BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES.
NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE ON APOLLONIUS.
Jacobs (F.), Observationes in ... Philostrati Vitam Apollonii (Jena; 1804), purely philological, for the correction of the text.
Legrand d’Aussy (P. J. B.), Vie d’Apollonius de Tyane (Paris; 1807, 2 vols.).
Bekker (G. J.), Specimen Variarum Lectionum ... in Philost. Vitæ App. Librum primum (1808); purely philological.
Berwick (E.), The Life of Apollonius of Tyana, translated from the Greek of Philostratus, with Notes and Illustrations (London; 1809).
Lancetti (V.), Le Opere dei due Filostrati, Italian trs. (Milano; 1828-31); in “Coll. degli Ant. Storici Greci volgarizzati.”
Jacobs (F.), Philostratus: Leben des Apollonius von Tyana, in the series “Griechische Prosaiker,” German trs. (Stuttgart; 1829-32), vols. xlviii., lxvi., cvi., cxi., each containing two books; a very clumsy arrangement.
Baur (F. C.), Apollonius von Tyana und Christus oder das Verhältniss des Pythagoreismus zum Christenthum (Tübingen; 1832); reprinted from Tübinger Zeitschrift für Theologie.
Second edition by E. Zeller (Leipzig; 1876), in Drei Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der alten Philosophie und ihres Verhältnisses zum Christenthum.
Kayser and Westermann’s editions as above referred to in section v.
Newman (J. H.), “Apollonius Tyanæus—Miracles,” in Smedley’s Encyclopædia Metropolitana (London; 1845), x. pp. 619-644.
Noack (L.), “Apollonius von Tyana ein Christusbild des Heidenthums,” in his magazine Psyche: Populärwissenschaftliche Zeitschrift für die Kentniss des menschlichen Seelen- und Geistes-lebens (Leipzig; 1858), Bd. i., Heft ii., pp. 1-24.
Müller (I. P. E.), Commentatio qua de Philostrati in componenda Memoria Apoll. Tyan. fide quæritur, I.-III. (Onoldi et Landavii; 1858-1860).
Müller (E.), War Apollonius von Tyana ein Weiser oder ein Betrüger oder ein Schwärmer und Fanatiker? Ein Culturhistorische Untersuchung (Breslau; 1861, 4to), 56 pp.
Chassang (A.), Apollonius de Tyane, sa Vie, ses Voyages, ses Prodiges, par Philostrate, et ses Lettres, trad. du grec. avec Introd., Notes et Eclaircissements (Paris; 1862), with the additional title, Le Merveilleux dans l’Antiquité.
Réville (A.), Apollonius the Pagan Christ of the Third Century (London; 1866), tr. from the French. The original is not in the British Museum.
Priaulx (O. de B.), The Indian Travels of Apollonius of Tyana, etc. (London; 1873), pp. 1-62.
Mönckeberg (C.), Apollonius von Tyana, ein Weihnachtsgabe (Hamburg; 1877), 57 pp.
Pettersch (C. H.), Apollonius von Tyana der Heiden Heiland, ein philosophische Studie (Reichenberg; 1879), 23 pp.
Nielsen (C. L.), Apollonios fra Tyana og Filostrats Beskrivelse af hans Levnet (Copenhagen; 1879); the Appendix (pp. 167 sqq.) contains a Danish tr. of Eusebius Contra Hieroclem.
Baltzer (E.), Apollonius von Tyana, aus den Griech. übersetzt u. erläutert (Rudolstadt i/ Th.; 1883).
Jessen (J.), Apollonius von Tyana und sein Biograph Philostratus (Hamburg; 1885, 4to), 36 pp.
Tredwell (D. M.), A Sketch of the Life of Apollonius of Tyana, or the first Ten Decades of our Era (New York; 1886).
Sinnett (A. P.), “Apollonius of Tyana,” in the Transactions (No. 32) of the London Lodge of the Theosophical Society (London; 1898), 32 pp.
The student may also consult the articles in the usual Dictionaries and Encyclopædias, none of which, however, demand special mention. P. Cassel’s learned paper in the Vossische Zeitung of Nov. 24th, 1878, I have not been able to see.
SOME INDICATIONS OF THE LITERATURE ON THE RELIGIOUS ASSOCIATIONS AMONG THE GREEKS AND ROMANS.
Böckh (A.), Die Staatshaushaltung der Athener (1st ed. 1817). For older literature, see i. 416, n.
