APPENDIX II.
IMPERIAL FEDERATION.
An address on the above interesting subject was delivered by Sir Frederick Young, K.C.M.G., in the Y.M.C. Association Hall, on Monday, when the room was filled to its utmost capacity. The chair was taken by the President of the Association, Mr. E.J. Earp, who, in introducing the lecturer to the audience, said he was a gentleman who was well and favourably known to many colonists, who had received great attention and kindness from him during their visits to the Old Country. Sir Frederick Young had very kindly responded to the invitation of the committee to lecture this evening, and though the subject of Imperial Federation was of a somewhat political nature, still it was not of such a character as to preclude its being spoken about within the walls of the association. The subject of the lecture was one worthy of all attention, which had recently been occupying the attention of eminent statesmen of various political opinions. This was an age of specialists, and he thought that Sir Frederick Young might be well considered as a specialist on the subject upon which he was now about to address them. He had for many years been connected with the Royal Colonial Institute, and his services had received recognition at the hands of his Sovereign.
Sir Frederick Young, who was most warmly received, said in he first place he must tender his hearty thanks to the Chairman for the very kind manner in which he had introduced him. The attention of the audience this evening would be directed to the desirability of promoting the unity of the British Empire. Before commencing his address, he wished to emphasize what the Chairman had already expressed with regard to the rules of the association on political subjects. In connection with that, he would say that the subject he was about to speak upon did not touch upon party politics in any way, as it was a National question, and might be excepted from their rigid rule. The subject of Imperial Federation was, to his mind, of so vast and vital a character, and of such importance to the whole nation collectively, that it impressed him with the responsibility he incurred in speaking upon it, and the feeling he had of being unable to do full justice to it. He spoke with some confidence on the subject, because he claimed to be one of the pioneers of the idea of Imperial Federation, which meant "the government of the Empire by the Empire." He wished to take his hearers back to the origin of English parliaments, when the first idea of representation occurred to our early kings, and when the scattered portions of England were at last drawn into one focus of representation by Edward III., and gradually that kind of representation succeeded in effecting the Union of England and Scotland, and subsequently Ireland, things remaining in that form until the present day. Latterly, our Colonial Empire had grown up to wonderful and vast dimensions, but as far as the principle of representation was concerned there had been no great change, though it was perfectly true that during the past few years a certain number of the Colonies had obtained what was called self-government, or what he called the shadow of English government on the parliamentary system, as retained in its original principle and plan up to our own times. The Imperial policy of the British Empire was entirely conducted at Home, and Imperial Federation meant that this system should be changed, and that those who were living outside the borders of the British Isles should have their true participation in the government of the Empire. This led him to a point on which there was very much misunderstanding on the part of those who had heard the subject of Imperial Federation mentioned, and who thought there must be some idea of those who advocated it at Home getting some advantage over their colonial brethren, and draw them into a net, by which they would have to part with their rights of local self-government. He utterly denied that there were any such intentions—on the contrary, this was an invitation to them, a cry from the Old Country, asking them to come and assist in governing the Empire. This could only be effected by Imperial Federation, which would mean the termination of what was called the rule of Downing Street, which would be superseded by something far different, and, in his opinion, be far more acceptable to the colonists themselves. They would not have to suffer, as they had in the past, in many ways, from ignorance, prejudice, and narrow views, but they would have an opportunity of taking part in the policy of the Empire, particularly in that which affected themselves. In consequence of the agitation at Home during the past few years a successful attempt had been made to establish what was called the Imperial Federation League, of which he was an active member, and which took no part in party politics, and was at the present moment presided over by Lord Rosebery, with the Hon. E. Stanhope, the present Minister of War, as Vice-President, who, so far as party politics were concerned, were on totally different sides. That would prove that in England they did not regard this great question as one of party politics. One of the most important results in connection with that League had been the celebrated Colonial Conference, which the League had been able to induce the Government to summon two years ago at Westminster. They all knew what a remarkable gathering that was, which was presided over by Lord Knutsford (then Sir Henry Holland), the summons being responded to by the self-governing Colonies of the Empire sending their foremost men to represent their interests. From South Africa were sent such men as Sir Thomas Upington, Sir John Robinson, and Mr. Hofmeyr, and he confessed that, when he had the honour of being at the first meeting of the Conference, and seeing these men gathered in the Foreign Office, and