FOOTNOTES:
[1] Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, xxxi. 1916, p. 106 ff.
[2] Cities and Cemeteries, p. 119.
[3] The same is true of the second edition of Luigi Dasti’s Notizie di Tarquinia-Corneto, 1910.
[4] Cp. Fr. Poulsen, Der Orient and die frühgriechische Kunst, p. 128, where I tried to prove that the pictures of the tomb are influenced by the art and style of decoration of the island of Cyprus. Rumpf (op. cit. 50) was nearer the mark in perceiving the connexion with the decorative art of Crete and the Cyclades in the seventh century B.C. The horsemen, in particular, recall the frieze from Prinia in Crete, Bollettino d’Arte, 1908, p. 457 ff.
[5] Shields were also common mural decorations with the early Greeks, cp. Poulsen, Orient, p. 77, and Alcaeus, fragm. 15 (Bergk).
[6] See the summary account in Rumpf, op. cit. 61 ff.
[7] II, Tafel 41, and Hilfstafel 1-8.
[8] Poulsen, Orient, p. 67.
[9] I am greatly indebted to Professor O. A. Danielsson of Upsala for information about this as well as about other inscriptions, and for numerous linguistic suggestions on the general subject of my treatise.
[10] Παίειν τὰ μέτωπα, Dionys. Halicarn. x. 9; ‘frontem ferire’, Cicero, Epist. ad Attic. i. 1; for other instances see Sittl, Gebärden der Griechen and Römer, p. 21.
[11] Isocrates ix. 1.
[12] With reference to phersu, which is supposed to be synonymous with and the origin of the Latin persona, see Pauly-Wissowa, vi. 775, and S.P. Cortsen, Vocabulorum Etruscorum interpretatio in Nord. Tidsskr. for Filologi, 1917, p. 174.
[13] iv. 153 f.
[14] Tertullian, Ad nation. i. 10.
[15] Pauly-Wissowa, iii. 2178.
[16] B 630. Figured in Terra-cotta Sarcophagi in British Museum, pl. ix-xi.
[17] Kestner, Annali i (1829), p. 101 ff.
[18] Athenaeus iv. 154a.
[19] Livy ix. 30. 5-10. Plutarch, Aetia Romana, 55.
[20] Dionys. Halicarn. vii. 72-3.
[21] Livy i. 35. 9.
[22] Hesych. s. v. The word is not mentioned in S.P. Cortsen’s Vocabulorum Etruscorum interpretatio in Nordisk Tidsskr. for Filologi, 1917; no doubt because he considers Hesychius’s statement insufficiently authoritative. Cp. Skutsch, Pauly-Wissowa, vi. 775.
[23] Helbig’s letters of June 21 and December 10, 1895.
[24] Thus the facsimile at this point gives more than I at any rate could see: on the other hand, less as far as brow and nose are concerned.
[25] Plutarch, Aetia Romana 98.
[26] Plautus, Truculentus 290, 294, Mostellaria 259 ff. In Greece also, women used white lead as paint: Lysias i. 14 and 17.
[27] Quotation from Aeschylus by Theophrastus (who endorses the opinion): History of Plants ix. 15. 1.
[28] Hellenica iii. 2. 5.
[29] Cp. Tacitus, Histor. iv. 53, on the inauguration of the rebuilt Capitolium: ’spatium omne quod templo dicabatur evinctum vittis coronisque; ingressi milites, quis fausta nomina, felicibus ramis.’
[30] Cp. Fr. Poulsen, Delphi, [fig. 44].
[31] Daremberg-Saglio, s. v. Tutulus. Fr. Poulsen, Der Orient und die frühgriech. Kunst, p. 97, fig. 99, and p. 107. Martha, L’art étrusque, p. 306, fig. 206 (Cyprus). Antike Denkmäler iii, pl. 1.
[32] In the same manner the Roman priests used flint knives in their cult, and their razors had to be of copper, and, as late as Roman imperial times, they used black vessels (nigrum catinum), corresponding to the Etruscan bucchero vases, at sacrifices. Livy i. 24. 9: Juvenal vi. 343. Cp. Müller-Deecke, Die Etrusker ii. p. 275.
[33] The Latin name of the head-cloth is struppus, and from that a festival at Falerii, struppearia, derived its name. It comes from Ionia, and is mentioned in the poems of Sappho (χειρόμακτρον).
[34] Fr. Poulsen, Delphi, [fig. 44].
[35] Cp. Daremberg-Saglio and Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. Amphitheatrum.
[36] Museo archeol. di Firenze, p. 303.
[37] Livy xxix. 14. 13.
[38] Cicero, In Verrem iv. 46. See also Karl Wigand, Thymiateria.
[39] For instance in Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica ii. 68.
[40] Cicero, Tusculanae disputationes ii. 56.
[41] Aristotle, fragm. 519 R. Scholia to Homer’s Iliad xxiii. 130. A similar dancer or armed runner appears in the Tomba Casuccini at Chiusi; both remind us in posture of the Tübingen armed runner (Bulle, Der schöne Mensch, pl. 89).
