CHAPTER V
CLIVE DECIDES FOR THE CAREER OF A SOLDIER
Before the conditions of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle had become known in India, the English governor of Fort St. David had despatched thence a small force of 430 Englishmen and 1000 sipáhís to assist the ex-Rájá of Tanjore, who had been dethroned for gross misconduct, to recover his kingdom. That, at least, was the nominal reason. The ambition to obtain for the English possession of Devikota, a fort on the river Coleroon, at the point where that river runs into the sea, was the true cause of the action. The force was commanded by Captain Cope, an officer of inferior merit. Clive accompanied it as a volunteer. The expedition failed from causes which it was impossible to combat. The ex-Rájá had no partisans, and the season was that of the monsoon-storms.
Still the idea was too popular to be abandoned. After the treaty between the two nations had reached India the expedition was therefore resumed. This time Major Lawrence, released by the action of that treaty, assumed the command. He took with him the entire available European force of the Company, leaving only a few to man the defences, and giving Clive a commission for the time only, to accompany him as lieutenant, proceeded to Devikota by sea, landed his troops, and commenced to batter the place. On the morning of the fourth day a practicable breach was pronounced, and a storming party was ordered. By his conduct Clive had already won the esteem of Lawrence,1 and it was to him that he gave command of the party.
1 The partiality which induced Lawrence to entrust Clive with so important a duty is to be found under his own hand. 'A man of undaunted resolution,' he writes in his memoirs, 'of a cool temper, and a presence of mind which never left him in the greatest danger. Born a soldier, for, without a military education of any sort or much conversing with any of the profession, from his judgement and good sense, he led an army like an experienced officer and a brave soldier, with a prudence that certainly warranted success. This young man's early genius surprised and engaged my attention, as well before as at the siege of Devikota, where he behaved in courage and judgement much beyond what could have been expected from his years, and his success afterwards confirmed what I had said to so many people concerning him.' Cambridge's War in India, pp. 18-19.
To lead a storming party is an honour full of danger. So found Clive on this occasion. Of the twenty-nine Europeans who composed it, twenty-six were swept away by the enemy's horsemen, the sipáhís halting and witnessing the deed. Clive with the three survivors managed to join the main body which was advancing under Lawrence, and this body, repulsing a charge of cavalry which endeavoured to thwart it, pushed vigorously on, and stormed Devikota. Abandoning the cause of the ex-Rájá, Lawrence then made a treaty with the powers that were, in virtue of which Devikota was ceded to the East India Company, and the Rájá paid all the expenses of the war. The force returned to Fort St. David to find the fleet of Admiral Boscawen still off the coast.
But, during the absence of the English troops, there had occurred in the Karnátik one of those revolutions which were not uncommon in the days of the dissolution of the Mughal empire.
On the 17th of April, 1748, the titular King of Delhi, Muhammad Sháh, had died. His son, Ahmad Sháh, had succeeded him. Rather less than a month later, the Súbahdár of the Deccan, the famous Nizám-ul-Múlk, also died. He had in his lifetime arranged that the succession to the inheritance of the Deccan should devolve upon his second son, Nasír Jang, and Ahmad Sháh at once confirmed the nomination.2 But those were not the days when a succession to vast power and great territories went unopposed. A claimant to the sovereignty of the Deccan soon appeared in the person of Muzaffar Jang, grandson of the late Súbahdár, and at the moment holding the government of Bíjapur. Not sufficiently powerful to press his claim without assistance Muzaffar Jang proceeded at once to Sátára, enlisted the Maráthás in his cause, persuaded them to release Chánda Sáhib, and to supply him with troops. The arrangement between the two princes was that, in case of success, Muzaffar Jang should become Súbahdár of the Deccan, Chánda Sáhib Nawáb of the Karnátik. It is necessary to state these facts clearly, because the war, thus initiated, formed the basis of the continued hostilities between the French and English after peace had been proclaimed in Europe.
