A SELECTION OF GEORGE CROGHAN’S LETTERS AND JOURNALS RELATING TO TOURS INTO THE WESTERN COUNTRY—NOVEMBER 16, 1750-NOVEMBER, 1765

Croghan to the Governor of Pennsylvania[14]

Logstown on Ohio, December [November] the 16th, 1750.[15]

Sir: Yesterday Mr. Montour and I got to this Town, where we found thirty Warriors of the Six Nations going to War against the Catawba Indians; they told us that they saw John Coeur about one hundred and fifty miles up this River at an Indian Town, where he intends to build a Fort if he can get Liberty from the Ohio Indians; he has five canoes loaded with Goods, and is very generous in making Presents to all the Chiefs of the Indians that he meets with; he has sent two Messages to this Town desiring the Indians here to go and meet him and clear the Road for him to come down the River, but they have had so little Regard to his Message that they have not thought it worth while to send him an answer as yet.[16] We have seen but very few of the Chiefs of the Indians they being all out a hunting, but those we have seen are of opinion that their Brothers the English ought to have a Fort on this River to secure the Trade, for they think it will be dangerous for the Traders to travel the Roads for fear of being surprised by some of the French and French Indians, as they expect nothing else but a War with the French next Spring. At a Town about three hundred miles down this River, where the Chief of the Shawonese live,[17] a Party of French and French Indians surprised some of the Shawonese and killed a man and took a woman and two children Prisoners; the Shawonese pursued them and took five French Men and some Indians Prisoners; the Twightwees likewise have sent word to the French that if they can find any of their People, either French or French Indians, on their hunting Ground, that they will make them Prisoners, so I expect nothing else but a War this Spring; the Twightwees want to settle themselves some where up this River in order to be nearer their Brothers the English, for they are determined never to hold a Treaty of Peace with the French. Mr. Montour and I intend as soon as we can get the Chiefs of the Six Nations that are Settled here together, to sollicit them to appoint a Piece of Ground up this River to seat the Twightwees on and kindle a Fire for them, and if possible to remove the Shawonese up the River, which we think will be securing those Nations more steady to the English Interest. I hope the Present of Goods that is preparing for those Indians will be at this Town some time in March next, for the Indians, as they are now acquainted that there is a Present coming, will be impatient to receive it, as they intend to meet the French next Spring between this and Fort De Troit, for they are certain the French intend an Expedition against them next Spring from Fort De Troit.[18] I hear the Owendaets [Wyandots] are as steady and well attached to the English Interest as ever they were, so that I believe the French will make but a poor hand of those Indians. Mr. Montour takes a great deal of Pains to promote the English Interest amongst those Indians, and has a great sway amongst all those Nations; if your Honour has any Instructions to send to Mr. Montour, Mr. Trent will forward it to me.[19] I will see it delivered to the Indians in the best manner, that your Honour’s Commands may have their full Force with the Indians.

I am, with due respects,

Your Honour’s most humble Servant,

Geo. Croghan.

The Honoble. James Hamilton,[20] Esq.

Proceedings of George Croghan, Esquire, and Mr. Andrew Montour at Ohio, in the Execution of the Governor’s Instructions to Deliver the Provincial Present to the several Tribes of Indians settled there:[21]

May the 18th, 1751.—I arrived at the Log’s Town on Ohio with the Provincial Present from the Province of Pennsylvania, where I was received by a great number of the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonese, in a very complaisant manner in their way, by firing Guns and Hoisting the English Colours. As soon as I came to the shore their Chiefs met me and took me by the Hand bidding me welcome to their Country.

May the 19th.—One of the Six Nation Kings from the Head of Ohio came to the Logstown to the Council, he immediately came to visit me, and told me he was glad to see a Messenger from his Brother Onas on the waters of the Ohio.

May the 20th.—Forty Warriors of the Six Nations came to Town from the Heads of Ohio, with Mr. Ioncoeur and one Frenchman more in company.

May the 21st, 1751.—Mr. Ioncoeur, the French Interpreter, called a council with all the Indians then present in the Town, and made the following Speech:

“Children: I desire you may now give me an answer from your hearts to the Speech Monsieur Celeron (the Commander of the Party of Two Hundred Frenchmen that went down the River two Years ago) made to you.[22] His Speech was, That their Father the Governor of Canada desired his Children on Ohio to turn away the English Traders from amongst them, and discharge them from ever coming to trade there again, or on any of the Branches, on Pain of incurring his Displeasure, and to enforce that Speech he gave them a very large Belt of Wampum. Immediately one of the Chiefs of the Six Nations get up and made the following answer:

“Fathers: I mean you that call yourselves our Fathers, hear what I am going to say to you. You desire we may turn our Brothers the English away, and not suffer them to come and trade with us again; I now tell you from our Hearts we will not, for we ourselves brought them here to trade with us, and they shall live amongst us as long as there is one of us alive. You are always threatning our Brothers what you will do to them, and in particular to that man (pointing to me); now if you have anything to say to our Brothers tell it to him if you be a man, as you Frenchmen always say you are, and the Head of all Nations. Our Brothers are the People we will trade with, and not you. Go and tell your Governor to ask the Onondago Council If I don’t speak the minds of all the Six Nations;”[23] and then [he] returned the Belt.

I paid Cochawitchake the old Shawonese King a visit, as he was rendered incapable of attending the Council by his great age, and let him know that his Brother the Governor of Pennsylvania was glad to hear that he was still alive and retained his senses, and had ordered me to cloathe him and to acquaint him that he had not forgot his strict Attachment to the English Interest. I gave him a Strowd Shirt, Match Coat, and a pair of Stockings, for which he gave the Governor a great many thanks.

May the 22d.—A number of about forty of the Six Nations came up the River Ohio to Logstown to wait on the Council; as soon as they came to Town they came to my House, and after shaking Hands they told me they were glad to see me safe arrived in their Country after my long Journey.

May the 23d.—Conajarca, one of the Chiefs of the Six Nations, and a Party with him from the Cuscuskie, came to Town to wait on the Council, and congratulated me upon my safe arrival in their Country.

May the 24th.—Some Warriors of the Delawares came to Town from the Lower Shawonese Town, and brought a Scalp with them; they brought an Account that the Southward Indians had come to the Lower Towns to War, and had killed some of the Shawonese, Delawares, and the Six Nations, so that we might not expect any People from there to the Council.

May the 25th.—I had a conference with Monsieur Ioncoeur; he desired I would excuse him and not think hard of him for the Speech he made to the Indians requesting them to turn the English Traders away and not suffer them to trade, for it was the Governor of Canada’s Orders[24] to him, and he was obliged to obey them altho’ he was very sensible which way the Indians would receive them, for he was sure the French could not accomplish their designs with the Six Nations without it could be done by Force, which he said he believed they would find to be as difficult as the method they had just tryed, and would meet with the like success.

May the 26th.—A Dunkar from the Colony of Virginia came to the Log’s Town and requested Liberty of the Six Nation Chiefs to make and further told him that he did not take a right method, for he should be first recommended by their Brother the Governor of Pennsylvania, with whom all Publick Business of that sort must be transacted before he need expect to succeed.[25]

May the 27th.—Mr Montour and I had a Conference with the Chiefs of the Six Nations, when it was agreed upon that the following Speeches should be made to the Delawares, Shawonese, Owendatts and Twightwees, when the Provincial Present should be delivered them in the Name of the Honourable James Hamilton, Esquire, Lieutenant Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania, and Counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, in Conjunction with the Chiefs of the Six United Nations On Ohio:

A Treaty with the Indians of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Owendatts and Twightwees.