[42] The large frieze with dancing scenes on the left main wall was already badly damaged in 1827. A copy of it, now in the Vatican, is mere fiction, and has unfortunately served as basis for the large facsimile in the Glyptotek. On the other hand, its damaged state is correctly represented in the small drawing of the tomb in the Glyptotek.
[43] Blümner, Römische Privataltertümer, p. 118.
[44] On Etruscan cinerary urns and terracotta sarcophagi the covers are as a rule strongly scalloped. These are presumably the tonsilia tappetia referred to by Plautus (Pseudolus 145 ff.). They usually came from Alexandria and were decorated with pictures of wild beasts, whereas the bed coverlets proper came from Campania.
[45] These cheetahs were brought alive to Italy, if not actually used for hunting by the princes of the Renaissance. For among Pisanello’s drawings in the Codex Vallardi in the Louvre is a fine study of one of these animals from the life; it wears a collar round its neck, showing that it was led on a leash. I owe this reference to Mr. G. F. Hill.
[46] Dennis and Stryk are mistaken in speaking of a youth and a girl on the left couch; the error is due to the damaged condition of the colouring.
[47] Cp. Juvenal, Satires v. 82, where eggs are referred to as a common course at funerals.
[48] Cato, De re rustica 26. In the Greek pictures of symposia also the slave boy carries a strainer, ἡθμός.
[49] Athenaeus i. 23 d. On the Etruscan custom of reclining at table, like the Greeks, and unlike the men of the Homeric age and later the Macedonians, who sat, see Athenaeus i. 17 f, 18 a.
[50] Athenaeus xii. 517d. Cp. Dionys. Halic. ix. 16.
[51] Isaeus iii. 14.
[52] Athenaeus iv. 153 d. (= Timaeus, fragm. 18 in Müller, Fragmenta histor. Graecorum).
[53] Friedländer, Sittengeschichte Roms i. 472, 478, 493 f.
[54] Corpus inscriptionum Etruscarum, 3858, 3860.
[55] The Etruscan character for immorality is chiefly due to Theopompus (fragm. 222 in Müller, Fragm. hist. Graec. i. p. 315), but he gives similar descriptions of the Thessalians, and seems to have specialized in chroniques scandaleuses. Of equal value is his information that the Sybarites loved the Etruscans because of their luxuriousness (Athenaeus xii. 519 b). It is regrettable that Theophrastus’ work on the Etruscans is lost; it would have provided information of quite a different character. (Cp. the Scholia to Pindar, Pythia ii. 3.)
[56] De oratore iii. 197.
[57] Livy v. 22. 5.
[58] The most famous of all the Etruscan women versed in divination is the wise but guileful Tanaquil, who played a political part in Rome: Livy i. 34.
[59] Τὴν κιθαράν στρέψας, like Apollo in the contest with Marsyas (Apollodorus, Bibliotheca i. 4. 2).
[60] In the same picture we also find a representation of a true Greek motive, kottabos. Another momentary motive appears in the Tomba d’Orfeo e d’Euridice at Corneto (Monumenti v. pl. 17), a slave pulling off his master’s slippers.
[61] Hypothymides were first used ‘by the Aeolians and Ionians who wore them round their necks, as we learn from the poems of Anacreon and Alcaeus’ (Athenaeus xv. 678 d); Cp. Plutarch, Quaest. conviv. iii. probl. 1, 3. In Ionia the women perfumed their bosoms and wore wreaths of flowers round their ‘delicate necks’, as Sappho says (Athenaeus xv. 674 c-d).
[62] Athenaeus ix. 409 e.
[63] Athenaeus i. 28 b.
[64] Corpus inscr. Etrusc. 5093-4. I am indebted to my friend, Dr. S. P. Cortsen, for help in the interpretation of this and other Etruscan inscriptions. These are for the greater part incorrectly copied in the Ny Carlsberg facsimiles.
[65] That ruva means brother seems to be unanimously accepted, though it only appears in the two inscriptions of this tomb.
[66] The name Pursna or Pursena has, however, never been found in any Etruscan inscription. The Etruscan Lar or Larth has nothing to do with the Roman Las or Lar. Cp. Schulze, Zur Geschichte latein. Eigennamen, 85. 1; Pauli, Altital. Studien, iv. 64 ff.
[67] With reference to the use of tapers at the bier in antiquity see Rushforth, Journal of Roman Studies, v. 1915, p. 149 ff.
[68] Cp. Vilh. Thomsen, Remarques sur la parenté de la langue étrusque, Bulletin de l’Académie royale de Danemark, 1899, no. 4, p. 391.
[69] De agricultura 76 and 86.
[70] Cp. Plautus, Pseudolus 158 ‘te cum securi caudicali praeficio provinciae.’
[71] Cp. Seneca, Epist. 114. 26 ‘adspice culinas nostras et concursantis inter tot ignes coquos.’
[72] Footstools were also used in Rome for mounting the high couches. Varro, De lingua Latina v. 168.
