REPRINTED ARTICLES.
THE LIBERIAN CRISIS.
(Unity. March 25, 1909.)
In closing my The Truth about the Congo, I said: “If it is necessary for us as a nation to look for African adventure; if to give a strenuous President the feeling that he is ‘doing something’ we must meddle in the affairs of the Dark Continent, there is a district where we might intervene with more of reason and consistency and grace than we are doing by going to the Congo. We once established on African soil, whether wisely or not I do not intend to discuss, a free republic for the blacks. In Liberia we have an American enterprise, pure and simple. It has not been a great success. It is just possible—though I doubt it—that Liberia would at several times have profited and been advantaged by our instruction and interest. But it seems to possess little interest for us. Just now, like the Congo, it is attracting British attention. Whether it has large or little value, whether it possesses great opportunities or not, it is now a center of interest to Great Britain. She does not need our help in pulling chestnuts from the fire there, and there has been strange silence and ignorance in this country regarding it as a new sphere for English influence. If we assist England in expanding her African possessions at the expense of the Congo Free State, Liberia will be the next fraction of Africa to succumb to English rule. England’s methods of procedure are various. It might be a useful lesson for our statesmen and politicians to study Liberia’s prospects with care. We are still young in the business of grabbing other people’s lands. England could teach us many lessons. The latest one may well be worthy of our attention, since, in a certain sense, it deals with a district where we naturally possess an interest.”
At the time, these suggestions caused some surprise. Americans were (and are) totally ignorant regarding Liberia and felt that my remarks were due to prejudice. I have no prejudice against England, from which my ancestry chiefly came. A few months have proved the truth of my predictions. In May last a Commission appointed by the Liberian government called upon President Roosevelt and begged the intervention of the United States for the purpose of guaranteeing independence and “integrity against the encroachments of powerful European governments.” Among the reasonable ideas urged by this Commission was that disputes between Liberia and France, Germany and England should be settled by arbitration and not by a resort to force. We wisely refused to establish a protectorate over Liberia, but our government agreed to use its good offices with England, France and Germany. Considerable correspondence seems to have taken place and some interest relative to Liberia has been aroused. But on the whole no serious progress has been made and a few days since the newspapers contained the following item:
“Washington, D. C., Feb. 12.—Cable advices received at the state department today indicate that a climax has been reached in the Liberian situation. Conditions are grave, and great alarm is felt by foreign officials in Liberian employ.
“A British gunboat has arrived to afford protection to foreign interests and a company of soldiers has been sent from Sierra Leone to the capitol at Monrovia for the same purpose. Apparently great despondency is entertained as to the ability of the government to maintain itself and as to the future of Liberia as a nation.”
The notice closed with these words:
“The cable today called attention to the effort of the state department, inaugurated by Secretary Root, to secure an appropriation of $20,000 to enable the president to send to Liberia a commission with a view to reporting recommendations as to the specific action this government should take which would constitute the most effective measures of relief. Secretary Root anticipated the development of conditions which would menace seriously the future of Liberia, which was established as a direct result of the action, first, of American citizens, and, secondly, of the government of the United States.”
What can we do? What should we do? First; we should notify Great Britain, France and Germany that encroachment upon Liberian sovereignty will be considered an unfriendly act by us; that coercion ought not to be used in the collection of debts, even though Liberia did not take part in the Hague Conference of 1907. Second; we should use our good offices to bring about definite arrangements between Liberia and the European nations for arbitration of all points at issue between them. Third; we should under no circumstances attempt to make a model government for her, nor should we insist upon reforms along our lines, but we should appoint an advisory commission of thoughtful and well-balanced men, who shall thoroughly investigate conditions and stand ready to give asked advice when needful upon points of importance. This commission should be retained for several years and should be non-partisan. So much we can and should do.
THE NEEDS OF LIBERIA.
(The Open Court. March, 1913.)
The situation of Liberia is critical. Her long-troubling boundary questions with Great Britain and France are not permanently settled; they have been re-opened and both countries are pressing.
We did well to come to her financial aid; but we did badly in needlessly inflicting upon her an expensive and complicated international receivership instead of an economical, simple and national one.
Liberia’s crying needs are:
a. Training of her native frontier force to protect her boundaries and maintain order there;
b. Development of existing trails, with their ultimate transformation into roads and railroad beds;
c. Restoration and development of agriculture—now neglected;
d. Education, especially along lines of manual and technical training.
Liberia’s greatest asset is her native population; only by imbuing it with the feeling of common interest and by securing its hearty co-operation can the government of Africa’s only republic hope to maintain itself and prosper.
A SOJOURNER IN LIBERIA.
(The Spirit of Missions. April, 1913.)