In the Log’s Town on Ohio,
Thursday the 28th May, 1751.

Present:

Thomas Kinton, Samuel Cuzzens, Jacob Pyatt, John Owens, Thomas Ward, Joseph Nelson, James Brown, Dennis Sullavan, Paul Pearce, Caleb Lamb, Indian Traders.

The Deputies of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Owendatts, and Twightwees; Mr. Andrew Montour, Interpreter for the Province of Pennsylvania; Toanshiscoe, Interpreter for the Six Nations.

George Croghan made the following Speech to the several Nations, when they were met in Council, in the Name of the Honourable James Hamilton, Esquire, Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania:

“Friends and Brethren:—I am sent here by your Brother the Governor of Pennsylvania with this Present of Goods to renew the Friendship so long subsisting between Us, and I present you these four strings of Wampum to clear your Minds and open your Eyes and Ears that you may see the Sun clear, and hear what your Brother is going to say to you.”—Gave 4 Strings of Wampum.

A Speech delivered the Delawares—in answer to the Speech they sent by Mr. Weiser three Years ago to his Honour the Governor to acquaint him of the Death of their Chief, King Oulamopess[26]—by George Croghan:

“Brethren the Delawares:—Three years ago some of the Chiefs of your Nation sent me a Message by Mr. Weiser to acquaint me of the Death of your King, a man well beloved by his Brethren the English. You told Mr. Weiser that you intended to visit me in order to consult about a new Chief, but you never did it. I have ever since condoled with you for the Loss of so good a Man, and considering the lamentable Condition you were in for want of a Chief I present You this Belt of Wampum and this Present to wipe away your Tears, and I desire you may choose amongst Yourselves one of your wisest Counsellors and present to your Brethren the Six Nations and me for a Chief, and he so chosen by you shall be looked upon by us as your King, with whom Publick Business shall be transacted. Brethren, to enforce this on your Minds I present you this Belt of Wampum.”—Gave a Belt of Wampum, which was received with the Yohah.[27]

A Speech delivered the Shawonese from the Honourable James Hamilton, Governor of Pennsylvania, by George Croghan:

“Brethren the Shawonese:—Three years ago when some of your Chiefs and some Chiefs of the Six Nations came down to Lancaster with our Brethren the Twightwees, they informed me that your People that went away with Peter Chartier was coming back, and since that I hear that Part of them are returned. I am glad to hear that they are coming home to you again that you may become once more a People, and not as you were dispersed thro’ the World. I do not blame you for what happened, for the wisest of People sometimes make mistakes; it was the French that the Indians call their Fathers that deceived You and scattered you about the Woods that they might have it in their Power to keep you poor. Brethren, I assure you by this Present that I am fully reconcil’d and have forgot any thing that you have done, and I hope for the future there will be a more free and open Correspondence between us; and now your Brethren the Six Nations join with me to remove any misunderstanding that should have happened between us, that we may henceforth spend the remainder of our days together in Brotherly Love and Friendship. Now, that this Speech which your Brothers the Six Nations joyn with me in may have its full Force on your minds, I present you this Belt of Wampum.”—Gave a Belt of Wampum, which was received with the Yo-hah.

A Speech delivered the Owendatts, from the Honourable James Hamilton, Governor of Pennsylvania, by George Croghan:

“Brethren the Owendatts:—I receiv’d a Message by the Six Nations and another by Mr. Montour from you, by both which I understand the French, whom the Indians call their Father, wont let you rest in your Towns in Peace, but constantly threaten to cut you off. How comes this? Are you not a free and independent People, and have you not a Right to live where you please on your own Land and trade with whom you please? Your Brethren, the English, always considered you as a free Nation, and I think the French who attempt to infringe on your Liberties should be opposed by one and all the Indians or any other Nations that should undertake such unjust proceedings.

“Brethren: I am sorry to hear of your Troubles, and I hope you and your Brethren the Six Nations will let the French know that you are a free People and will not be imposed on by them. To assure you that I have your Troubles much at heart I present you this Belt and this Present of Goods to cloathe your Families.”—Gave a Belt of Wampum, which was received with the Yo-hah.

A Speech delivered the Twightwees from the Honourable James Hamilton, Esquire, Governor Pennsylvania, by George Croghan:

“Brethren the Twightwees:—As you are an antient and renowned Nation I was well pleased when you sent your Deputies now three years ago to sollicit our Alliance; nor did we hesitate to grant you your Request, as it came so warmly recommended to us by our Brethren the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonese. At your further Request we ordered our Traders to go amongst you and supply you with Goods at as reasonable rates as they could afford. We understand that in obedience to our Commands our Traders have given you full Satisfaction to your Requests. In one your Towns about three Months ago Mr. George Croghan likewise informs us that some more of your Tribes earnestly requested to become our Allies. He and Mr. Montour did receive a writing from you Certifying such your Request, and containing your Promises of Fidelity and Friendship, which we have seen and approve of. Brethren: we have recommended it to our Brethren the Six Nations to give you their advice how you should behave in your new Alliance with us, and we expect that you will follow it, that the Friendship now subsisting between Us, the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Owendatts, and you, may become as Strong as a great Mountain which the Winds constantly blow against but never overset. Brethren, to assure you of our hearty Inclinations towards you I make you this Present of Goods; and that this Speech which I make you now in Conjunction with the Six Nations may have its full Force on your minds, I present you this Belt of Wampum.”—Gave a Belt, which was received with the Yo-hah.

A Speech made to the Six United Nations by George Croghan in behalf of the Honourable James Hamilton, Esquire, Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania:

“Brethren the Six Nations: Hear what I am going to say to you. Brethren: it is a great while since we, your Brothers the English, first came over the great Water (meaning the Sea); as soon as our ship struck the Land you the Six Nations took hold of her and tyed her to the Bushes, and for fear the Bushes would not be strong enough to hold her you removed the Rope and tyed it about a great Tree; then fearing the winds would blow the Tree down, you removed the Rope and tyed it about a great Mountain in the Country (meaning the Onondago Country), and since that time we have lived in true Brotherly Love and Friendship together. Now, Brethren, since that there are several Nations joined in Friendship with you and Us, and of late our Brethren the Twightwees: Now, Brethren, as you are the Head of all the Nations of Indians, I warmly recommend it to you to give our Brethren the Twightwees your best advice that they may know how to behave in their New Alliance, and likewise I give our Brethren the Owendatts in charge to you, that you may Strengthen them to withstand their Enemies the French, who I understand treat them more like Enemies than Children tho’ they call themselves their Father.

“Brethren: I hope we, your Brothers the English, and you the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonese, Owendatts, and Twightwees, will continue in such Brotherly Love and Friendship that it will be as strong as that Mountain to which you tyed our Ship. Now, Brethren, I am informed by George Croghan that the French obstruct my Traders and carry away their Persons and Goods, and are guilty of many outrageous Practices, Whereby the Roads are rendered unsafe to travel in, nor can we ask our Traders to go amongst you whilst their Lives and Effects are in such great Danger. How comes this to pass? Don’t this proceed from the Pride of Onontio, whom the Indians call their Father, because they don’t see his ill Designs? The strong houses you gave him Leave to erect on your Lands serve (As your Brethren the English always told you) to impoverish You and keep your Wives and Children always naked by keeping the English Traders at a Distance, the French well knowing the English sell their Goods cheaper than they can afford, and I can assure You Onontio will never rest while an English Trader comes to Ohio; and indeed if you don’t open your Eyes and put a Stop to his Proceedings he will gain his Ends. Brethren: I hope you will consider well what Onontio means or is about to do. To enforce what I have been saying to you on your minds, I present this Belt of Wampum.”—Gave a Belt. They received this Belt with Yo-hah.