Van Holst, De Eranis Veterum Græcorum (Leyden; 1832).
Mommsen (T.), De Collegiis et Sodaliciis Romanorum (Kiel; 1843).
Mommsen (T.), “Römische Urkunden, iv.—Die Lex Julia de Collegiis und die lanuvinische Lex Collegii Salutaris,” art. in Zeitschr. für geschichtl. Rechtswissenschaft (1850), vol. xv. 353 sqq.
Wescher (C.), “Recherches épigraphiques en Grèce, dans l’Archipel et en Asie Mineure,” arts. in Le Moniteur of Oct. 20, 23, and 24, 1863.
Wescher (C.), “Inscriptions de l’Île de Rhodes relatives à des Sociétés religieuses”; “Notice sur deux Inscriptions de l’Île de Théra relatives à une Société religieuse”; “Note sur une Inscription de l’Île de Théra publiée par M. Ross et relative à une Société religieuse”; arts. in La Revue archéologique (Paris; new series, 1864), x. 460 sqq.; 1865, xii. 214 sqq.; 1866, xiii. 245 sqq.
Foucart (P.), Des Associations religieuses chez les Grecs, Thiases, Éranes, Orgéons, avec le Texte des Inscriptions relatives à ces Associations (Paris; 1873).
Lüders (H. O.), Die dionyschischen Künstler (Berlin; 1873).
Cohn (M.), Zum römischen Vereinsrecht: Abhandlung aus der Rechtsgeschichte (Berlin; 1873). Also the notice of it in Bursian’s Philol. Jaresbericht (1873), ii. 238-304.
Henzen (G.), Acta Fratrum Arvalium quæ supersunt;... accedunt Fragmenta Fastorum in Luco Arvalium effossa (Berlin; 1874).
Heinrici (G.), “Die Christengemeinde Korinths und die religiösen genossenschaften der Griechen”; “Zur Geschichte der Anfange paulinischer Gemeinden”; arts. in Zeitschr. für wissensch. Theol. (Jena, etc.; 1876), pp. 465-526, particularly pp. 479 sqq.; 1877, pp. 89-130.
Duruy (V.), “Du Régime municipal dans l’Empire romain,” art. in La Revue historique (Paris; 1876), pp. 355 sqq.; also his Histoire des Romanis (Paris; 1843, 1844), i. 149 sqq.
De Rossi, Roma Sotteranea (Rome; 1877), iii. 37 sqq., and especially pp. 507 sqq.
Marquardt (J.), Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 131-142, in vol. vi. of Marquardt and Mommsen’s Handbuch der römischen Altherthümer (Leipzig; 1878); an excellent summary with valuable notes, especially the section “Ersatz der Gentes durch die Sodalitates für fremde Culte.”
Boissier (G.), La Religion romaine d’Auguste aux Antonins (Paris; 2nd ed. 1878), ii. 238-304 (1st ed. 1874).
Hatch (E.), The Organization of the Early Christian Churches: The Bampton Lectures for 1880 (London; 2nd ed. 1882); see especially Lecture ii., “Bishops and Deacons,” pp. 26-32: German ed. Die Gesellschaftsverfassung der christlichen Kirchen in Althertum (1883), p. 20; see this for additional literature.
Newmann (K. J.), “θιασῶται Ἰησοῦ,” art. in Jahrbb. für prot. Theol. (Leipzig, etc.; 1885), pp. 123-125.
Schürer (E.), A History of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, Eng. tr. (Edinburgh; 1893), Div. ii, vol. ii. pp. 255 and 300.
Owen (J.), “On the Organization of the Early Church,” an Introductory Essay to the English translation of Harnack’s Sources of the Apostolic Canons (London; 1895).
Anst (E.), Die Religion der Römer; vol. xiii. Darstellungen aus dem Gebiete der nichtchristlichen Religionsgeschichte (Münster i. W.; 1899).
See also Whiston and Wayte’s art. “Arvales Fratres,” and Moyle’s arts. “Collegium” and “Universitas,” in Smith, Wayte and Marindin’s Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities (London; 3rd ed. 1890-1891); and also, of course, the arts. “Collegium” and “Sodalitas” in Pauly’s Realencyclopädie der classichen Alterthumswissenschaft, though they are now somewhat out of date.
[1] From a fragment of The Cretans. See Lobeck’s Aglaophamus, p. 622.
[2] Pronounced Týǎna, with the accent on the first syllable and the first a short.