Anxious to see all possible of Liberia, we gladly accepted Bishop Ferguson’s invitation to visit Bromley and to inspect the work done at the Julia C. Emery Hall. On reaching the landing at Monrovia at 8 a. m. we found the mission steamer, the John Payne, ready. Our party consisted of ex-President Barclay, ex-Postmaster-General Blount, Justice T. McCants Stewart of the Supreme Court, Major Young, U. S. A., military attaché of the American Legation, Mayor Johnson, the Rev. Mr. Cassell and Bishop Ferguson—all residents of Liberia—my photographer and myself. He and I were the only white men. Of the colored men some were born in Liberia, others in the United States—North and South—one at least in the British West Indies. Ex-President Arthur Barclay is by many considered to be the ablest man of Liberia; he has had a wide experience and has gained exceptional knowledge of Liberian needs and problems. Mayor Johnson is one of the sons of the late President Johnson, who was the first “son of the soil” to occupy the presidential chair of the negro republic. Bishop Ferguson, born in South Carolina, has lived so many years in Cape Palmas and Monrovia that no one ever thinks of him as aught but a Liberian. He is a man of energy and ideas and his work speaks for his efficiency. We were soon off, and for three hours steamed up the river, a typical, tropical African stream. A dense tangle of mangroves extends far out from the shore on both sides, over the water, completely concealing the actual land; the trunks rise from pyramids of exposed roots; from the branches, slender shoots, round-tipped, strike vertically down, penetrate the water, force their way into the soft, oozy mud of the river bottom, take root and aid in spreading the tangled growth still further out over the water. Here and there straight gashes are cut into this mass of crowded trees to serve as landing-channels for native canoes. The first part of our journey was up a branch stream, the St. Paul’s River branching near its mouth and entering the sea by more than the single outlet. As we approached the main river, the mangrove thicket thinned, and the most striking feature in the vegetation was the dragon-palm. It, too, rises from a pyramidal mass of exposed roots, but in form and foliage it is totally unlike the mangrove; its long narrow leaves lead to its being often called the sword-palm. Here we could often look back over the land, and saw oil-palms with their delicate, graceful crowns outlined against the blue sky—truly blue sky, for by October 15 the period of rains is practically over. We had passed settlements, here and there, upon the way; single houses of “Liberians,” or little clusters of “native” huts; New Georgia, on our right, is quite a village but seems to bear an indifferent reputation—due perhaps to its history; it was settled with slaves rescued from slaving-vessels and such slaves were rarely considered as equals, in the old days, by the colonists.
When we reached the main river, the whole character of the scenery changed. The river itself was wider; the banks were cleaner and the flat land stood higher; the mangrove swamps disappeared; plantations showing considerable attention were to be seen here and there. While we had chatted and viewed the scene the Bishop had not been idle, and the smiling black boy now passed an abundant supply of sandwiches and sliced cake, daintily wrapped in paper and tied with narrow ribbons, all prepared beforehand by Mrs. Ferguson. Served with lemon and strawberry soda-water they were a welcome refreshment.
We had been so fully occupied that we had hardly noticed that three hours had passed when we saw Bromley ahead. The building stands on a level terrace well above the river. It is said to be the largest in Liberia; whether so or not, it is a spacious, plain, well-built construction, admirably adapted to its purpose. Its architect and master builder, Mr. Scott, met us at the landing. He is a native of pure blood, a Grebo from Cape Palmas district. He has never been outside of Liberia and has had to gain his knowledge and experience as he best could. He has had correspondence instruction from an American school and finds it of advantage.
The building is known as the Julia C. Emery Hall and serves as a girls’ school. The parlor is a fine room and upon its walls are displayed interesting cuts, portraits and documents, all relative to national, racial and mission history. We were shown through the building from tower—whence a splendid view over the river is to be had—to cellar. It is well equipped—dormitories, school rooms, chapel, dining room, kitchen, washrooms, storerooms—all suitable and neat and clean. Seventy girls are in attendance. There are not beds for all the children, perhaps not for more than half of them; half of the children sleep upon the floor on mats. This is no special hardship, as they are used to it; in my own opinion they are quite as well off without beds.
The girls form two groups—the large girls dressed in blue and white and the little girls dressed in pink and white. They seem neat and happy. They rendered a program for us which would have done credit to any teaching here at home:
Singing—“He Who Safely Keepeth” School
Recitation—“The Burden” Miss Jahlamae
Singing—“Sweet and Low” Misses Nichols, Gibson, Tucker, Wisner
Dialogue—“Patience” A class
Singing—“Wider Than the Ocean” School
Recitation—“The Echo” A class
Recitation—“The Hurry Order” Miss Wood
Singing—“Those Eternal Bowers” School
Recitation—“Genesis, Chap. XLIX” A class
Recitation—“The Chambered Nautilus” Miss Wright
Recitation—“Jephtha’s Daughter” Miss Muhlenberg
Singing—“The Whole Wide World” School
It is particularly interesting to see the harmony and friendship here. Some of the girls are Liberians, but there are also native girls from various parts of the country and from various tribes—Golas, Krus, Grebos. We went to the dining room, which had been cleared, and the girls went through with a calisthenic drill, which was beautifully rendered. Mrs. Moort is in charge of the school and deserves much credit for its satisfactory condition. After this drill was over we sat down to a table loaded with good things, and some of the larger girls aided in the serving. One of the aims of the school is to teach work and housekeeping. The school property includes two hundred acres of land, which will supply much of the food needed in school and provide opportunity for instruction in gardening.
The Bishop stated that we must not tarry, as we were expected at Clay-Ashland. A half hour by steamer brought us to its landing, where the resident clergyman, Mr. Cooper, son-in-law of Bishop Ferguson, met us. We walked up through a straggling settlement to the little church, near which a sign in brilliant lettering announced “Welcome.” Here we turned to the right and in a moment reached Alexander Crummell Hall, in construction. Here another brilliant lettering proclaimed “A Hearty Welcome to You.” The building is to be of wood with corrugated iron roofing; it is not yet covered in, but promises to be a fine and suitable structure. Only the side verandah was usable; it was covered in and adorned with palms in honor of the occasion. The boys and young men were seated on two lines of benches facing, between which we walked up to the speaker’s table. There were perhaps forty students present. They carried through a little program—reading, singing and addresses, all carried through with fine swing and vigor. The address of welcome was given in good English by a Bassa boy. In some interesting and appropriate remarks Major Young spoke to the boys of the life and lesson of Alexander Crummell, in whose honor the hall was named and whom he himself had known. It was now well on in the afternoon and time for us to start on our return journey. This was rapidly accomplished as the current was in our favor and we tied up at the landing in Monrovia at 6:30, with stars twinkling in the sky above us and town lights reflected in the water below.