The Speaker of the Six Nations made the following Speech to Monsieur Ioncoeur in open Council; he spoke very quick and sharp with the Air of a Warrior:

“Father—How comes it that you have broke the General Peace? Is it not three years since you as well as our Brother the English told Us that there was a Peace between the English and French, and how comes it that you have taken our Brothers as your Prisoners on our Lands? Is it not our Land (Stamping on the Ground and putting his Finger to John Coeur’s Nose)? What Right has Onontio to our Lands? I desire you may go home directly off our Lands and tell Onontio to send us word immediately what was his Reason for using our Brothers so, or what he means by such Proceedings, that we may know what to do, for I can assure Onontio that We the Six Nations will not take such Usage. You hear what I say, and that is the Sentiments of all our Nations; tell it to Onontio that that is what the Six Nations said to you.”—Gave 4 Strings of black Wampum.

After which the Chief of the Indians ordered the Goods to be divided, and appointed some of each Nation to stand by to see it done, that those that were absent might have a sufficient Share laid by for them.

After which the Chiefs made me a Speech and told me it was a Custom with their Brothers whenever they went to Council to have their Guns, Kettles, and Hatchets mended, and desired I might order that done, for they could not go home till they had that done. So Mr. Montour and I agreed to comply with their Request, and ordered it done that they might depart well satisfied.

Letter of Croghan to the Governor, accompanying the foregoing treaty[28]

Pennsboro’, June 10th, 1751.

May it please your Honour: Inclosed is a Copy of the Treaty held on Ohio by your Honour’s Instructions on delivering your Honour’s Present to the several Nations of Indians Residing there. I hope your Honour on perusing the Proceedings of the Treaty will find that I have observed your Honour’s Instructions in every Speech that I delivered from your Honour. I took all the Pains I could to make the Present have its full Force and Weight with the Indians, and I have the Pleasure of assuring your Honour that the Indians were all unanimously well pleased at your Honour’s Speeches, and likewise acknowledged it was a great Present, and the Chiefs of the Six Nations took great Pains with me in dividing it amongst the other nations, that it might have its full force with them, which I assure your Honour it had, for every man I saw there was well satisfied with his share of the Present; the Indians in general expressed a high Satisfaction at having the Opportunity in the Presence of Ioncœur of expressing their hearty Love and Inclinations towards the English, and likewise to assure your Honour what Contempt they had for the French, which your Honour will see by the Speeches they made. Ioncœur-Ioncœur has sent a Letter to your Honour, which I enclose here.[29] Mr. Montour has exerted himself very much on this occasion, and he is not only very capable of doing the Business, but look’d on amongst all the Indians as one of their Chiefs, I hope your Honour will think him worth notice, and recommend it to the Assembly to make him full Satisfaction for his Trouble, as he has employed all his Time in the Business of the Government. I hope your Honour will recommend it to the Government of Virginia to answer the Speech sent them now in answer to their own Speech sent last Fall, as soon as possible. May it please your Honour, I make bold to send down my Account against the Province for what Wampum I delivered Mr. Montour to make the Speeches last Fall and this Spring, delivered by your Honour’s Instructions. Mr. Montour is at my House and will wait on your Honour when you Please to appoint the time. I hope what has been transacted at this Treaty will be pleasing to your Honour, as I am sure the Present had its full Force, and shall defer any farther Account till you have the opportunity of examining Mr. Montour.

I am your Honour’s most obedient, humble Servant,

George Croghan.

Croghan’s Journal, 1754.[30]

January 12th, 1754.—I arrived at Turtle Creek about eight miles from the Forks of Mohongialo, where I was informed by John Frazier, an Indian Trader,[31] that Mr. Washington, who was sent by the Governor of Virginia to the French Camp, was returned. Mr. Washington told Mr. Frazier that he had been very well used by the French General; that after he delivered his Message the General told him his Orders were to take all the English he found on the Ohio, which Orders he was determined to obey, and further told him that the English had no business to trade on the Ohio, for that all the Lands of Ohio belonged to his Master the King of France, all to Alegainay Mountain. Mr. Washington told Mr. Frazier the Fort where he was is very strong, and that they had Abundance of Provisions, but they would not let him see their Magazine; there are about one hundred Soldiers and fifty Workmen at that Fort, and as many more at the Upper Fort, and about fifty Men at Weningo with Jean Coeur; the Rest of their Army went home last Fall, but is to return as soon as possible this Spring; when they return they are to come down to Log’s Town in order to build a Fort somewhere thereabouts. This is all I had of Mr. Washington’s Journey worth relating to your Honour.[32]

On the thirteenth I arrived at Shanoppin’s Town, where Mr. Montour and Mr. Patten overtook me.[33]

On the fourteenth we set off to Log’s Town, where we found the Indians all drunk; the first Salutation we got was from one of the Shawonese who told Mr. Montour and myself we were Prisoners, before we had time to tell them that their Men that were in Prison at Carolina were released, and that we had two of them in our Company. The Shawonese have been very uneasy about those Men that were in Prison, and had not those Men been released it might have been of very ill consequence at this time; but as soon as they found their Men were released they seem’d all overjoyed, and I believe will prove true to their Alliance.[34]

On the fifteenth Five Canoes of French came down to Log’s Town in Company with the Half King[35] and some more of the Six Nations, in Number an Ensign, a Serjeant, and Fifteen Soldiers.

On the sixteenth in the morning Mr. Patten took a Walk to where the French had pitched their Tents, and on his returning back by the Officer’s Tent he ordered Mr. Patten to be brought in to him, on which Word came to the Town that Mr. Patten was taken Prisoner. Mr. Montour and myself immediately went to where the French was encamped, where we found the French Officer and the Half King in a high Dispute. The Officer told Mr. Montour and Me that he meant no hurt to Mr. Patten, but wondered he should pass backward and forward without calling in. The Indians were all drunk, and seemed very uneasy at the French for stopping Mr. Patten, on which the Officer ordered his Men on board their Canoes and set off to a small Town of the Six Nations about two Miles below the Log’s Town, where he intends to stay till the Rest of their Army come down. As to any particulars that pass’d between the Officer and Mr. Patten I refer your Honour to Mr. Patten.

By a Chickisaw Man who has lived amongst the Shawonese since he was a Lad, and is just returned from the Chickisaw Country[36] where he has been making a Visit to his Friends, we hear that there is a large Body of French at the Falls of Ohio, not less he says than a thousand Men; that they have abundance of Provisions and Powder and Lead with them, and that they are coming up the River to meet the Army from Canada coming down. He says a Canoe with Ten French Men in her came up to the Lower Shawonese Town with him, but on some of the English Traders’ threatning to take them they set back that night without telling their Business.

By a message sent here from Fort De Troit by the Owendats to the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonese, we hear that the Ottoways are gathering together on this Side Lake Erie, several hundreds of them, in order to cutt off the Shawonese at the Lower Shawonese Town.[37] The French and Ottoways offered the Hatchet to the Owendats but they refused to assist them.

We hear from Scarrooyady that the Twightwees that went last Spring to Canada to counsel with the French were returned last Fall; that they had taken hold of the French Hatchet and were entirely gone back to their old Towns amongst the French.

From the sixteenth to the twenty-sixth we could do nothing, the Indians being constantly drunk.

On the twenty sixth the French called the Indians to Council and made them a Present of Goods. On the Indians Return the Half King told Mr. Montour and me he would take an Opportunity to repeat over to Us what the French said to them.