[3] Alexander sive Pseudomantis, vi.
[4] De Magia, xc. (ed. Hildebrand, 1842, ii. 614).
[5] τελέσματα. Telesma was “a consecrated object, turned by the Arabs into telsam (talisman)”; see Liddell and Scott’s Lexicon, sub voc.
[6] Justin Martyr, Opera, ed. Otto (2nd ed.; Jena, 1849), iii. 32.
[7] Lib. lxxvii. 18.
[8] Life of Alexander Severus, xxix.
[9] Life of Aurelian, xxiv.
[10] “Quæ qui velit nosse, græcos legat libros qui de ejus vita conscripti sunt.” These accounts were probably the books of Maximus, Mœragenes, and Philostratus.
[11] An Egyptian epic poet, who wrote several poetical histories in Greek; he flourished in the last decade of the third century.
[12] Sidonius Apollinaris, Epp., viii. 3. See also Legrand d’Aussy, Vie d’Apollonius de Tyane (Paris; 1807), p. xlvii.
[13] Porphyry, De Vita Pythagoræ, section ii., ed. Kiessling (Leipzig; 1816). Iamblichus De Vita Pythagorica, chap. xxv., ed. Kiessling (Leipzig; 1813); see especially K.’s note, pp. 11 sqq. See also Porphyry, Frag., De Styge, p. 285, ed. Holst.
[14] See Duchesne on the recently discovered works of Macarius Magnes (Paris; 1877).
[15] The most convenient text is by Gaisford (Oxford; 1852), Eusebii Pamphili contra Hieroclem; it is also printed in a number of editions of Philostratus. There are two translations in Latin, one in Italian, one in Danish, all bound up with Philostratus’ Vita, and one in French printed apart (Discours d’Eusèbe Evêque de Cesarée touchant les Miracles attribuez par les Payens à Apollonius de Tyane, tr. by Cousin. Paris; 1584, 12mo, 135 pp.).
[16] Lactantius, Divinæ Institutiones, v. 2, 3; ed. Fritsche (Leipzig; 1842), pp. 233, 236.
[17] Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, i. 52; ed. Hildebrand (Halle; 1844), p. 86. The Church Father, however, with that exclusiveness peculiar to the Judæo-Christian view, omits Moses from the list of Magi.
[18] John Chrysostom, Adversus Judæos, v. 3 (p. 631); De Laudibus Sancti Pauli Apost. Homil., iv. (p. 493 D.; ed. Montfauc.).
[19] Hieronymus, Ep. ad Paulinum, 53 (text ap. Kayser, præf. ix.).
[20] August., Epp., cxxxviii. Text quoted by Legrand d’Aussy, op. cit., p. 294.
[21] Isidorus Pelusiota, Epp., p. 138; ed. J. Billius (Paris; 1585).
[22] See Arnobius, loc. cit.
[23] Sidonius Apollinaris, Epp., viii. 3. Also Fabricius, Bibliotheca Græca, pp. 549, 565 (ed. Harles). The work of Sidonius on Apollonius is unfortunately lost.
[24] Amplissimus ille philosophus (xxiii. 7). See also xxi. 14; xxiii. 19.
[25] τι θεῶν τε καὶ ἀνθρώπου μέσον, meaning thereby presumably one who has reached the grade of being superior to man, but not yet equal to the gods. This was called by the Greeks the “dæmonian” order. But the word “dæmon,” owing to sectarian bitterness, has long been degraded from its former high estate, and the original idea is now signified in popular language by the term “angel.” Compare Plato, Symposium, xxiii., πᾶν τὸ δαιμόνιον μεταξύ ἐστι θεοῦ τε καὶ θνητοῦ, “all that is dæmonian is between God and man.”
[26] Eunapius, Vitæ Philosophorum, Proœmium, vi.; ed. Boissonade (Amsterdam; 1822), p. 3.
[27] Réville, Apollonius of Tyana (tr. from the French), p. 56 (London; 1866). I have, however, not been able to discover on what authority this statement is made.
[28] Insignis philosophus; see his Chronicon, written down to the year 519.
[29] In his Chronographia. See Legrand d’Aussy, op. cit., p. 313.
[30] Chiliades, ii. 60.
[31] Cited by Legrand d’Aussy, op. cit., p. 286.
[32] φιλόσοφος Πυθαγόρειος στοιχειωματικός—Cedrenus, Compendium Historiarium, i. 346; ed. Bekker. The word which I have rendered by “adept” signifies one “who has power over the elements.”