Bishop Ferguson had invited me to see the Kru service on a Sunday afternoon. Two Kru men called to escort me to the little chapel, which is situated on a rocky slope overhanging Krutown. The native settlement is at the waterside, upon the low sandy beach; its population, houses and life are purely native. Down there they speak Kru; men and boys all know English; some women and girls do. It is a hardy, vigorous, energetic population. The men are water folk; they are splendid canoe men; they are the main dependence of the steamers, which they serve as crews and wharfingers. When we arrived at the little chapel we found it crowded; more than a hundred men, women and children were assembled. The women were a sight for tired eyes, with their brilliant wrappings, gay head bands and ring-loaded fingers. Few Liberians were present—Bishop and Mrs. Ferguson, Superintendent Bright and a few teachers. Pastor McKrae is native—but a Grebo, not a Kru. The two tribes are related and their languages are very similar. I was warmly welcomed and an interesting program of singing and recitation was carried out—all in Kru except the Bishop’s introduction and my own remarks, which were interpreted from English into Kru as we spoke. These people are enthusiastic; they are interested in their chapel and contribute to its support; they are crowded in their present quarters and are about to raise a larger and finer building.
I had intended to see the work at Cape Palmas, but it was impossible for me to go there. For that at Bromley, Clay-Ashland and Kru chapel I have only words of praise. My own opinion is that Liberia’s greatest asset is the native. He exists in a score of independent tribes and counts a million souls. If the little black republic is to hold its own, if it is to remain a nation among nations, if it is to lead the way to African redemption, there must be a mutual realization by Liberians and Natives of their common interest, and a hearty co-operation. The burden is too heavy for the Liberian alone. In Bishop Ferguson’s work there is the nearest approach to tolerance, union, brotherhood and mutual helpfulness seen during my expedition.
LIBERIA, THE HOPE OF THE DARK CONTINENT.
(Unity. March 20, 1913.)
An address given at All Souls Church, Abraham Lincoln Centre, Chicago, March 9, 1913. As this contains little that is not contained in the next item, and nothing but what occurs in the body of the book, it is not reprinted here.
WHAT LIBERIA NEEDS.
(The Independent. April 3, 1913.)
In 1905 I sailed from Antwerp to the mouth of the Kongo River. When we reached Freetown, Sierra Leone, we spent several hours on shore. On returning to the steamer we found all greatly changed; the white crew was laid off and the steamer was swarming with black boys who had been taken on to perform the heavy work of the vessel so long as she should be in the hot country. In the morning I found that these black boys were Krumen from Liberia; they pointed out the shores of their country as we sailed by and told me of their people and their life. The captain of our steamer was an Englishman; he took great satisfaction in telling stories which showed his contempt for the little black republic and its rulers. It was his custom to laugh at their port regulations, to evade their customs laws, to insult their officers. Months later, in returning from the Kongo Free State, I sat at table next to a ship’s officer who was never tired of telling of Sir Harry Johnston’s great scheme of Liberian exploitation; matters were all arranged for Britain to gain the advantage which the wealth of Liberia offers. When we reached London, I found the windows of book stores filled with Sir Harry’s great work upon Liberia, and considerable public interest in the subject.
It was these three things which turned my interest toward Liberia and led me to think of making an expedition to that country. I wanted to see the Kru boys at home; I wanted to see just how much of a failure the black republic is; I wanted to see how the English plans of exploitation worked out. It was, however, several years before I was able to make that journey. I have just returned and found much more of interest than I anticipated.
It is now almost one hundred years since the American Colonization Society was established and sent its first freed negro settlers to the West Coast of Africa; it is almost seventy years since, in 1847, the society severed its relation with the colonists and urged them to establish an independent form of government. We have no right to take any great amount of credit to ourselves for the original establishment; it was less from philanthropy or altruism than from selfishness that we began the colony; it was because we did not want freed blacks living among white Americans that we sent them to Africa. There have been various times during the period of Liberia’s history when we might have helped her greatly; we have never quite forgotten our obligations, but we have never done all that we might for her benefit and profit.
It is not fair to establish a direct comparison between Liberia and any European colony upon the West Coast of Africa. It is not just, for instance, to take Dakar or Freetown and compare them with Monrovia. Senegal and Sierra Leone have had great advantages which have been lacking in Liberia. Those colonies have had the constant aid and sympathy of a mother country; they have been developed with the aid of vast home capital; they have had the protection of well organized armies against internal foes and external aggression; they have had chosen men sent out as governors who have given them advice, encouragement, instruction. Liberia has had to stand alone; her population was largely ignorant persons, despised, recently emerged from slavery; she has had no interest of a mother country; she has had no capital with which to push development; she has had no means of protection against native tribes or crowding neighbors; she has had to train governors from her own population, who have had to learn the business of government through personal experience. When this marked difference in opportunity and material is realized, the wonder is that Liberia has been able to make any real achievement. As a matter of fact, while the direct comparison is most unjust, it can be made without serious discredit to Liberia. The standard of living, the average comfort, the construction of houses and other buildings in Liberia, falls little short of those in Freetown, if at all; of course, when it comes to public enterprises—harbor improvements, governmental offices, etc.—the European colony has notable advantage. In reality, Liberian achievement is marvelous in the face of all the difficulties with which the country has had to contend. Far from being a dismal failure, Liberia has proved an astonishing success. For more than sixty years her officers have been pitted against the skilled politicians of European countries; they have had to fight in diplomatic warfare with Great Britain, France and Germany. The wonder is that she was not long since wiped off the map.