On the twenty-seventh We called the Indians to Council, and cloathed the Two Shawonese according to the Indian Custom, and delivered them up in Council with your Honour’s Speeches, sent by Mr. Patten, which Mr. Montour adapted to Indian Forms as much as was in his Power or mine.

On the twenty-eighth We called the Indians to Council again, and delivered them a large Belt of Black and White Wampum in Your Honour’s and the Governor of Virginia’s Name, by which we desired they might open their Minds to your Honour, and speak from their Hearts and not from their Lips; and that they might now inform your Honour by Mr. Andrew Montour, whom You had chosen to transact Business between You and your Brethren at Ohio, whether that Speech which they sent your Honour by Lewis Montour was agreed on in Council or not, and assured them they might freely open their Minds to their Brethren your Honour and the Governor of Virginia, as the only Friends and Brethren they had to depend on. Gave the Belt.

After delivering the Belt Mr. Montour gave them the Goods left in my Care by your Honour’s Commissioners at Carlisle, and at the same time made a Speech to them to let them know that those Goods were for the Use of their Warriors and Defence of their Country.

As soon as the Goods were delivered the Half King made a Speech to the Shawonese and Delawares, and told them as their Brother Onas had sent them a large Supply of Necessaries for the Defence of their Country, that he would put it in their Care till all their Warriors would have Occasion to call for it, as their Brethren the English had not yet got a strong House to keep such Things safe in.

The Thirty-First A Speech delivered by the Half King in Answer to your Honour’s Speeches on delivering the Shawonese:

“Brother Onas:—We return You our hearty Thanks for the Trouble You have taken in sending for our poor Relations the Shawonese, and with these four Strings of Wampum we clear your Eyes and Hearts, that You may see your Brothers the Shawonese clear as You used to do, and not think that any small Disturbance shall obstruct the Friendship so long subsisting between You and us your Brethren, the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonese. We will make all Nations that are in Alliance with Us acquainted with the Care You have had of our People at such a great distance from both You and Us.”—Gave Four Strings of Wampum.

A Speech Delivered by the Half King

“Brethren the Governors of Pennsylvania and Virginia: You desire Us to open our Minds to You and to speak from our Hearts, which we assure You, Brethren, we do. You desire We may inform you whether that Speech sent by Lewis Montour was agreed on in Council or not, Which we now assure You it was in part; but that Part of giving the Lands to pay the Traders’ Debts We know nothing of it; it must have been added by the Traders that wrote the Letter;[38] but we earnestly requested by that Belt, and likewise we now request that our Brother the Governor of Virginia may build a Strong House at the Forks of the Mohongialo, and send some of our young Brethren, their Warriors, to live on it; and we expect our Brother of Pennsylvania will build another House somewhere on the River where he shall think proper, where whatever assistance he will think proper to send us may be kept safe for us, as our Enemies are just at hand, and we do not know what Day they may come upon Us. We now acquaint our Brethren that we have our Hatchet in our Hands to strike the Enemy as soon as our Brethren come to our assistance.”

Gave a Belt and Eight Strings of Wampum.

After the Chiefs had signed the last Speech, the Half King repeated over the French Council, which was as follows:

“Children: I am come here to tell you that your Father is coming here to visit you and to take You under his care, and I desire You may not listen to any ill News You hear, for I assure you he will not hurt You; ’Tis true he has something to say to your Brethren the English, but do you sit still and do not mind what your Father does to your Brothers, for he will not suffer the English to live or tread on this River Ohio;”—on which he made them a Present of Goods.

February the First.—By a Cousin of Mr. Montour’s that came to Log’s town in company with a Frenchman from Weningo by Land, we hear that the French expect Four Hundred Men every Day to the Fort above Weningo, and as soon as they come they are to come down the River to Log’s town to take possession from the English till the rest of the Army comes in the Spring.

The Frenchman that came here in company with Mr. Montour’s Cousin, is Keeper of the King’s Stores, and I believe the chief of his Business is to take a view of the Country and to see what Number of English there is here, and to know how the Indians are affected to the French.

February the Second.—Just as we were leaving the Log’s Town, the Indians made the following Speech:

“Brethren the Governors of Pennsylvania and Virginia: we have opened our Hearts to You and let you know our Minds; we now, by these two Strings of black Wampum, desire You may directly send to our Assistance that You and We may secure the Lands of Ohio, for there is nobody but You our Brethren and ourselves have any Right to the Lands; but if you do not send immediately we shall surely be cut of[f] by our Enemy the French.”—Gave two Strings of black Wampum.

February the Second.—A Speech made by Shingass, King of the Delawares.

“Brother Onas: I am glad to hear all our People here are of one mind; it is true I live here on the River Side, which is the French Road, and I assure you by these Strings of Wampum that I will neither go down or up, but I will move nearer to my Brethren the English, where I can keep our Women and Children safe from the Enemy.”[39]—Gave Three Strings of Wampum.

The above is a true account of our Proceedings, taken down by Your Honour’s most obedient humble Servant.

George Croghan.

3d February, 1754.

The Honourable James Hamilton Esquire.

Croghan to Charles Swaine at Shippensburg[40]

Aughwick, October 9th, 1755.

Dear Sir: On my return home I met with an Indian from Ohio who gives me the following accounts: That about 14 days ago he left Ohio, at that time there was about 160 Men ready to set out to harrass the English which probably they be those doing the Mischiefs on Potomack. He says the French Fort is not very strong with men at present. He likewise says that he is of opinion the Indians will do no mischief on the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania till they can draw all the Indians out of the Province and off Sasquehanna, which they are now industriously endeavouring to do; and he desires me as soon as I see the Indians remove from Sasquehanna back to Ohio to shift my quarters, for he says that the French will, if possible, lay all the back frontiers in ruins this Winter.

This man was sent by a few of my old Indian Friends to give me this caution, that I might save my scalps, which he says would be no small Prize to the French; and he has ordered me to keep it private so that I don’t intend to communicate it to any body but you. I don’t know whether the Governor should be made acquainted with it or no; but if you judge it proper write the Governor the whole, but at the same time request him to keep it a secret from whom he had his Information, for if it should be made publick to the Interpreters or Indians it may cost me and the man I had my Information from our Lives; and, moreover, the best method to frustrate their Designs will be for the Governor not to let the Indians know that he is acquainted with their design, but to conduct the affair privately, so as not to let the Indians know he has any suspicion of them. Indeed it is only what I thought the Indians always aimed at, and what I feared they would accomplish, for I see all our great Directors of Indian affairs are very short sighted, and glad I am that I have no hand in Indian affairs at this critical time, where no fault can be thrown on my shoulders.

I am, Dear Sir, Your most humble Servant,

Geo. Croghan.

To Mr. Charles Swaine.

P. S.—Sir, if you could possibly Lend me 6 guns with powder, 20 of lead by the bearer, I will return them in about 15 days, when I can get some from the Mouth of Conegochege. I hope to have my Stockade finished by the middle of next week.[41]

G. C.

A Council Held at Carlisle, Tuesday the 13th January, 1756[42]

Present:

Mr. Croghan having been desired by the Governor in December last to do all in his Power to gain Intelligence of the Motions and Designs of the Indians, and being now in Town was sent for into Council, and at the Instance of the Governor gave the following Information, viz: “That he sent Delaware Jo, one of our Friendly Indians, to the Ohio for Intelligence, who returned to his House at Aucquick the eighth Instant, and informed him that he went to Kittannin, an Indian Delaware Town on the Ohio about forty Miles above Fort Duquesne, the Residence of Chingas and Captain Jacobs, where he found one hundred and forty Men chiefly Delawares and Shawonese, who had then with them above one hundred English Prisoners big and little taken from Virginia and Pennsylvania.