[33] Legrand d’Aussy, op. cit., p. 308.
[34] If we except the disputed Letters and a few quotations from one of Apollonius’ lost writings.
[35] Philostratus de Vita Apollonii Tyanei Libri Octo, tr. by A. Rinuccinus, and Eusebius contra Hieroclem, tr. by Z. Acciolus (Venice; 1501-04, fol.). Rinucci’s translation was improved by Beroaldus and printed at Lyons (1504?), and again at Cologne, 1534.
[36] F. Baldelli, Filostrato Lemnio della Vita di Apollonio Tianeo (Florence; 1549, 8vo).
[37] B. de Vignère, Philostrate de la Vie d’Apollonius (Paris; 1596, 1599, 1611). Blaise de Vignère’s translation was subsequently corrected by Frédéric Morel and later by Thomas Artus, Sieur d’Embry, with bombastic notes in which he bitterly attacks the wonder-workings of Apollonius. A French translation was also made by Th. Sibilet about 1560, but never published; the MS. was in the Bibliothèque Imperiale. See Miller, Journal des Savants, 1849, p. 625, quoted by Chassang, op. infr. cit., p. iv.
[38] F. Morellus, Philostrati Lemnii Opera, Gr. and Lat. (Paris; 1608).
[39] G. Olearius, Philostratorum quæ supersunt Omnia, Gr. and Lat. (Leipzig; 1709).
[40] C. L. Kayser, Flavii Philostrati quæ supersunt, etc. (Zurich; 1844, 4to). In 1849 A. Westermann also edited a text, Philostratorum et Callistrati Opera, in Didot’s “Scriptorum Græcorum Bibliotheca” (Paris; 1849, 8vo). But Kayser brought out a new edition in 1853 (?), and again a third, with additional information in the Preface, in the “Bibliotheca Teubneriana” (Leipzig; 1870).
[41] For a general summary of opinions prior to 1807, of writers who mention Apollonius incidentally, see Legrand d’Aussy, op. cit., ii. pp. 313-327.
[42] L’Histoire d’Apollone de Tyane convaincue de Fausseté et d’Imposture (Paris; 1705).
[43] An Account of the Life of Apollonius Tyaneus (London; 1702), tr. out of the French, from vol. ii. of Lenain de Tillemont’s Histoire des Empereurs (2nd ed., Paris; 1720): to which is added Some Observations upon Apollonius. De Tillemont’s view is that Apollonius was sent by the Devil to destroy the work of the Saviour.
[44] A Critical and Historical Discourse upon the Method of the Principal Authors who wrote for and against Christianity from its Beginning (London; 1739), tr. from the French of M. l’Abbé Houtteville; to which is added a “Dessertation on the Life of Apollonius Tyanæus, with some Observations on the Platonists of the Latter School,” pp. 213-254.
[45] Anti-Hierocles oder Jesus Christus und Apollonius von Tyana in ihrer grossen Ungleichheit, dargestellt v. J. B. Lüderwald (Halle; 1793).
[46] Phileleutherus Helvetius, De Miraculis quæ Pythagoræ, Apollonio Tyanensi, Francisco Asisio, Dominico, et Ignatio Lojolæ tribuuntur Libellus (Draci; 1734).
[47] See Legrand d’Aussy, op. cit., ii. p. 314, where the texts are given.
[48] The Two First Books of Philostratus concerning the Life of Apollonius Tyaneus (London; 1680, fol.). Blount’s notes (generally ascribed to Lord Herbert) raised such an outcry that the book was condemned in 1693, and few copies are in existence. Blount’s notes were, however, translated into French a century later, in the days of Encyclopædism, and appended to a French version of the Vita, under the title, Vie d’Apollonius de Tyane par Philostrate avec les Commentaires donnés en Anglois par Charles Blount sur les deux Premiers Livres de cet Ouvrage (Amsterdam; 1779, 4 vols., 8vo), with an ironical dedication to Pope Clement XIV., signed “Philalethes.”
[49] Philosophiam Practicam Apollonii Tyanæi in Sciagraphia, exponit M. Io. Christianus Herzog (Leipzig; 1709); an academical oration of 20 pp.
[50] Philostratus is a difficult author to translate, nevertheless Chassang and Baltzer have succeeded very well with him; Berwick also is readable, but in most places gives us a paraphrase rather than a translation and frequently mistakes the meaning. Chassang’s and Baltzer’s are by far the best translations.