In 1908 a commission of Liberians was sent to beg assistance from the United States. Through a period of years she had lost land, first to Great Britain, then to France, both of which own adjacent territory; her commerce had been hampered by British schemers who desired to prevent her development until they themselves should control its results; she had been forced twice to borrow money from Great Britain—and both times had paid heavily for scant accommodation. Robbed of land, crippled in development, heavily in debt to a pressing creditor, a crisis had been reached in her affairs. The United States heard the appeal and answered: a commission of investigation visited Liberia and made a definite report, advising certain lines of aid. We have acted upon some of their recommendations. We have expressed to Great Britain, Germany and France our special interest in Liberian affairs; we have lent her colored officers to aid in training a native force; we have come to her financial relief, paying her past debts and taking over the administration of her customs houses.
The population of Liberia consists of three main elements: there are about 12,000 civilized and Christian blacks, descendants of American freed negroes, whom we may call Americo-Liberians, or Liberians proper; there are perhaps 30,000 coast natives, who speak English and have come into frequent contact with Liberians and the outside world; there are perhaps one million “natives,” living in the interior, “bush niggers,” most of whom speak only native tongues and are pagan in religion. The Liberians live in a few settlements near the coast, or along the rivers, a few miles inland. The natives consist of a score or more of different tribes, living in little villages, each tribe having its own language, its independent chiefs, its characteristic life and customs. Sir Harry Johnston says that the interior of Liberia is the least known part of Africa. Many of these native tribes still practice cannibalism, all of them are polygamist, and domestic slavery exists among them. The relation between them and the Liberians proper is almost nil. The area of Liberia even now is larger than the State of Ohio and not much less than that of Pennsylvania. If we were to take the town of Bellaire, Ohio, and divide its little population into about a dozen towns along the Ohio River, and were then to sprinkle the whole State of Ohio with villages of Indians, totaling one million, speaking a score of different dialects, and recognizing no control except that of their local chiefs, we should have something analogous to the Liberian situation. If, now, this population of Bellaire were to figure as an independent nation among the world’s governments, think what a burden this would entail upon it. Liberia elects a President, Vice-President, Senators and Representatives; its President has a Cabinet, each member with his own department of government; it maintains a Supreme Court, with a bench of judges; it has consuls, some with diplomatic powers, in many of the nations of the world. Would we be able in any town of 12,000 people in the United States to find such a corps of men of competence? As a nation, with privileges and obligations, Liberia must not only maintain this national government, but it must keep order over its whole area and prevent its million bush natives from troubling its neighbors. It is on the plea that Liberia is incapable of maintaining order that France and Great Britain are constantly crowding upon her frontiers; it is a fact that to prevent aggression from outside she must maintain order within.
We must not imagine that neighborly aggression has ceased because we spoke. New boundary questions have lately arisen, both with Great Britain and France, and it looks as if they were getting ready to demand a new slice of territory. One of the crying needs of Liberia is to have a native frontier force, well drilled, ready to protect and maintain order at her boundary. Such a force has been organized; it has been in existence for several years; just at present it is being drilled under three young colored officers whom we have sent within the past year to Monrovia—Major Ballard, Captain Brown and Captain Newton. These men now bear commissions from the Liberian Government and are paid by it. The force will be developed to 600 soldiers; it is rather easy to collect them; they come from many of the interior tribes and, when they are enlisted, know no English; they seem to enjoy the life of soldiers and rapidly improve until in their conduct and drilling they present a creditable appearance. When actually disciplined, so that they will not loot or cause distress when marching through a district of non-combatants, they should be a great advantage to the nation. Unfortunately, the Liberian Government is frequently in financial difficulties and the pay of these soldiers falls into arrears. There is always serious danger that, under such circumstances, the discontented force may arise against the Government and cause difficulties.
We did well to come to the financial relief of Liberia, but we did badly in the details of our method. The total debts were about $1,300,000: we arranged for a loan to her of $1,700,000; this would enable her to pay off all obligations, to have some ready funds left over, and to have a single, friendly creditor. Before securing this loan we insisted upon a receivership. It would have been a simple matter for us to have simply appointed a receiver of customs and leave the administration of affairs in his hands, as we did in Santo Domingo. Had we done so, it is unlikely that any other nation would have found fault; if any nation should have criticised the action, we could with consistency insist that we stand in a peculiar relation to Liberia and that the loan is too small to warrant great expense in the handling of the business connected with it. What we really did was to recognize fictitious interests of other nations in the matter; we arranged for an international receivership; instead of one American receiver we proposed four receivers—American, French, English, German. Inasmuch as the impoverished Government has to pay handsome salaries to all four, the plan was anything but economical; the dangers of difficulty and disagreement between the members of this international receivership are considerable. Surely instead of inflicting an expensive and complicated international receivership upon the country, we should have arranged for an economical, simple national receiver.