That there the Beaver,[44] Brother of Chingas, told him that the Governor of Fort Duquesne[45] had often offered the French Hatchet to the Shawonese and Delawares, who had as often refused it, declaring they would do as they should be advised by the Six Nations; but that in April or May last a Party of Six Nation Warriors in Company with some Caghnawagos[46] and Adirondacks called at the French Fort in their going to War against the Southern Indians, and on these the Governor of Fort Duquesne prevailed to offer the French Hatchet to the Delawares and Shawonese who received it from them and went directly against Virginia.

That neither the Beaver nor several others of the Shawonese and Delawares approved of this measure nor had taken up the Hatchet, and the Beaver believed some of those who had were sorry for what they had done, and would be glad to make up Matters with the English.

That from Kittannin he went to the Log’s Town, where he found about one hundred Indians and thirty English Prisoners taken by the Shawonese living at the Lower Shawonese Town from the western Frontier of Virginia and sent up to Log’s Town. He was told the same thing by these Shawonese that the Beaver had told him before respecting their striking the English by the advise of some of the Six Nations, and further he was informed that the French had sollicited the Indians to sell them the English Prisoners, which they had refused, declaring they would not dispose of them, but keep them until they should receive Advice from the Six Nations what to do with them.

That there are more or less of the Six Nations living with the Shawonese and Delawares in their Towns, and these always accompanied them in their Incursions upon the English and took Part with them in the War.

That when at Log’s Town, which is near Fort Duquesne, on the opposite Side of the River, he intended to have gone there to see what the French were doing in that Fort, but could not cross the River for the driving of the Ice; he was, however, informed the Number of the French did not exceed four hundred.

That he returned to Kittannin, and there learned that Ten Delawares were gone to the Sasquehannah, and as he supposed to persuade those Indians to strike the English who might perhaps be concerned in the Mischief lately done in the County of Northampton.[47]

No more than Seven Indians being as yet come to Carlisle Mr. Croghan was asked the Reason of it; he said that the Indians were mostly gone an hunting, but he expected as many more at least would come in a day or two.

Mr. Weiser was then sent for and it was taken into Consideration what should be said to the Indians.

Croghan’s Transactions with the Indians Previous to Hostilities on the Ohio[48]

In November 1748 Mʳ Hamilton arrived in Philadelphia, Governor of Pennsylvania. During the late war all the Indian tribes living on the Ohio and the branches thereof, on this side Lake Erie, were in strict friendship with the English in the several Provinces, and took the greatest care to preserve the friendship then subsisting between them and us. At that time we carried on a considerable branch of trade with those Indians for skins and furrs, no less advantagious to them than to us. We sold them goods on much better terms than the French, which drew many Indians over the Lakes to trade with us. The exports of skins and furs from this Province at that time will shew the increase of our trade in them articles.

In August 1749, Governor Hamilton sent me to the Ohio with a message to the Indians, to notifie to them the Cessation of Arms, and to enquire of the Indians the reason of the march of Monsieur Celaroon with two hundred French soldiers through their country (This detachment under Monsieur Celaroon had passed by the Logs Town before I reached it.)

After I had delivered my message to the Indians, I inquired what the French Commander said to them. They told me he said he was only come to visit them, and see how they were cloathed, for their Father the Governor of Canada was determined to take great care of all his children settled on the Ohio, and desired they wou’d turn away all the English traders from amongst them, for their Father would not suffer them to trade there any more, but would send traders of his own, who would trade with them on reasonabler terms than the English.

I then asked them if they really thought that was the intention of the French coming at that time: They answered, yes, they believed the French not only wanted to drive the English traders off, that they might have the trade to themselves; but that they had also a further intention by their burrying iron plates with inscriptions on them in the mouth of every remarkable Creek, which we know is to steal our country from us. But we will go to the Onondago Council and consult them how we may prevent them from defrauding us of our land.

At my return I acquainted the Governor what passed between the Indians and me.

This year the Governor purchased a tract of land on the East of Susquehannah for the Proprietaries, at which time the Indians complained that the White People was encroaching on their lands on the West side of Susquehannah, and desired that the Governor might turn them off, as those lands were the hunting-grounds of the Susquehannah Indians.

At that time the Six Nations delivered a string of Wampum from the Connays, desiring their Brother Onas to make the Connays some satisfaction for their settlement at the Connay Town in Donegal,[49] which they had lately left and settled amongst the Susquehannah Indians which town had been reserved for their use at that time their Brother Onas had made a purchase of the land adjoining to that town.

In November [1750] I went to the country of the Twightwees by order of the Governor with a small present to renew the chain of friendship, in company with Mʳ Montour Interpreter; on our journey we met Mʳ Gist, a messenger from the Governor of Virginia, who was sent to invite the Ohio Indians to meet the Commissioners of Virginia at the Logs town in the Spring following to receive a present of goods which their father the King of Great Britain had sent them.[50] Whilst I was at the Twightwee town delivering the present and message, there came several of the Chiefs of the Wawioughtanes and Pianguisha Nations, living on Wabash, and requested to be admitted into the chain of friendship between the English and the Six Nations and their allies; which request I granted & exchang’d deeds of friendship with them, with a view of extending His Majesty’s Indian interest, and made them a small present. On my return I sent a coppy of my proceedings to the Governor. On his laying it before the House of Assembly, it was rejected and myself condemned for bad conduct in drawing an additionall expence on the Government, and the Indians were neglected.[51]

At the time that the Secretary, the provincial Interpreter, with the Justice of Cumberland County and the Sheriff were ordered to dispossess the people settled on the unpurchased lands on the West side of Susquehannah, and on their return to my house, they met a deputation of the Ohio Indians, who told the Secretary that they had heard of a purchase that the Governor had made on the East side of Susquehannah, and said they were intitled to part of the goods paid for that purchase, but had received none, that they were come now to desire the Governor to purchase no more lands without first acquainting them, for that the lands belonged to them as well as to the Onondago Council; on which they delivered a Belt of Wampum, and desired that the Governor might send that Belt to Onondago to let them know that the Ohio Indians had made such a complaint.

In April 1751 the Governor sent me to Ohio with a present of goods; the speeches were all wrote by the Provincial Interpreter Mʳ Wiser. In one of the speeches was warmly expressed that the Govʳ of Pennsylvania would build a fort on the Ohio, to protect the Indians, as well as the English Traders, from the insults of the French. On the Governor perusing the speech he thought it too strongly expressed, on which he ordered me not to make it, but ordered me to sound the Chief of the Indians on that head, to know whether it would be agreeable to them or not. Which orders I obeyed, and did in the presence of Mʳ Montour sound the Half King Scarioaday and the Belt of Wampum, who all told me that the building of a Trading House had been agreed on between them and the Onondago Council, since the time of the detachment of French, under the command of Monsʳ Celaroon, had gone down the river Ohio, and said they would send a message by me to their Brother Onas, on that head.

After I had delivered the present and done the chief of the business, the Indians in publick Council, by a Belt of Wampum, requested that the Governor of Pennsylvania would immediately build a strong house (or Fort) at the Forks of Monongehela, where the Fort Du Quesne now stands, for the protection of themselves and the English Traders.