[51] This would have at least restored Apollonius to his natural environment, and confined the question of the divinity of Jesus to its proper Judæo-Christian ground.
[52] I am unable to offer any opinion on Nielsen’s book, from ignorance of Danish, but it has all the appearance of a careful, scholarly treatise with abundance of references.
[53] Réville’s Pagan Christ is quite a misrepresentation of the subject, and Newman’s treatment of the matter renders his treatise an anachronism for the twentieth century.
[54] Consisting of eight books written in Greek under the general title Τὰ ἐς τὸν Τυανέα Ἀπολλώνιον.
[55] ἡ φιλόσοφος, see art. “Philostratus” in Smith’s Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Biog. (London; 1870), iii. 327b.
[56] The italics are Gibbon’s.
[57] More correctly Domna Julia; Domna being not a shortened form of Domina, but the Syrian name of the empress.
[58] She died a.d. 217.
[59] The contrary is held by other historians.
[60] Gibbon’s Decline and Fall, I. vi
[61] I use the 1846 and 1870 editions of Kayser’s text throughout.
[62] A collection of these letters (but not all of them) had been in the possession of the Emperor Hadrian (a.d. 117-138), and had been left in his palace at Antium (viii. 20). This proves the great fame that Apollonius enjoyed shortly after his disappearance from history, and while he was still a living memory. It is to be noticed that Hadrian was an enlightened ruler, a great traveller, a lover of religion, and an initiate of the Eleusinian Mysteries.
[63] Nineveh.
[64] τὰς δέλτους, writing tablets. This suggests that the account of Damis could not have been very voluminous, although Philostratus further on asserts its detailed nature (i. 19).
[65] One of the imperial secretaries of the time, who was famous for his eloquence, and tutor to Apollonius.
[66] A town not far from Tarsus.
[67] ὡς ὑποθειάζων τὴν φιλοσοφίαν ἐγένετο. The term ὑποθειάζων occurs only in this passage, and I am therefore not quite certain of its meaning.
[68] This Life by Mœragenes is casually mentioned by Origenes, Contra Celsum, vi. 41; ed. Lommatzsch (Berlin; 1841), ii. 373.
[69] λόγοις δαιμονίοις.
[70] Seldom is it that we have such a clear indication, for instance, as in i. 25; “The following is what I have been able to learn ... about Babylon.”
[71] See E. A. Schwanbeck, Megasthenis Indica (Bonn; 1846), and J. W. M’Crindle, Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian (Calcutta, Bombay, London; 1877), The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythræan Sea (1879), Ancient India as described by Ktesias (1882), Ancient India as described by Ptolemy (London; 1885), and The Invasion of India by Alexander the Great (London; 1893, 1896).
[72] Another good example of this is seen in the disquisition on elephants which Philostratus takes from Juba’s History of Libya (ii. 13 and 16).
[73] Perhaps a title, or the king of the Purus.
[74] Not that Philostratus makes any disguise of his embellishments; see, for instance, ii. 17, where he says: “Let me, however, defer what I have to say on the subject of serpents, of the manner of hunting which Damis gives a description.”
[75] Legends of the wonderful happenings at his birth were in circulation, and are of the same nature as all such birth-legends of great people.
[76] ἀρρήτῳ τινὶ σοφία ξυνέλαβε.
[77] Sci., than his tutor; namely, the “memory” within him, or his “dæmon.”
[78] This æther was presumably the mind-stuff.
[79] That is to say presumably he was encouraged in his efforts by those unseen helpers of the temple by whom the cures were wrought by means of dreams, and help was given psychically and mesmerically.
[80] “Where are you hurrying? Are you off to see the youth?”
[81] Compare Odyssey, xx. 18.
[82] I am inclined to think, however, that Apollonius was still a youngish man when he set out on his Indian travels, instead of being forty-six, as some suppose. But the difficulties of most of the chronology are insurmountable.
[83] φήσας οὐκ ἀνθρώπων ἑαυτῷ δεῖν, ἀλλ’ ἀνδρῶν.
[84] ἰδιότροπα.
[85] τoὺς oὕτω φιλοσοφοῦντας.
[86] That is to say, presumably, spend the time in silent meditation.