having present the Prime Minister, Lord Salisbury, if his dream of Imperial Federation was to be anything more than a dream, he felt that these were the first symptoms of its realization. It was the first time in history that the Colonies of Great Britain had come to the Mother Country to consult on great National questions. He had read nearly the whole of the large Blue Book which contained the reports of the Conference, and all he could say was that he challenged any assembly of public men to meet together and show more ability and statesmanlike thought in the discussion of the questions submitted to them than was shown by that Conference during its short reign. He was delighted with the noble words of Lord Salisbury, when he expressed his satisfaction, and said he hoped this would be only the first of many similar Conferences, but Lord Salisbury, like other public men, sometimes saw occasion to change his views, because not long ago he said, on a public occasion, that all he knew about Federation was, that it was a word spelt with ten letters, which was somewhat of a wet blanket to some of those who had reckoned upon Lord Salisbury as an ardent supporter. More recently he said, in reply to a question put to him at a public meeting at the East End of London, that geographical considerations would prevent the realization of such a scheme; but his allusions to geographical difficulties vanished before modern science. Was it not in their cognizance that in South Africa, through the medium of the telegraph, they were able to know what was taking place in England within twenty-four hours? Geographical considerations, indeed! that might have been all very well some years ago, when it took three or four months to reach the Cape, but now it took only two or three weeks, and that time would even be probably reduced as time wore on. Such being the case, geographical considerations had nothing whatever to do with the matter. He had no desire to speak unfairly of the gentleman who occupied the position of Prime Minister of the Empire, but he felt sure the time would come when Lord Salisbury would think that Imperial Federation was something more than a word of ten letters; and that his geographical considerations would vanish also, as having no reason in them. In contrast to Lord Salisbury, he would read a short extract from a speech, made only a few months ago at Leeds by Lord Rosebery, when he said: "For my part, if you will forgive me this little bit of egotism, I can say from the bottom of my heart that it is the dominant passion of my public life. Ever since I traversed those great regions which own the sway of the British Crown outside these islands, I have felt that there was a cause, which merited all the enthusiasm and energy that man could give to it. It is a cause for which any one might be content to live; it is a cause for which, if needs be, any one might be content to die." Lord Rosebery was at this moment the President of the Imperial Federation League, and only recently he addressed a letter, on behalf of the League, to Lord Salisbury, asking that the Government would summon another Conference like the one which took place with such wonderful results two years ago, and which Lord Salisbury had said he hoped would be the first of many more. The answer he gave, however, was something to the effect that he did not think it desirable that the Government should move in the matter, but that the Colonies should take the initiative. With all humility he would ask how anything of this kind could be moved, except by some motor? There must be something to move the colonists, and who could do that so well as Her Majesty's Government, by inviting, in a courteous and sympathetic spirit, the Colonies to come again and consult on Imperial subjects. He would now touch upon some of the errors prevalent on this great question of Imperial Federation. In some of the Colonies, New Zealand in particular, something had been said that in course of time independence must be the inevitable result. But he asked why should this be the case? He would also like to say something about what were Imperial questions? Some of the subjects which would be dealt with by the Imperial Federated Parliament would be those of National defence, peace and war, and all subjects in which national interests are concerned. As he had attempted to explain, it would be a federation in which the Colonies would be completely and fairly represented. The whole subject resolved itself into this: Representation. One hundred years ago, one of our distinguished statesmen in England, Charles James Fox, said that "representation was the sovereign remedy for all evils," and that was what was contended for by Imperial Federation. He would now venture to make some allusion to one of the most distinguished statesmen in South Africa, who attended the Conference in London—he alluded to Mr. Hofmeyr—who made a most remarkable speech. He was sorry it was too long to read, but he would select a portion of that very statesmanlike address. Referring to the fourth and eighth subjects proposed for discussion—viz., the feasibility of promoting a closer union between the various parts of the British Empire by means of an Imperial tariff of Customs, to be levied independently of the duties payable under existing tariffs on goods entering the British Empire from abroad, the revenue derived from such tariffs to be devoted to the general defence of the Empire—he said: "I have taken this matter in hand with two objects, to promote the union of the Empire, and at the same time to obtain revenue for general defence. It would establish a connecting link between the Colonies mutually, as well as between the Colonies, and the Empire also, such as is not at present in existence, and which might fuller develop, by-and-by, into a most powerful bond of union." Again, speaking of how this was to be effected, he