1802 Spearman. Pocklington |
| | d. 1842 |
Henrietta Eliza | m. 2nd Maria |
d. unm. | Grace Cameron |
| d. 1906 |
+----+----+------+----+-----+-----+----+ | |
| | | | | | | | |
Jane | Augusta | Edmund | Rudolph (see next page) |
| | | |
Henrietta Alex. Horace |
+-------------+------+
| |
Thos. Edmund Augustus
b. 1809 b. 1811
m. Henrietta d. young in
du Chesne snow storm
St. Hilaire in Alps.
Canada
|
+----------+------+----+------+-------+------+-------+-------+
| | | | | | | | |
Edmund Archibald | Bruce Laura Robert Duncan Donald Colin
b. 1843 d. 1899 | Hermione | m. Mabel
m. Nellie Jucherau d. | G. Allen
Lind | |
| +-------+--------+-------+ |
| | | | | |
| Duncan Archie Charles Lola |
+------+------+-----+ killed |
| | | | in war +-------+---+---+
Edmund Bruce Hugh Etta | | |
killed Enid Phoebe Colin
in war d.
JAMES ARCHIBALD (son of Duncan, son of Alexander
bro. of Duncan of Inveraw).
b. 1807 d. 1879
m. 1st 1832 Jane Augusta Pocklington, d. 1842
|
|
+-------------+-----------+----------+-----------+---------+
| | | | | |
Jane Eliza Laura Duncan Edmund Alex’r Florence Lorne
b. 1833 Beatrice Pocklington d. 1887 Elizabeth Augustus
d. 1924 b. 1834 d. unm. m. Margaret d. unm. b. 1842
m. Rev. Walter d. 1917 Campbell d. 1893
Tait. Min. of unm. d. 1909 m. 1875
St. Madoes, | Cecilia
Perthshire | Martin
b. 1836 d. 1905 | d. 1898
| | |
| | +------+
| +-------+-------+----+--+--------+--------+ |
| | | | | | | |
+--------+ Marie Duncan Edmund Lorne Ronald James |
| | Grace McIver Alex’r Francis Bruce Arch’d |
J. H. M. Adam m. 1904 d. m. 1911 m. Bessie |
(Minna) Duncan Louis Carey May Anderson |
m. 1901 | Brockman | |
Evelyn Heath | | | |
| | +--------+ | |
+-------+--+ Estella Grace | | | |
| | and Patricia Bruce Neill | |
Barbara Ian Ford b. 1912 b. 1924 | |
Jean Duncan | |
b. 1904 +----------+---------+ |
| | | |
John Francis Patrick |
Anderson |
|
+----------+-----------+---------+----+
| | | |
Ethel Frederick Cecil Audrey Ian
m. 1897 d. 1918
Chas. O. A. S.
Desborough
|
+------+-------+
| | |
Jan Joyce Peter
James Archibald (b. 1807, d. 1879)
m. 2nd Maria Grace Cameron, d. 1906
|
|
+--+-----+---------+--------+----------+------------+-----------+-----+
| | | | | | | |
Grace Donald Henrietta James Maria Lilias Mabel |
m. Dr. Charles d. 1860 Archibald Josephine MacDonald Harriott |
Neill d. 1923 m. 1887 m. 1887 |
| d. 1888 Hugh Daubney |
| Rev. Reginald Lieut. RN |
John Letts d. 1914 |
m. | | |
| | |
Christian Francis +-------+------+ |
b. 1888 | | | |
Gladys Marjory Hugh |
M. W. L. b. 1900 |
Mellersh |
| |
+------+------+ |
| | | |
Mary John Veronica |
|
+-------------+-------+
| |
Dugal John Evan Cameron
m. m. Marie