[87] That is the Brāhmans and Buddhists. Sarman is the Greek corruption of the Sanskrit Shramaṇa and Pâli Samaṇo, the technical term for a Buddhist ascetic or monk. The ignorance of the copyists changed Sarmanes first into Germanes and then into Hyrcanians!
[88] This shows that Apollonius was still young, and not between forty and fifty, as some have asserted. Tredwell (p. 77) dates the Indian travels as 41-54 a.d.
[89] See especially iii. 15, 41; v. 5, 10; vii. 10, 13; viii. 28.
[90] ἐκφατνίσματα.
[91] See especially vii. 13, 14, 15, 22, 31.
[92] The list is full of gaps, so that we cannot suppose that Damis’ notes were anything like complete records of the numerous itineraries; not only so, but one is tempted to believe that whole journeys, in which Damis had no share, are omitted.
[93] Here at any rate they came in sight of the giant mountains, the Imaus (Himavat) or Himālayan Range, where was the great mountain Meros (Meru). The name of the Hindu Olympus being changed into Meros in Greek had, ever since Alexander’s expedition, given rise to the myth that Bacchus was born from the thigh (meros) of Zeus—presumably one of the facts which led Professor Max Müller to stigmatise the whole of mythology as a “disease of language.”
[94] Referring to his instructors he says, “I ever remember my masters and journey through the world teaching what I have learned from them” (vi. 18).
[95] According to some, Apollonius would be now about sixty-eight years of age. But if he were still young (say thirty years old or so) when he left for India, he must either have spent a very long period in that country, or we have a very imperfect record of his doings in Asia Minor, Greece, Italy, and Spain, after his return.
[96] For the most recent study in English on the subject of Æsculapius see The Cult of Asclepios, by Alice Walton, Ph.D., in No. III. of The Cornell Studies in Classical Philology (Ithaca, N.Y.; 1894).
[97] He evidently wrote the notes of the Indian travels long after the time at which they were made.
[98] This shows that Philostratus came across them in some work or letter of Apollonius, and is therefore independent of Damis’ account for this particular.
[99] I—arχas, arχa(t)s, arhat.
[100] Tantalus is fabled to have stolen the cup of nectar from the gods; this was the amṛita, the ocean of immortality and wisdom, of the Indians.
[101] The words οὐδεν κεκτημένους ἢ τὰ πάντων, which Philostratus quotes twice in this form, can certainly not be changed into μηδὲν κεκτημένους τὰ πάντων ἔχειν without doing unwarrantable violence to their meaning.
[102] See Tacitus, Historia, ii. 3.
[103] Berwick, Life of Apollonius, p. 200 n.
[104] He also built a precinct round the tomb of Leonidas at Thermopylæ (iv. 23).
[105] A great centre of divination by means of dreams (see ii. 37).
[106] The word γυμνός (naked), however, usually means lightly clad, as, for instance, when a man is said to plough “naked,” that is with only one garment, and this is evident from the comparison made between the costume of the Gymnosophists and that of people in the hot weather at Athens (vi. 6).
[107] For they had neither huts nor houses, but lived in the open air.
[108] He spent, we are told, no less than a year and eight months with Vardan, King of Babylon, and was the honoured guest of the Indian Rājāh “Phraotes.”
[109] See i. 22 (cf. 40), 34; iv. 4, 6, 18 (cf. v. 19), 24, 43; v. 7, 11, 13, 30, 37; vi. 32; viii. 26.
[110] This expression is, however, perhaps only to be taken as rhetorical, for in viii. 8, the incident is referred to in the simple words “when he departed (ἀπῆλθε) from the tribunal.”
[111] That is to say not in a “form,” but in his own nature.
[112] See in this connection L. v. Schroeder, Pythagoras und die Inder, eine Untersuchung über Herkunft und Abstammung der pythagoreischen Lehren (Leipzig; 1884).
[113] This has reference to the preserved hunting parks, or “paradises,” of the Babylonian monarchs.
[114] Reading φιλοσόφῳ for φιλοσοφῶν.