said: "A body would be required with legislative, and, to some extent, administrative powers; in other words, you would have a limited fiscal Parliament by the side of the British Parliament and the various Colonial Parliaments. This small body, which would have to be created, would perhaps be the germ of an Imperial Federation afterwards." He thought those were most remarkable, and striking words. If people would think the subject out in a calm judicial, and fair spirit, they would see in it the fulfilment of what would not only promote the best interests of the British Empire, but would also be the handmaiden of civilization to others as well, because in it there was no idea of aggrandisement. He had recently made a most remarkable tour through this interesting country, and since he landed in Cape Town, on the 24th May, had seen a great deal of it. He had visited Kimberley, and gone down in a bucket to see one of the diamond mines; he had travelled to Vryburg, and across the treeless desert in the south-western portion of the Transvaal to Klerksdorp; thence on to Johannesburg and down the gold mines, and further on to Pretoria, where he had an interview with President Kruger, and attended meetings of the Volksraad. He had been 150 miles north of Pretoria, and dwelt for a fortnight in the open veldt, without going near a house, and had seen the Kafirs in their kraals. He had crossed the Transvaal, through Heidelburg and Newcastle, in Natal, down to Durban, he had visited Port Elizabeth and Grahamstown, and had now returned to Cape Town. What he had seen of this great country had astonished him, and he thought it had a vast future before it; but it required to be governed in the most enlightened and satisfactory manner, and he appealed to both races—Dutch and English—to co-operate and unite in developing its wonderful resources. It was by this way alone—by cordial co-operation and a generous feeling towards one another, that this would be realized. He believed that Imperial Federation would be the best solution of the difficulties which had arisen. He had heard whispers of what was called Republicanism. We worshipped words rather than things; but the British Constitution, especially when it would be expanded by Federation, would be practically a Republic with a Queen as President. He would, therefore, appeal once more to the judgment of thoughtful men to weigh the principles contended for, calmly, wisely, and without prejudice or passion. The flippant, the superficial, the thoughtlessly ambitious, and those who did not take a fair, judicial, and comprehensive view of the great issues involved in it to each portion of the Empire over which the British Crown held sway, might deride and condemn it, but he, as one of its most ardent pioneers and supporters, recommended it to all colonists as well as to his countrymen at home, as the best preservation of their commercial, social, and political interests in the future, which they would lose altogether if they abandoned it in favour of the disintegration of the British Empire. He had studied this question for some years, and by a sort of instinct he felt that it was the right thing to be brought about. He had brought before them proofs that some distinguished men were already feeling the desirability of some such thing being effected, and he could not but help thinking that their ranks would be augmented by other people of influence and power, who may hereafter be brought to think seriously and carefully over this great question. He took the opportunity himself, some three years ago, to put a letter in the London Times suggesting that as the question had now been some years before the public, both in the Colonies and the Mother Country, it would be very desirable indeed if a Royal Commission of Inquiry were sent out, under distinguished auspices, for the purpose of ascertaining the opinions of the various Colonies. This could be carried out on parallel lines to the celebrated Commission sent to Canada, and which resulted in the consolidation of the Dominion. The obtaining of these opinions would be invaluable evidence as to the consensus of feeling in the Colonies on the subject. If the question was to be more than a dream, and became one of practical politics, it would require all the Colonies to express an opinion on the subject. He could not conceive that anything could be more desirable than to take the evidence of distinguished representative men on such a great National question. Those were the views he expressed in the leading journal; they were individual ideas, which did not yet appear to be acceptable, though he could not help hoping that the day would arrive when some such Royal Commission might be appointed, which would give an impetus to the question—and, at all events, afford all those who took such a deep interest in it an opportunity of seeing how far, in the opinion of the various Colonies, such a change in the British Constitution could be effected, to the entire satisfaction of all concerned. There was no desire on the part of the Mother Country, in propounding questions like this, to take any advantage of the Colonies, or do anything which would not be for their benefit. There was no hurry on the part of the Mother Country, which simply asked the Colonies to help to govern and take part in the National politics of the British Empire.
Mr. J.A. BAM proposed a vote of thanks to Sir Frederick Young for his able and instructive lecture, which was heartily accorded.
SIR FREDERICK YOUNG having acknowledged the compliment, the proceedings closed with a vote of thanks to the President.
GEORGE BEECHING & SON, Printers, Upper Baker Street, London, N.W.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] The First Series was published in 1887.
[B] Since my return to England I am glad to hear that a Sanitary Board is to be established at Johannesburg.
[C] See Appendix.