But on my return this Government rejected the proposal I had made, and condemned me for making such a report to the government, alledging it was not the intention of the Indians. The Provincial Interpreter, who being examined by the House of Assembly, denyed that he knew of any instructions I had to treat with the Indians for building a Trading House, though he wrote the speech himself, and further said he was sure the Six Nations would never agree to have a Trading House built there, and Governor Hamilton, though he by his letter of instructions ordered me to sound the Indians on that head, let the House know he had given me no such instructions: all which instructions will appear on the Records of Indian Affairs.[52] The 12ᵗʰ June 1752, the Virginia Commissioners met the Indians at the Logs Town and delivered the King’s present to them. The Indians then renewed their request of having a fort built as the government of Pennsylvania had taken no notice of their former request to them, and they insisted strongly on the government of Virginia’s building one in the same place that they had requested the Pennsylvanians to build one; but to no effect.[53]

In the year 1753 a French army came to the heads of Ohio and built fort Preskle on the Lake, and another fort at the head of Venango Creek, called by the French Le Buff Rivere.[54] Early in the fall the same year about one hundred Indians from the Ohio came from Winchester in Virginia, expecting to meet the Governor there who did not come, but ordered Coll. Fairfax to meet them. Here again they renewed their request of having a Fort built, and said altho’ the French had placed themselves on the head of Ohio, that if their Brethren the English would exert themselves and sent out a number of men, that they would join them, & drive the French army away or die in the attempt.

From Winchester those Indians came to Cumberland County where they were met by Commissioners from Governor Hamilton, and promised the same which they had done in Virginia;[55] but notwithstanding the earnest solicitations of those Indians, the governments neglected building them a fort, or assisting them with men; believing or seeming to believe that there was no French there; till the Governor of Virginia sent Col. Washington to the heads of Venango Creek, where he met the French General at a fort he had lately built there.

In February 1754, Captain Trent was at the mouth of Red Stone Creek, building a Store house for the Ohio Company, in order to lodge stores to be carried from there to the mouth of Monongehela, by water, where he had received orders in conjunction with Cresap[56] and Gist to build a fort for that Company. This Creek is about 37 miles from where fort Du Quesne now stands.

About the 10ᵗʰ of this month he received a Commission from the Governor of Virginia with orders to raise a Company of Militia, and that he would soon be joined by Col. Washington. At this time the Indians appointed to meet him at the mouth of Monongehela in order to receive a present which he had brought them from Virginia. Between this time and that appointed to meet the Indians he raised upwards of twenty men & found them with arms ammunition & provisions at his own expence. At this meeting the Indians insisted that he should set his men at work, which he did, and finished a Store House, and a large quantity of timber hew’d, boards saw’d, and shingles made. After finishing his business with the Indians he stayed some time in expectation of Col. Washington joining him, as several accounts came of his being there in a few days. As there was no more men to be had here at this time, there being no inhabitants in this country but Indian traders who were scattered over the country for several hundred miles, & no provisions but a little Indian corn to be had, he applied to the Indians, who had given him reason to believe they would join him and cut off the French on the Ohio, but when he proposed it to the Half-King, he told him that had the Virginians been in earnest they wou’d have had their men there before that time, and desired him to get the rest of his men and hurry out the provisions. Agreeable to his instructions he went and recruited his company, but before he could get back, it being 110 miles from here to the nighest inhabitants, the French came and drove his people off.

In June following when the Indians heard that Coll. Washington with a Detachment of the Virginia troops had reached the great Meadows, the Half-King and Scaruady with about 50 men joined him—notwithstanding the French were in possession of this country with six or seven hundred men; so great was their regard for the English at that time.

After the defeat of Col. Washington, the Indians came to Virginia, where they stayed some time, & then came to my house in Pennsylvania and put themselves under the protection of this Government.

As soon as possible they sent messengers to call down the heads of the Delawares and Shawnese to a meeting at my house, and at the same time they desired the Governor of this Province, or some Deputy from him, to meet them there to consult what was best to be done.

The Governor sent Mʳ Wiser the Provincial Interpreter; the Chiefs of those Indians came down and met him and offered their service, but it was not accepted by Mʳ Wiser. He in answer told them to sit still, till Governor Morris arrived, and then he himself wou’d come and let them know what was to be done. They waited there till very late in the fall, but received no answer, so set off for their own country.[57]

This Government continued to maintain the Indians that lived at my house, till the Spring, when General Bradock[58] arrived; they then desired Governor Morris to let me know they would not maintain them any longer; at which time Governor Morris desired me to take them to Fort Cumberland to meet General Bradock; which I did;—On my arrival at Fort Cumberland General Braddock asked me where the rest of the Indians were. I told him I did not know, I had brought but fifty men which was all that was at that time under my care, and which I had brought there by the directions of Governor Morris. He replied that Governor Dinwiddie told me [him] at Alexandria that he had sent for 400 which would be here before me. I answered I knew nothing of that but that Captain Montour the Virginia Interpreter was in camp & could inform His Excellency. On which Montour was sent for who informed the General that Mʳ Gist’s son was sent off some time agoe for some Cherokee Indians, but whether they would come he could not tell. On which the General asked me whether I could not send for some of the Delawares and Shawnese to Ohio. I told him I could; on which I sent a messenger to Ohio, who returned in eight days and brought with him the Chiefs of the Delawares. The General held a conference the Chiefs in company with those fifty I had brought with me, and made them a handsome present, & behav’d to them as kindly as he possibly could, during their stay, ordering me to let them want for nothing.

The Delawares promised, in Council, to meet the General on the road, as he marched out with a number of their warriors. But whether the former breaches of faith on the side of the English prevented them, or that they choose to see the event of the action between General Braddock and the French, I cannot tell; but they disappointed the General and did not meet him.

Two days after the Delaware Chiefs had left the camp at Fort Cumberland, Mʳ Gist’s son returned from the Southward, where he had been sent by Govʳ Dinwiddie, but brought no Indians with him.

Soon after, the General was preparing for the march, with no more Indians than I had with me; when Coll. Innis[59] told the General that the women and children of the Indians that were to remain at Fort Cumberland, would be very troublesome, and that the General need not take above eight or nine men out with him, for if he took more he would find them very troublesome on the march and of no service; on which the General ordered me to send back all the men, women and children, to my house in Pennsylvania, except eight or ten, which I should keep as scouts and to hunt; which I accordingly did.

(Indorsed: “Recᵈ with Sʳ Wᵐ Johnson’s letter of the 25 June, 1757.”)

Croghan’s Journal, 1760-61[60]

October 21ˢᵗ 1760.—In pursuance to my Instructions I set of[f] from Fort Pitt to join Major Rogers[61] at Presqu’ Isle[62] in order to proceed with the Detachmᵗ of his Majestys Troops under his Command to take possession of Fort D’Troit.

25ᵗʰ.—I joined Capt Campbell at Venango who was on his march to Presqu’ Isle with a Detachment of the Royal Americans to join Major Rogers.[63]

26ᵗʰ.—I halted at Venango as the French Creek was very high, to assist in getting the Pack Horses loaded with Pitch & Blanketts for the Kings service over.[64]

27ᵗʰ.—Left Venango.

30ᵗʰ.—Got to La’Bauf.[65]

31ˢᵗ.—Arrived at Presqu-Isle where I delivered Major Rogers his Orders from General Monckton.[66]

November 3ᵈ.—Capᵗ Brewer of the Rangers with a Party of forty Men set of[f] by Land with the Bullocks with whom I sent fifteen Indians of different Nations, to pilot them, with Orders that if they met with any of the Indians of the Western Nations hunting on the Lake Side to tell them to come and meet me.[67] This Evening we loaded our Boats & lay on the shore that night.