[115] Rathgeber (G.) in his Grossgriechenland und Pythagoras (Gotha; 1866), a work of marvellous bibliographical industry, refers to three supposed portraits of Apollonius (p. 621). (i) In the Campidoglio Museum of the Vatican, Indicazione delle Sculture (Roma; 1840), p. 68, nos. 75, 76, 77; (ii) in the Musée Royal Bourbon, described by Michel B. (Naples; 1837), p. 79, no. 363; (iii) a contorniate reproduced by Visconti. I cannot trace his first reference, but in a Guide pour le Musée Royal Bourbon, traduit par C. J. J. (Naples; 1831), I find on p. 152 that no. 363 is a bust of Apollonius, 2¾ feet high, carefully executed, with a Zeus-like head, having a beard and long hair descending onto the shoulders, bound with a deep fillet. The bust seems to be ancient. I have, however, not been able to find a reproduction of it. Visconti (E. Q.) in the atlas of his Iconographie Grecque (Paris; 1808), vol. i. plate 17, facing p. 68, gives the reproduction of a contorniate, or medal with a circular border, on one side of which is a head of Apollonius and the Latin legend APOLLONIVS TEANEVS. This also represents our philosopher with a beard and long hair; the head is crowned, and the upper part of the body covered with a tunic and the philosopher’s cloak. The medal, however, is of very inferior workmanship, and the portrait is by no means pleasing. Visconti in his letterpress devotes an angry and contemptuous paragraph to Apollonius, “ce trop célèbre imposteur,” as he calls him, based on De Tillemont.
[116] See Chassang, op. cit., p. 458, for a criticism on this statement.
[117] This was before Vespasian became emperor.
[118] This was a staff, or baton, used as a cypher for writing dispatches. “A strip of leather was rolled slantwise round it, on which the dispatches were written lengthwise, so that when unrolled they were unintelligible; commanders abroad had a staff of like thickness, round which they rolled their papers, and so were able to read the dispatches.” (Liddell and Scott’s Lexicon sub voc.) Hence scytale came to mean generally a Spartan dispatch, which was characteristically laconic in its brevity.
[119] See i. 7, 15, 24, 32; iii. 51; iv. 5, 22, 26, 27, 46; v. 2, 10, 39, 40, 41; vi. 18, 27, 29, 31, 33; viii. 7, 20, 27, 28.
[120] I.e., Cynic.
[121] Chassang (op. cit., pp. 395 sqq.) gives a French translation of them.
[122] Art. “Apollonius,” Smith’s Dict. of Class. Biog.
[123] That is to say, a philosopher of 600 years ago.
[124] That is to expiate blood-guiltiness with blood-sacrifice.
[125] Chaignet (A. É.), in his Pythagore et la Philosophie pythagoricienne (Paris; 1873, 2nd ed. 1874), cites this as a genuine example of Apollonius’ philosophy.
[126] That is his idea of death.
[127] The text of the last sentence is very obscure.
[128] The full title is given by Eudocia, Ionia; ed. Villoison (Venet.; 1781), p. 57.
[129] See Zeller, Phil. d. Griech, v. 127.
[130] Præparat. Evangel., iv. 12-13; ed. Dindorf (Leipzig; 1867), i. 176, 177.
[131] A play on the meanings of λόγος, which signifies both reason and word.
[132] Psyche, I. ii. 5.
[133] Noack, ibid.
[134] See Noack, Porphr. Vit. Pythag., p. 15.
[135] Ed. Amstelod., 1707, cc. 254-264.
WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
THE PISTIS SOPHIA: A Gnostic Gospel.
(With Extracts from the Books of the Saviour appended). Originally translated from Greek into Coptic, and now for the first time Englished from Schwartze’s Latin Version of the only known Coptic MS., and checked by Amélineau’s French Version. With an Introduction and Bibliography. 394 pp., large octavo. Cloth, 7s. 6d. net.
SOME PRESS OPINIONS.
“The Pistis Sophia has long been recognised as one of the most important Gnostic documents we possess, and Mr Mead deserves the gratitude of students of Church History and of the History of Christian Thought, for his admirable translation and edition of this curious Gospel.”—Glasgow Herald.
“Mr Mead has done a service to other than Theosophists by his translation of the Pistis Sophia. This curious work has not till lately received the attention which it deserves.... He has prefixed a short Introduction, which includes an excellent bibliography. Thus, the English reader is now in a position to judge for himself of the scientific value of the only Gnostic treatise of any considerable length which has come down to us.”—Guardian.
“From a scholar’s point of view the work is of value as illustrating the philosophico-mystical tendencies of the second century.”—Record.
“Mr Mead deserves thanks for putting in an English dress this curious document from the early ages of Christian philosophy.”—Manchester Guardian.
THE THEOSOPHICAL PUBLISHING SOCIETY,
London and Benares.
Fragments of a Faith Forgotten.