2 Elliott's History of India, pp. 112-3, vol. viii.
The reader may recollect that in the earlier part of this book3 I have shown how Chánda Sáhib had formed a very high opinion of the French and how he had cultivated their friendship. Resolving now to avail himself of former favours, he made overtures to Dupleix, and obtained from him promise of substantial assistance. These promises were kept, and, towards the end of July, 1749, a detachment of French soldiers joined the armies of the two conspirators at the Damalcherri Pass. A few days later (August 3) they met at Ambúr the army of Anwar-ud-dín, completely defeated it, slew Anwar-ud-dín himself, took prisoner his eldest son, the Ma'afuz Khán who had been defeated by Paradis at St. Thomé, and forced the second son, Muhammad Alí, to save himself by flight to Trichinopoli. Marching straight to Arcot, Muzaffar Jang proclaimed himself Súbahdár of the Deccan, and Chánda Sáhib to be Nawáb of Arcot. As the French had espoused the cause of Chánda Sáhib it was natural that the English should sustain the claims of the rival. This rival was Muhammad Alí, the son of the late Nawáb, just escaped from the field of Ambúr. The two pretenders, whose cause had been adopted by the French, then proceeded to Pondicherry. There Dupleix, whose vision on political matters was remarkably clear, insisted that before committing themselves further, they should rid themselves of the only possible rival then at large, and should march against Trichinopoli. This they hesitated to do so long as the English fleet should remain off the coast.
This was the situation when Lawrence and Clive returned from the storming of Devikota. The chief of the English settlement was then Mr. Floyer, a gentleman who had a great dread of responsibility. The fighting party in the Council of Fort St. David urged that Muhammad Alí should be supported, that the English fleet should remain off the coast, and that Trichinopoli should be defended. The admiral declared his willingness to remain if Mr. Floyer would only ask him. But Floyer shrank from the responsibility. Consequently the fleet sailed on the 1st of November, leaving behind 300 men as an addition to the garrison.
The very day after the disappearance of the English fleet had become known (November 2), Muzaffar Jang and Chánda Sáhib, with their French allies, marched towards Trichinopoli. But the two Indian princes had been most improvident. They had spent all their funds. To obtain more they assailed the strong fortress of Tanjore, captured one of the gates of the fortress, and forced the Rájá to agree to pay them very large sums. But the wily prince, learning that Nasír Jang was marching to his aid, managed to delay the chief payment until he had ascertained that the Súbahdár was within striking distance of the place. He then point-blank refused to hand over the money. The news of the approach of Nasír Jang spread disorder in the ranks of the armies of Muzaffar Jang and Chánda Sáhib, and they hurriedly retreated on Pondicherry.
Scenes of indescribable turmoil followed. In one of the skirmishes that ensued there occurred an event which, unpromising as it appeared at the outset, proved the means of the temporary accomplishment of the plans of the two conspirators. In a skirmish Muzaffar Jang was taken prisoner and placed in irons by the Súbahdár. When in that position, however, he managed to corrupt three of the principal chiefs who followed the banner of that prince. Their schemes were communicated to Chánda Sáhib and to his French allies. The result was that when the two rival armies joined battle at a place sixteen miles from the strong fortress of Gingi, which, meanwhile, the French under Bussy had captured, Nasír Jang's own levies turned against him and slew him; released Muzaffar Jang, and acknowledged him Súbahdár of the Deccan.
This event occurred on the 16th of December, 1750. Chánda Sáhib himself carried the news of the accomplished revolution from the battlefield to Pondicherry. The new Súbahdár followed him, and, for a while, French interests seemed predominant in the Karnátik. Then, for a moment, the tide seemed to ebb. On his way to Aurangábád Muzaffar Jang was slain by the very three conspirators who had compassed the death of his predecessor. The French troops with the force, commanded by the energetic Bussy, speedily avenged his death, and caused Salábat Jang, the third son of the late Nizám-ul-Múlk, to be proclaimed his successor. As Bussy with a force of French troops was to remain with him as his protector, it seemed as though French influence was destined to remain predominant in Southern India.