4ᵗʰ.—We set sail at seven o’clock in the morning & at three in the afternoon we got to Siney Sipey or Stoney Creek about ten Leagues from Presqu’ Isle where we went ashore in a fine Harbour and encamped.[68]

5ᵗʰ.—At seven o’Clock in the Morning we set sail, about 12 we were met by about thirty Ottawas who had an English Flag, they saluted us with a discharge of their fire Arms, we then put ashore shook hands and smoked with them out of their Council Pipe, we drank a dram and then embarked, about two o’Clock arrived at Wajea Sipery or Crooked Creek, went ashore in a good Harbour and encamped, this day went about seven Leagues. After we had encamped I called a meeting of all the Indians and acquainted them of the Reduction of Montreal, and agreeable to the Capitulation we were going to take possession of Fort D’Troit, Misselemakinack, Fort St. Joseph’s &c. and carry the French Garrisons away Prisoners of War & Garrison the Forts with English Troops, that the French Inhabitants were to remain in possession of their property on their taking the Oath of Fidelity to his Majesty King George, and assured them by a Belt of Wampum that all Nations of Indians should enjoy a free Trade with their Brethren the English and be protected in peaceable possession of their hunting Country as long as they adhered to his Majestys Interest. The Indians in several Speeches made me, expressed their satisfaction at exchanging their Fathers the French for their Brethren the English who they were assured were much better able to supply them with all necessaries, and then begged that we might forget every thing that happened since the commencement of the War, as they were obliged to serve the French from whom they got all their necessitys supplyed, that it was necessity and not choice that made them take part with the French which they confirmed by several Belts and Strings of Wampum. The principal Man of the Ottawas said on a large Belt that he had not long to live & said pointing to two Men “those Men I have appointed to transact the Business of my Tribe, with them you confirmed the Peace last year when you came up to Pittsburg, I now recommend them to you, and I beg you may take notice of them and pity our women and Children as they are poor and naked, you are able to do it & by pitying their Necessitys you will win their Hearts.” The Speaker then took up the Pipe of Peace belonging to the Nation and said Brother to Confirm what we have said to you I give you this Peace Pipe which is known to all the Nations living in this Country and when they see it they will know it to be the Pipe of Peace belonging to our Nation, then [he] delivered the Pipe.

The principal Man then requested some Powder & Lead for their young Men to stay there and hunt for the support of their familys as the Chiefs had agreed to go with us to D’Troit, and a little Flower which I applyed to Major Rogers for who chearfully ordered it to me as I informed him it was necessary & would be for the good of his Majestys Indian Interest.[69]

6ᵗʰ.—At seven o’Clock we set sail in Company with the Indians arrived at a pretty large Creek called Onchuago or fire Creek[70] about twelve Leagues from Crooked Creek, where we went ashore and incamped, a fine Harbour; here we met seven familys of Ottawa Indians Hunting.

7ᵗʰ.—We loaded our Boats, sent of[f] the Battoes with the Provisions and some Whale Boats to attend them, but before they had got two Miles they were obliged to return the Wind springing up so high that no Boat could live on the Lake. Continued our encampment here the whole day.

8ᵗʰ 9ᵗʰ & 10ᵗʰ.—We continued here the Wind so high could not put out of the Harbour here the Indians gave us great quantitys of Bears & Elks Meat, very fat.

11ᵗʰ.—About One o’Clock P.M. set sail, a great swell in the Lake, at Eight o’Clock got into a little Cove went ashore & encamped on a fine strand, about six Leagues from fire Creek, where Mʳ Braam with his party had been some time encamped.[71]

12ᵗʰ.—At half an hour after Eight A.M. set sail, very Calm, about 10 came on a great squawl, the Waves run Mountains high, about half an hour after twelve we got into Gichawaga Creek where is a fine Harbour, some of the Battoes were forced a shore on the Strand and received considerable damage, some of the flower wet and the Ammunition Boat allmost staved to Pieces, here we found several Indians of the Ottawa Nation hunting, who received us very kindly they being old Acquaintances of mine, here we overtook Capᵗ Brewer of the Rangers with his party who set of by Land with some Cattle, this day came about four Leagues.[72]

13ᵗʰ.—We lay by to mend our Boats.

14ᵗʰ.—The Wind blew so hard we could not set of[f]. This day we were allarmed by one of the Rangers who reported he saw about Twenty French within a Mile of our encampment on which I sent out a party of Indians and Major Rogers a party of Rangers, both partys returned without discovering any thing, but the Tracts of two Indians who went out a hunting that Morning.

15ᵗʰ.—Fine Weather we set sail and at twelve o’Clock came to Sinquene Thipe or Stony Creek[73] where we met a Wayondott Indian named Togasoady, and his family a hunting. He informed me he was fifteen days from D’Troit, that before he left that the French had Accounts of the reduction of Montreal & that they expected an English Army from Niagara to D’Troit every day; that M. Balletré,[74] would not believe that the Governor of Montreal had Capitulated for D’Troit; that he had no more than fifty soldiers in the Fort; that the Inhabitants and Indians who were at home were very much afraid of being plundered by our Soldiers, and he requested that no outrage might be committed by our soldiers on the Indian settlements, as the chief of the Indians were out a hunting. I assured them that there should be no plundering. This afternoon we came to Nechey Thepy or two Creeks,[75] about Nine Leagues from Gichawga, high banks all the way & most part of it a perpendicular Rock about 60 feet high.

16ᵗʰ.—a storm so that we could [not] stir.

17ᵗʰ.—The Wind continued very high, stayed here this day, set of[f] the Cattle with an escort of Souldiers and Indians.

18ᵗʰ.—Set Sail came to Oulame Thepy or Vermillion Creek a narrow Channel about Eight foot Water a large Harbour when in, about four o’Clock came to Notowacy Thepy a fine Creek running through a Meadow about Eighteen foot Water, this day came about seven Leagues;[76] here I met three Indians who informed me that the Deputys I sent from Fort Pitt had passed by their hunting Cabin Eight days agoe on their way to D’Troit in order to deliver the Messages I sent by them to the several Indian Nations.

19ᵗʰ.—Several Indians came down the Creek to our encampment and made us a present of dryed Meat, set of[f], came to the little Lake just as the Cattle set over from thence, set of[f] from here came to a Creek which runs through a marchy Meadow, here we encamped, came this day about six Leagues.[77]

20ᵗʰ.—Mr. Braam set of[f] to D’Troit with a Flag of Truce and took with him Mr Gamblin a French Gentleman an Inhabitant of D’Troit.[78] This day about One o’Clock we met a Canoe of Wayandott Indians who informed us that the Deputys I sent to yᵉ several Nations living about Fort D’Troit, from Fort Pitt had got there and collected the principal Men of the several Nations together and delivered their Messages which were well received by the Indians, and that a Deputation of the Indians were appointed to come with my Deputys to meet us at that place which was the Carrying place from Sandusky into the Lake, we put into the Creek called Crambary Creek, went a shore & encamped to wait the arrival of those Deputys; we sent over the Carrying place to two Indian Villages which are within two Miles of each other to invite the Indians to come & meet the Deputys at our Camp.[79] This day came four Leagues.

21ˢᵗ.—Towards Evening some of the Indians from the two Villages came to our Camp; just after dark a Canoe came in sight who immediately saluted us with three discharges of their fire Arms, which was returned from our Camp, on their arrival we found them to be the Deputys sent from the Nations living about D’Troit with the Deputys I had sent from Fort Pitt, as soon as they landed the Deputys I had sent introduced them to Majʳ Rogers, Capᵗ Campbell and myself & said they had delivered their Messages [to] the several Nations and that the Indians which came with them were come to return Answers which we should hear in the Morning & they hoped their answers would be to our expectations. After drinking a dram round we dismissed them & gave them Provisions.