Some short Sketches among the Gnostics, mainly of the First Two
Centuries—a Contribution to the Study of Christian Origins
based on the most Recently Discovered Materials.
I. Introduction.—Outlines of the Background of the Gnosis; Literature and Sources of Gnosticism.
II. The Gnosis according to its Foes.—Gnostic Fragments recovered from the Polemical Writings of the Church Fathers; the Gnosis in the Uncanonical Acts.
III. The Gnosis according to its Friends.—Greek Original Works in Coptic Translation; the Askew, Bruce, and Akhmim Codices.
Classified Bibliographies are appended. 630, xxviii. pp., Large Octavo, Cloth. 10s. 6d. net.
SOME PRESS NOTICES.
“Mr Mead has done his work in a scholarly and painstaking fashion.”—The Guardian.
“The ordinary student of Christian evidences, if he confines his reading to the ‘Fathers,’ learns nothing of these opinions [the so-called Gnostic ‘heresies’] except by way of refutation and angry condemnation. In Mr Mead’s pages, however, they are treated with impartiality and candour.... These remarks will suffice to show the unique character of this volume, and to indicate that students may find here matter of great service to the rational interpretation of Christian thought.”—Bradford Observer.
“The book, Mr Mead explains, is not intended primarily for the student, but for the general reader, and it certainly should not be neglected by anyone who is interested in the history of early Christian thought.”—The Scotsman.
“The work is one of great labour and learning, and deserves study as a sympathetic estimate of a rather severely-judged class of heretics.”—Glasgow Herald.
“Written in a clear and elegant style.... The bibliographies in the volume are of world-wide range, and will be most valuable to students of theosophy.”—Asiatic Quarterly.
“Mr Mead writes with a precision and clearness on subjects usually associated with bewildering technicalities and mystifications. Even the long-suffering ‘general reader’ could go through this large volume with pleasure. That is a great deal to say of a book on such a subject.”—Light.
“This striking work will certainly be read not only with the greatest interest in the select circle of the cultured, but by that much larger circle of those longing to learn all about Truth.... May be summed up as an extraordinary clear exposition of the Gnosis of Saints and the Sages of philosophic Christianity.”—The Roman Herald.
“Comprehensive, interesting, and scholarly.... The chapters entitled ‘Some Rough Outlines of the Background of the Gnosis’ are well written, and they tend to focus the philosophic and religious movement of the ancient world. There is a very excellent bibliography.”—The Spectator.
“Mr Mead does us another piece of service by including a complete copy of the Gnostic Hymn of the Robe of Glory ... and a handy epitome of the Pistis Sophia is another item for which the student will be grateful.”—The Literary Guide.
“The author has naturally the interest of a theosophist in Gnosticism, and approaches the subject accordingly from a point of view different from our own. But while his point of view emerges in the course of the volume, this does not affect the value of his work for those who do not share his special standpoint.... Mr Mead has at any rate rendered us an excellent service, and we shall look forward with pleasure to his future studies.”—The Primitive Methodist Quarterly.
This is the First Attempt that has been made to bring together All the Existing Sources of Information on the Earliest Christian Philosophers.
THE THEOSOPHICAL PUBLISHING SOCIETY,
London and Benares.
SIMON MAGUS: An Essay.
The most complete work on the subject. Quarto. Price: 5s. net. Wrappers.
THE WORLD MYSTERY: Four Essays.
Contents: The World-Soul; The Vestures of the Soul; The Web of Destiny; True Self-reliance. Octavo. Price: cloth, 3s. 6d. net.
THE THEOSOPHY OF THE GREEKS. PLOTINUS.
With an exhaustive Bibliography. Octavo. Price: cloth, 1s. net.
ORPHEUS.
With three Charts and Bibliography. Will serve as an Introduction to Hellenic Theology. Octavo. Price: cloth, 4s. 6d. net.
THE THEOSOPHY OF THE VEDAS.
THE UPANIṢHADS: 2 Volumes.
Half Octavo. Paper, 6d.; cloth, 1s. 6d. each net.
Volume I.
Contains a Translation of the Ĭsha, Kena, Kaṭha, Prashna, Muṇḍaka, and Māṇḍūkya Upaniṣhads, with a General Preamble, Arguments, and Notes by G. R. S. Mead and J. C. Chaṭṭopādhyāya (Roy Choudhuri).
Volume II.
Contains a Translation of the Taittirîya, Aitareya, and Shvetāshvatara Upaniṣhads, with Arguments and Notes.