There is no question that Liberia has great natural wealth; her resources are yet almost untouched; she is the only part of the whole West Coast where large returns are certain for small investment. In order to secure her wealth of products, it is absolutely necessary that trails be opened up through the interior. Trails, of course, already exist, but under present conditions they are frequently intentionally neglected; little chiefs do not want too easy contact with the outside world. It is absolutely necessary, if Liberia is to advance, that the good will of the chiefs shall be secured and that all trails shall be kept open. In no other way can the produce of the forests find its way down to the coast. Foot trails, of course, are of limited utility, and as rapidly as they are improved they should become actual roads, presumably to be themselves developed in time into roadbeds for light railroads. It is only by the improvement of means of transportation that the Liberian Government can hope to increase its income, which comes almost entirely from trade.
For the present, and undoubtedly for some time to come, the chief source of income for the country must be by trade in natural products, collected in the forests. It is time, however, that serious effort should be made to develop the actual agricultural opportunities of Liberia. With a rich soil, abundant rainfall, tropical temperature, vegetation flourishes. Liberia should produce vast quantities of rice, corn, cotton, sugar, sweet potatoes, yams, bananas, plantains, ginger, coffee, cocoa, pineapples and other tropical fruits. There is no reason why in many parts of the country cattle, goats and sheep should not be raised in quantities. At present, a very large amount of foodstuffs is introduced from the outside world; fresh meat is to be had only when steamers pass; rice, even—of which the natives raise quantities—is imported. Formerly considerable coffee was exported; the coffee tree grows wild and is probably a native of the country, and Liberian coffee has a fair reputation in the foreign market; at present, very little is exported. It is curious that agriculture has never been a favorite occupation with the people. As long ago as 1826 and 1827 the famous agent of the colony, Jehudi Ashmun, complained bitterly that the people all desired to trade instead of to practice hand labor and develop agriculture. It is certain that if it is to be permanently prosperous, Liberia must encourage agricultural pursuits. It was natural enough that freed slaves should look upon manual trades and field labor as contemptible; that they should look upon barter and trade as desirable. Unfortunately, at the time of colonization it was easy for men to trade. This dislike for actual labor continues to the present day; it is possible to hire bush natives to do the absolutely necessary heavy labor very cheaply. In Liberian houses great numbers of native servants are employed. Trade and politics absorb the thought and time of the best men in the community. It is going to be a difficult task to place agriculture and hand labor upon a proper footing, but it must be done and soon.
We must not expect much more in the direction of education than we would find in our own country towns of six or seven thousand people. There are actually not many schools in the republic. The superintendent of education is a member of the Cabinet. The present incumbent is a native—a Bassa. He has general supervision of some ninety-one schools, in which number night schools and mission schools are included. The highest institution of public education is Liberia College, at Monrovia. It has done good work and most of the men of prominence in the Government to-day are graduates from it. It has, however, little more than the teaching force and equipment of a high school in one of our smaller towns. It needs strengthening in every way. New schools should be established, especially in the country among the native tribes, and special schools of agriculture and manual training are a crying need. President Howard, in his inaugural address in 1912, recognized the necessity of prompt development in education and agriculture. Besides Liberia College, there is in Monrovia the College of West Africa. This is a Methodist mission school, doing an excellent work for both Liberian and native students. There are also important Episcopal schools on the St. Paul’s River, and in the neighborhood of Cape Palmas.
The President of the republic was kind enough to give a reception in my honor. On that occasion I was asked to make a few remarks regarding Liberia. I stated that in my opinion Liberia’s greatest asset is her native population. Twelve thousand people, no matter how interested, wise and industrious, cannot possibly carry the entire burden. If Liberia is to prosper in the future, it can only be because the Liberians secure the hearty coöperation and friendly feeling of the million natives. If they can be shown that their interest and development are to be gained only through friendship to and recognition of the Government, the prosperity and success of Liberia may be secured and her independence maintained.
SHOULD THE AFRICAN MISSION BE ABANDONED.
(The Spirit of Missions. August, 1913.)
The development of the Church mission in Liberia has been most encouraging. It began in March, 1836, when James M. Thompson, a colored man, opened a mission school at Mount Vaughan with seven native children. It has grown until, in his last report, Bishop Ferguson stated that there were 26 clergymen, 8 candidates for holy orders, 2 postulants, 25 lay teachers, and 46 catechists and teachers. During the year of 1912, 242 children and 237 adults had been baptized—423 of them being converts from heathenism. During the year there were 165 confirmations. The grand total of baptisms to date was 9,565; the total of confirmations, 4,856. The number of present communicants was 2,404, of which two-thirds were natives. The estimated value of buildings belonging to the mission was $121,250; 22 day schools, 19 boarding schools and 38 Sunday schools was conducted; 1,210 day-school pupils, 643 boarding-school pupils, 2,714 Sunday-school pupils were in attendance. It is a noble record of results for faithful service.
It has been suggested in some quarters that the American Protestant Episcopal Church shall abandon this promising mission field; or rather it is proposed that it shall exchange this successful and flourishing work with English brethren, for work started by them in Central America. It is possible that from the point of view of church administration such an exchange may be desirable; it is certain that from any other point of view it will be a great misfortune. The writer of this article has himself been in Liberia, and is profoundly interested in Liberian problems. He believes that any proposal to abandon work in Liberia could only arise through ignorance of the actual conditions in the Black Republic. He has no wish to interfere in affairs which in no wise concern himself. Deeply interested, however, in the progress of the only remaining country of Africa which is administered by black men, he desires to express his reasons for opposing the suggestion.