And so but for one man it would have remained, increasing its strength until its roots had spread far and wide below the surface. This, we believe, is the true lesson of the early part of this biography. It was one man's genius which, meeting the French on the ground of their own selection, seized their idea, made it his own, and worked it to their destruction. It was Clive who hoisted Dupleix with his own petard. We shall now see how.
After the return of the troops from the conquest of Devikota, the Government of Fort St. David had appointed Clive to be Commissary of the forces. Before, however, he could assume the duties of the office he had fallen sick, and had been sent by the doctors for a cruise in the Bay of Bengal. On his return thence in the early days of 1751 he found great demands on his activity. It devolved on him to equip a force of 280 English and 300 sipáhís, ordered, under Cope, to proceed to Trichinopoli, still threatened by the French and their allies. This accomplished, Clive was directed to accompany, as Commissary, a larger force of 500 English, 1000 sipáhís, and 100 Africans, ordered, under Captain Gingens, for Volkonda, 38 miles to the north-north-east of Trichinopoli, there to intercept a French force marching in that direction.
Gingens was not a strong officer, and by gross mismanagement he allowed the French to get the better of him. Clive, whose soldier's eye and martial instincts disapproved entirely of the evils he could not, from his position, prevent,4 then and there quitted the force and returned to Fort St. David.
4 Captain Dalton, who served under Captain Gingens, writes of him in his journal as 'a man of unfortunately jealous temper which made him mistrust the goodwill of any who offered to give him advice.' Vide Memoir of Captain Dalton, 1886, pp. 93-4.
The return of Clive was opportune. The new Governor, Mr. Saunders, a man of a large and comprehensive intellect, was waiting the arrival of troops from England to fit out a new expedition of 80 Englishmen and 300 sipáhís to convoy provisions to Trichinopoli. He had no officer, however, to whom he dared entrust the command. A civilian of his Council, Mr. Pigot, was then deputed to lead the force the first forty miles, when it would be beyond the reach of hostile attack, and Clive volunteered to go with him. The force set out in July, 1751, and on the third day reached Verdachelam, the point indicated. Thence the two English civilians turned back as had been arranged, and, though attacked on the way by a swarm of native horsemen, reached Fort St. David in safety. The detachment then marched through a safe country to Trichinopoli.
A few days later fresh troops arrived from England. Mr. Saunders was anxious to despatch these to reinforce the troops under Gingens, but again the same difficulty presented itself. Meanwhile Clive had deliberately considered his position. As a civilian, he had had a career which did not satisfy him. As Commissary, it had been his fate to witness the inefficient leading of others, without any authority to interfere. He felt within him the power to command. His transfer to the military service would, he saw, relieve the Governing Council from a great difficulty, and give him, possibly, a command which he could exercise for the benefit of his country. Very soon did he decide. Mr. Saunders, whose appreciation of him was not inferior to that of Major Lawrence, sanctioned the transfer of his name to the military list, bestowed upon him the commission of captain,5 and directed him to proceed at once, with a detachment of the few troops available, to Devikota, to place himself there under the orders of Captain Clarke, whose total force would thus be augmented to 100 English, 50 sipáhís, and one field-piece. The two officers were then to march with this detachment to Trichinopoli. There Clive was to take stock of the position and report to Mr. Saunders.
5 The order of appointing Clive ran as follows:—'Mr. Robert Clive, who has lately been very serviceable in conducting several parties to camp, offering to go, without any consideration of pay, provided we will give him a Brevet to entitle him to the rank of a Captain, as he was an Officer at the Siege of Pondichery, and almost the whole time of the War, and distinguished himself on many occasions, it is conceived that this Officer may be of some service, and, therefore, now ordered that a Brevet be drawn out, and given him.' Forrest.
This happened towards the end of July, 1751.