[73] i. e. slaves made free by his will, and entitled to wear the cap of liberty.
[74] Strabo vi. p. 410 (= Ephorus, fragm. 2 in Müller, Fragmenta historic. graec. i. p. 246). The ingenious etymologist Philochorus even derived the word ‘tyrant’ from Tyrrhenians (Philoch. fragm. 5 in Müller, op. cit.).
[75] Dittenberger, Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum,3 305, with note 1.
[76] Polybius ii. 17. Livy v. 33. 7-8.
[77] Origines 62.
[78] Dionys. Halic. i. 12.
[79] Thucydides vi. 88, and vii. 54-5.
[80] Dionys. Halic. v. 26, 35, 39.
[81] Schulze, Zur Geschichte latein. Eigennamen, p. 95 f., 262 ff.
[82] Dionys. Halic. iii. 45, 47 ff.
[83] Varro, De lingua Latina v. 5; Livy i. 13. 8.
[84] Cp. E. Kornemann, Klio xiv. 1914-15, p. 190.
[85] Livy i. 8. 3.
[86] Dionys. Halic. iii. 61-2.
[87] Wilhelm Schulze, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen. Abh. der kgl. Gesellsch. der Wissensch. zu Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Kl., Neue Folge, Bd. 5, No. 5, p. 62 ff.
[88] Dionys. Halic. ii. 8, 10.
[89] Livy iv. 18. 8. Cp. ix. 29. 2, where the Etruscans are described as the most dangerous enemies of the Romans.
[90] Livy iv. 37. 1-2.
[91] Livy v. 22. 8.
[92] Livy xxvii. 21. 6; 38. 6.
[93] Livy xxviii. 45. 14-18.
[94] Plutarch, Tiberius Gracchus 8.
[95] As a punishment because the country had joined the party of Marius. Plutarch, Marius 41.
[96] Cicero, Pro Milone 26, 74, 87.
[97] ii. 1. 29. The later authors speak of nothing but the corpulency and imbecility of the Etruscans. Catullus, Carm. 39. 21. Virgil, Georg. ii. 193; Aen. xi. 732. Diodorus v. 40.
[98] Thulin, Pauly-Wissowa, vii. 2434.
[99] The best summary view of the Etruscan civilization is still to be found in Ottfried Müller, Die Etrusker, in the second edition by Deecke.
[100] Cp. for the well-appointed table Plautus’s description of a liberal host (Menaechmi 102): ‘tantas struices concinnat patinarias.’
[101] Walther Riezler, Weissgründige attische Lekythen, pl. 70.
[102] It is to be observed that the Etruscans thrust with the sword; this also the Romans inherited; whereas the Gauls cut and the Iberians thrust as well as cut. Polybius ii. 33. 6, and iii. 114.
[103] Cp. Beazley, Lewes House Collection of Gems, p. 38, 74 f.
[104] Herodotus i. 167.
[105] Livy vii. 15. 10; 19. 3.
[106] Plutarch, Themistocles 13.
[107] Körte, Jahrbuch des archäol. Instit. xii. 1897, p. 58 ff.
[108] Livy vii. 17. 3-5. Cp. iv. 33. 2.
[109] Pausanias x. 28. 7-8.
[110] Sophocles, Ajax 17. Aeschylus, Eumenides 567. Euripides, Rhesus 988.
[111] Cicero, De divinatione i. 30. Plutarch, Camillus 32.
[112] An Etruscan gem shows the dead Ajax and a winged genius in the act of placing the cerecloth over him. Beazley, The Lewes House Collection of Ancient Gems, p. 34., no. 37.
[113] Plutarch, Aetia romana 26 and 14.
[114] Trumpets at Roman funeral processions are known from reliefs on sarcophagi. Röm. Mitt. xxxiii. 1908, pl. iv (pp. 18-25), and Cagnat and Chabot, Manuel d’Archéol. Romaine, p. 586, fig. 315. Notice in the second relief from Amiternum, Röm. Mitt. 1908, pl. iv, at the bottom, how the banquet with the members of the family reclining on festive couches is also preserved in early Rome (second to first century B.C.).
[115] Contemporary and akin in subject is the Tomba Bruschi at Corneto. Monumenti, viii, pl. 36. Stryk, Kammergräber, p. 101. The processions here have quite a festive look; a woman finds time to look at herself in a glass, but the devils, who appear in the crowds or lurk in the corners, show that the occasion is a serious one.
[116] Caylus, Recueil d’antiquités iv. (Paris, 1761), 112 f.
[117] Tiraboschi, Storia della lett. ital., Venezia, 1795, i. 13 ff. footnote.
[118] Similar motives on tombstones and Etruscan gems. Cp. Grenier, Bologna villanovienne et étrusque, p. 447. Ducati, Monumenti dei Lincei xx. pp. 607-12. Beazley, Lewes House Collection of Ancient Gems, p. 33, no. 36 (pl. 3).
[119] Badly illustrated in Inghirami, Monumenti etruschi iv. pl. xxvii.
[120] De rerum natura iii. 912 ff.
[121] iii. 956.