It is now seventy-seven years since the Liberian work was begun. It has been wisely directed, it has been nobly supported, it has been successful. Surely the ultimate aim in all such labor is to produce a self-supporting church in the mission field. The Liberian Church is already approaching the point of self-support. In his last report Bishop Ferguson says: “I believe the greatest joy of my life would be to be able to say to the Board of Missions, ‘The Church in Liberia will hereafter support itself. You need not appropriate any more funds towards its maintenance.’ That I am unable to do so as yet is not because of an indisposition on the part of the people to contribute to such a worthy object, but rather because of their poverty, through not having learnt to work profitably. It must be remembered that two-thirds of our communicants are native Africans who, as well as the majority of the class we call ‘Americo-Liberians’ making up the one-third, need to be trained in some remunerative industry. The fact is, that the financial burden of the Church in the district is resting on a comparatively small number. Taking this into consideration, the amount raised from time to time for the building, repairing, and improving of churches, and to meet other parochial expenses is rather creditable than otherwise. Besides expenses at home, they contribute annually toward missions in general in the shape of Lenten and Easter offerings and the missionary apportionment fund. Our quota of the last named has already been paid up for the present year. But as above shown, comparatively few deserve the credit. To make the work self-supporting, at least a majority of the members should be able to contribute to it.”
Certainly, it is a basic error to abandon a work which has been conducted for seventy-seven years, when it approaches the point of self-support. A change subjecting the mission to a new administration, would mean setback and delay in gaining the end desired.
The American Church is bound in a special way to Liberia; the original settlers in Liberia were American freed-men; they had been our slaves. As Americans we had been responsible for the dragging of thousands of helpless black people from their homes; we had held them for years in captivity. When finally we sent them back as freed-men to the shores of their native continent, our obligations by no means ceased.
When Bishop Lee preached the sermon at the consecration of Bishop Ferguson, he used the following strong terms: “To the millions of this race among ourselves, as well as to those beyond the sea, we should count ourselves debtors. If any branch of the evangelistic work of our Church has peculiar and sacred claims to general support, it seems to me to be our African Mission as well as our home Mission among our colored people. With glad and ready hearts should we enter this open door. With free and unclosed hands should we pour our gifts into the Lord’s treasury. And when we read with averted eye the shocking details of former injustice and inhumanity, well may we thank God that He has shown us a way in which we may send back to those sunny climes a benefaction, the value of which cannot be told.”
In 1893 Dr. Langford, General Secretary of the Board of Missions, said: “The lapse of time does not lighten by a shade the deep damnation of its curse. If America were to pay a million dollars a year for fifty years, it would not suffice to cancel a tithe of her debt to Africa.”
England has no such duty nor obligation to Liberia; she cannot be expected to take the same legitimate interest in that mission. Nor have the Missions of Central America anything like the same claim upon the interest and sympathy of the American Church as has Liberia. Nothing but blindness to the seriousness of our obligation could lead us to make the exchange.
It is true that the United States has at no time shown the hearty interest in, and sympathy with Liberia which she should have. It is, however, true that, as a result of all the past, the civilized Liberians are to-day far more American in spirit than English. The Liberians are different in their bearing and manner from all other blacks upon the coast of West Africa. This is not merely a personal claim. Travelers, ever since the early days of colonization, are united in their statements: the Liberian is more independent—he is more a man—than the black man in any of the European colonies. This spirit has been frequently criticised; it is no advantage to colonizing nations to encounter black men of spirit and independence; such are a bad example to colonial subjects. But, if Liberia is to remain a nation, this spirit of independence must be maintained. The transfer of this mission to England would dampen enthusiasm; it would check the independent spirit; it would introduce the element of weakness. No one who has seen the blacks of Freetown can fail to grasp my meaning. The attitude of the Englishman toward colored peoples may be fairly fair and just, but it is repressive. In the nature of things, administration of the Liberian Church by British leaders would necessarily lead to irritation and assumption of superiority on the one side and subservience upon the other; there would be less of self-respect and independence. If the Church held its own in numbers, it would be through the loss of its most desirable members and their replacement by people of less strong character.
The work of the Protestant Episcopal Church is not the only mission work within the limits of Liberia. There are also missions, more or less active, conducted by the Methodist Episcopal, African Methodist Episcopal, Baptist, Lutheran and Presbyterian denominations. If these mission efforts are to be successful there must be fellow feeling between the different missions; harmony and unity should be the order of the day. We regret that there has not always been the most harmonious relations between the different branches of Christian efforts in the Republic. Surely, however, every mission there established should do its utmost toward harmony; surely it should be the policy of each separate mission to do nothing which could interrupt or destroy harmonious relations. But all these other mission efforts in Liberia are in American hands; the transfer of the Church mission to English hands would be certain, under the political and social conditions of the country, to introduce friction and enmity which would be destructive beyond the possibility of calculation. From the point of view of Christian harmony it would be a blunder to transfer the mission.
I believe that Liberia may have an important influence in solving our Negro problem. It is doubtful whether we shall send a large number of emigrants from our southern states to the Republic; it is likely that a small migration will constantly take place from us to Africa. But it is of the utmost consequence both to Liberia and to our American black people that there be intimate relations between the two regions. It is desirable that many black men from America should visit and know Liberia; it is most important that Liberians should find it easy to come to America and see our institutions. In this easy contact and intimate relation there is certainly ease for our black man’s troubles. Everything which cultivates close, frequent, repeated and continued contact will help us as much as it helps them. We ought, then, at least, to think a long time before we sever any connection already established.
In view of these conditions and tendencies, it seems to me that the proposed exchange would be a serious blunder. Motives of economy and ease of administration cannot excuse it. Duty, honor, enlightened patriotism, demand that the American Church continue to carry the Liberian mission until such time as it may become self-supporting.
THE PEOPLE OF LIBERIA.
(The Independent. August 14, 1913.)
There is no question that ultimately Liberia must depend upon her native population; the native tribes are the chief asset of the black republic. If it is to make progress in the future, there must be hearty coöperation between the “Liberian” and the “native.” The native must be aroused to realize that his interest is the same as that of the Liberian; he must realize that his country is the Liberian’s country; he must learn to know and to carry his part of the common burden. This is going to be a difficult lesson for both to learn. From the very beginning of the colony to the present time, the attitude of the newcomer toward the native has been that of a superior to an inferior being. It is and always has been the custom for Liberians to speak of themselves as “white men,” while they have considered the natives “bush niggers.” The Liberian has never indulged to any extent in manual labor; he has done but little even in agricultural work. The native has always been considered the natural laborer of the country; socially an inferior, he has been despised and neglected. He has done the heavy work, he has brought in the produce of “the bush,” he has been the house servant. While he has rarely been treated with cruelty, he has been looked upon with contempt. There is no doubt that, in the future, the native will continue to be the chief laborer of the country; something of prejudice must be expected to continue; but conditions ought to be such that it will be easy for a bright native boy to emerge from his own status and play his part in the mutual progress.
Under the circumstances, every individual case of a Liberian native who has gained a position of consequence in the community has special significance and importance. One of the encouraging facts in present day Liberia is that a considerable number of natives are occupying positions of influence and power in their community. At the present time a member of the Cabinet is a native of pure blood. The Secretary of Public Instruction, in charge of the educational system of the republic, is a Bassa; he is one of “Miss Sharp’s boys”—and does credit to her efforts. While the educational development of Liberia leaves much to be desired, he has ninety-one schools (including night schools) under his direction.
Another native who has gained position, reputation and influence is Abayomi Wilfrid Karnga, the son of a Kongo man, which means that he has risen against more serious difficulties than face the usual native of the country. The population of Liberia consists actually of three different classes of black men; first, the descendants of American or English freedmen; second, the actual natives of the country; third, descendants of recaptured slaves—very commonly included under the general term of “Kongo men.” The last mentioned people had been bought by slavers, taken on board slave vessels, and were being taken to Cuba or South America for sale when they were captured by British or American warships, taken to Liberia, and dumped upon the colony for care and raising. They have always been looked upon with contempt by both Liberians and natives, and for a Kongo man to rise indicates energy and natural ability. Mr. Karnga has been a school teacher and is now a practising lawyer; he is at present a member of the House of Representatives and is active in public affairs.
Another conspicuous native success is Luke B. Anthony, a Bassa. He received his early training under the Presbyterian missionaries and attended Lincoln University, in Pennsylvania. At one time he had high hope of conducting schools for his own people, but this hope vanished with the discontinuance of mission effort on the part of the board with which he has been interested. He loves his people and a year ago gave the commencement address at Liberia College upon the subject of “Bassa Traditions.” While in the United States he received medical training and is a successful physician. At present he is professor of mathematics in Liberia College and a teacher of considerable ability and force.
One of the most interesting of the Liberian natives who are playing a part in public life is Momolu Massaquoi. He represents the Vai people, one of the most important, enterprising and progressive of the score or so of native tribes in the republic. The Vai are a Mohammedan population and stand alone among African negroes in having in common daily use a system of writing with characters invented long ago by one of their own tribe. Mr. Massaquoi was an hereditary chief among his people. While still young he became a Christian, found his way to the United States, and gained part of his education in this country. After returning to Liberia he was paramount chief among his people for a period of ten years. He now lives in Monrovia, where he occupies the position of chief clerk in the Department of the Interior. He is now preparing text-books in Vai for use among his people.
The number of pure blood natives among the Liberian clergy must be considerable. Some of these, like the Rev. F. A. Russell, of Grand Bassa, minister to mixed congregations, with both Liberian and native members. Other native clergymen have charge of definite mission work among the natives. Thus, Rev. McKrae is in charge of the Kru chapel (Episcopalian) in Monrovia. The Kru and Grebo are close kin, both in speech and blood. In connection with such mission effort we are naturally reminded of Mr. Scott, a full-blooded Grebo, who is the architect and superintendent of construction of the Bromley School for Girls, situated upon the St. Paul’s River about three hours by steamer from Monrovia; it is said to be the largest building in Liberia. Mr. Scott has had no instruction in the builder’s trade beyond what he has picked up practically and through a course of instruction received from America by correspondence.
These are a few examples of native men who are doing something to help Liberians to solve their problems. There must be a considerable number of such. There is, however, another class of men who are helping in the advancement of the country, though in quite a different way. Those whom we have mentioned have practically severed themselves from the native life; they are living among Liberians and taking active part with them. Thomas Lewis, a Bassa, living in Grand Bassa, where his house, newly built, is one of the finest in the town, is a native of the natives. His father was a local king; Thomas was one of about a hundred children. Through missionary effort he gained the rudiments of education; coming then to the United States, he studied in various cities, finally taking his advanced work in Syracuse University. While there he devised a system of writing the Bassa language, which, like the system long in use among the Vai, consists of a series of phonetic characters standing for syllables. While in Syracuse he had a primer printed in the new characters for teaching Bassa children to read. Having studied medicine, he became a practising physician on his return to his own country. He has large influence with the primitive Bassa, and not infrequently is called upon by the Government to exert this in its behalf. He has taught a number of Bassa boys his system and takes great pride in their ability to write and read their language with his characters.
Living in the same neighborhood with Dr. Lewis is Jacob Logan. His father was a Liberian, his mother a Bassa; his father represented a class of which we hear much in the writings of authors who criticize Liberian affairs—civilized Liberians who relapse. He lived the native life and his son Jacob was brought up amid purely native surroundings. Jacob Logan today speaks excellent English, writes and reads the language perfectly well, knows Liberia and the outside world, having been to Europe. Yet he maintains the state of a native chief. He has an excellent house, which he calls “Native Vindicator’s House;” he is legally married to one wife, but has the reputation of maintaining a considerable body of native women; he has a quantity of dependents, known everywhere as “Jacob Logan’s boys.” They work for him, and when they hire out to others he receives their wages; they are subject to his orders; they live in his house or on his property until married; after they are married they still retain relations with him. On his part Jacob owes them advice, shelter, direction, assistance; when they wish to marry he provides the money, for they must pay for wives; if they are in trouble he must help them; if they get into legal difficulty he must pay their fines. These two men are representative, no doubt, of a large class. They have great influence and it certainly is to the advantage of Government that their influence be utilized in its favor. If they are well informed in regard to governmental policy and favorable to it, they can do much.
Is it desirable that Liberians and natives intermarry? It is certain that the native endures the climate better than the newcomers; it is true that he has far more energy, vigor, enterprise—in case his interest is once aroused. There can be no question that close breeding among the little handful of Liberians is fraught with danger; mixture with the native stock would give, in many cases, good results. There is always, of course, the danger in such mixed marriages of relapse to barbarism. The Liberian who marries a native woman might lead an easy life among her people in the bush. This danger is a real one and needs to be avoided.
It is only five minutes’ walk from the heart of Liberian Monrovia to the center of Krutown on the beach. It is a purely native town; most of the houses are true Kru houses, with thatched roofs and matting sides. The streets are narrow, the houses crowded, the people swarm. The Kru have force and vigor; they are splendid canoe-men and fishers; they are the chief dependence of coast commerce, loading and unloading the steamer cargoes. The men and boys almost all know English, some have a smattering of French or German; the women confine themselves largely to their native language, though girls in school all learn English. The Kru are workers; they like activity. There are schools in Krutown, but the Kru boys, after they have finished their studies in them, go up to the College of West Africa, in Monrovia. This is a mission school, supported by the Methodists, in which all the teachers are colored; most of them Americans.
One day I visited the class in arithmetic, consisting of about thirty scholars. Sitting in the midst of them, when a lull came, I said to my nearest neighbor, “But you are a native boy?” “Yes, sir; we are many of us native boys. He is a native, and he, and he, and he.” In fact, I was surrounded by natives, Kru boys. “Well,” I asked, “and how do you native boys do in your classes?” “We do better than they do, sir,” he said. “Do you, indeed?” said I; “it would sound better if some one else said that; but how is it so?” “I can’t help it, sir; we do better anyway; we love our country better than they do, too.” However that may be, it is certain that these Kru boys will outrun the Liberians unless the latter are careful. No one else in all Liberia is so anxious to learn as they.
It is interesting how generally they look toward us for education. One who called upon me one afternoon told me that a Kru boy had started for America only the week before. He told me, then, that he himself was one of five boys in their town and school who had agreed together that, in some way or other, they should get to America for education. They will do it, too. They earn good money from the steamers and know how to save; after they had been hired two or three times for a coasting voyage they make friends with steamer officers and have no trouble in being taken to Antwerp, or Rotterdam, or Hamburg, earning something more than passage by their work. If they can work their way from Hamburg to New York they are glad to do so, but most of them realize that that is an uncertain chance and start out either with cash upon their person or a little ivory for sale to provide resources beyond Hamburg.
There has been considerable discussion in regard to the location of Liberia College. Should it remain at the capital, Monrovia? Or should it be transferred to some point in the interior? Just now there is so much talk about manual training and agricultural instruction that there has been considerable effort made to change the character of the school and to place it at some point in the interior. I believe that Liberia College ought to remain in Monrovia; it should continue to be an institution of higher education—cultural in character. To locate it at any point in the interior would be to confine its field and value to a single district and a single tribe. There are perhaps a score of native tribes in Liberia, each with its own language, its own territory, its own customs, its own chiefs. Between the tribes there is little contact and no bond of interest. To put Liberia College into the interior would benefit perhaps a single tribe. Other tribes would not patronize it—they would look upon it as of no value or interest to them. What is needed is the establishment of a good central school within the area of each native tribe. It should give thorough rudimentary instruction. It should serve as a feeder to Liberia College; its best men, those who become interested and are ambitious, would go up to the capital for further study. There they would meet representatives of all the other tribes sent up from the other local schools. A wholesome rivalry would rise between them; tribal spirit would be maintained, but acquaintanceship and respect for others would be wholesomely developed; in Monrovia, the capital city, they would be made to feel a national interest and develop affection for their common government. In such a system only can the elevation of the whole people and a genuine coöperation be developed.
Manual training and agricultural instruction are of high importance, but form a question by themselves.