22ᵈ.—About 9 o’Clock the Indians met in Council, though several of their People were in Liquor, & made several speeches on strings and one Belt of Wampum all to the following purport.

Brethren: We your Brethren of the several Nations living in this Country received your Messages well and return you thanks for sending us word of what has happened and your coming to remove the French Garrison out of our Country and putting one there of our Brethren the English; your Conduct in sending us timely notice of it is a Confirmation of your sincerity & upright intentions towards us and we are sent here to meet you & bid you welcome to our Country.

Brethren all our principal Men are met on this side the French Garrison to shake hands with you in Friendship & have determined in Council to abandon the French Interest and receive our Brethren the English as our true Friends & establish a lasting Peace with you & we expect you will support us and supply us with a fire & open Trade for the Cloathing of our Women and Children. Then they delivered two strings of Wampum to the Six Nations and Delawares returning them thanks for sending Messages to them with the Deputys I had sent & desired those strings might be delivered to them in Council. Then the Speaker spoke on a Belt & said Brethren the Chief of our young People are gone out a hunting and our Women have put up their Effects & Corn for the maintainance of their Children in the Houses about the French Fort and we know that all Warriors plunder when they go on those Occasions, we desire by this Belt that you will give orders that none of our Houses may be plundered as we are a poor People and cannot supply our Losses of that kind. Then I acquainted them of the Reduction of all Canada and the terms of the Capitulation & when I met their Chiefs I would tell them on what terms the Peace was confirmed between all Nations of Indians and us. Then Major Rogers gave them a string by which he took all the Indians present by the hand & lead them to D’Troit where he would have a Conference with them and deliver them some speeches sent by him to them from General Amherst.[80] At 10 o’Clock we embarked sailed about five Leagues and encampᵈ on a Beach.

23ᵈ.—We embarked sailed about three Leagues and an half to Ceeder point where is a large Bay, here was a large encampment of Indians Wayondotts and Ottawas who insisted on our staying there that day as it was raining and a large Bay to cross which Major Rogers agreed to.[81]

24ᵗʰ.—We set of[f] at Eight o’Clock across the Bay in which is an Island the day was so foggy that the Drum was obliged to beat all day to keep the Boats together, this day we went about Eight Leagues. Where we encamped there came to us five Indian familys.

25ᵗʰ.—The Indians desired Major Rogers would order the Boats into a Cove as it was likely to be bad Weather & lay by that day & they would send some men to where their Chiefs were collected to hear News which was agreed to.[82]

26ᵗʰ.—The Wind blew so hard that we could not put out of the Cove, the Messengers the Indians sent returned and informed us that the French were very angry with the Indian Nations for meeting us and threatned to burn their Towns; that the Commanding Officer would not let us come to D’Troit till he received his Orders from the Governor of Canada and the Capitulation to which we answered the Indians that they might depend on it, that if any damage was done them by the French that we would see the damage repaired.

27ᵗʰ.—In the Morning a Cannoe with two Interpreters and four French came to our Camp with Letters from Monsieur Balletré. We decamped and came into the mouth of the River where we met the Chief of the Wayondotts, Ottawas & Putawatimes who bid us welcome to their Country and joined us, we went up the River about 6 miles where we met a French Officer who hoisted a Flag of Truce and beat a parley here we encamped on an Island and sent for the French Officer who delivered his Messages.

28ᵗʰ.—Capt. Campbell was sent of[f] with a Flag of Truce to give M. Balletré his orders to give up the Place soon after we set of[f] up the River and encamped at an Indian Village, at Night Capt. Campbell joined us and informed us that Monsieur Balletré behaved very politely on seeing M. Vaudreuils[83] Orders & desired we would proceed the next day and take possession of the Fort & Country.

29ᵗʰ.—We set of[f] and arrived about twelve o’Clock at the place where we landed and sent and relieved the Garrison.

30ᵗʰ.—Part of the Militia lay down their Arms and took the Oath of Fidelity.

December 1ˢᵗ.—The rest of the Militia layed down their Arms and took the Oath of Fidelity.

2ᵈ.—Lieuᵗ Holms was sent of[f] with M. Balletré and the French Garrison with whom I sent 15 English Prisoners which I got from the Indians.

3ᵈ.—In the Morning the principal Indians of 3 different Nations came to my Lodgings & made the following Speech on a Belt of Wampum.

Brethren:—You have now taken possession of this Country. While the French lived here they kept a smith to mend our Guns and Hatchets and a Doctor to attend our People when sick, we expect you will do the same and as no doubt you have something to say to us from the English General and Sir William Johnson we would be glad [to know] how soon you would go on business as this is our hunting season.

Fort D’Troit December 4ᵗʰ 1760. We met the Wayondotts, Putawatimes and Ottawas[84] in the Council House, with several of the principal Men of the Ohio Indians who accompanied his Majestys Forces there when the following speeches were made to them.

Brethren Chiefs & Warriors of the Several Nations now Present: You have been made acquainted with the success of his Majestys Arms under the Command of his Excellency General Amherst and the Reduction of all Canada & now you are Eye Witnesses to the surrender of this place agreeable to the Capitulation as I sent you word before the arrival of his Majestys Troops; you see now your Fathers are become British Subjects, you are therefore desired to look on them as such & not to think them a separate People; and as long as you adhere to his Majestys Interest and behave yoursel[ves] well to all his subjects as faithfull allies, you may depend on having a free open Trade with your Brethren the English & be protected by his Majesty King George now your Father & my Master.—A Belt.

Brethren: At a Conference held with several Chiefs & Deputys of your several Nations at Pittsburg this Summer, you told me that all our Prisoners which have been taken since the War, yet remaining in your possession were then set at Liberty to return home if they pleased, now I have received by Major Rogers the Commanding Officer here, General Amherst and Sir William Johnson’s Orders to demand due performance of your promise & desire that you may forthwith deliver them up as that is the only way you can convince us of your sincerity and future intentions of living in Friendship with all his Majestys Subjects in the several British Colonies in America.—A belt.

Brethren: On Condition of your performance of what has been said to you I by this Belt renew and brighten the Ancient Chain of Friendship between his Majestys Subjects, the Six United Nations and our Brethren of the several Western Nations to the Sun setting and wish it may continue as long as the Sun and Moon give light.—A belt.

Brethren: As my orders are to return to Pittsburg I now recommend Capt. Campbel to you as he is appointed by his Majestys Commander in Chief to be Governour of this place, with him you must transact the publick business and you may depend he will do you all the service in his power and see that justice is done you in Trade.—A belt.

Brethren Chiefs and Warriors: As the Ancient Friendship that long subsisted between our Ancestors is now renewed I was[h] the Blood of[f] the Earth, that has been shed since the present War, that you may smell the sweet scent of the Springing Herbs & bury the War Hatchet in the Bottomless Pitt.—A belt.

Brethren: I know your Warriors have all a martial spirit & must be employed at War & if they want diversion after the fatigue of hunting there is your natural Enemies the Cherookees with whom you have been long at War, there your Warriors will find diversion & there they may go, they have no other place to go, as all Nations else are become the subjects of Great Britain.—A belt.

Brethren: As I command this Garrison for his Majesty King George I must acquaint you that all the Settlers living in this Country are my Master’s subjects therefore I take this opportunity to desire you our Brethren of the several Nations not to take any of their Effects from them by force, nor kill or steal any of their Cattle, as I shall look on any insult of that kind as if done to me, as they are under my protection. I desire you will encourage your young Men to hunt and bring their Meat to me for which they shall be paid in Powder and Lead.—A belt.

Major Rogers acquainted the Indians that he was going to Misselemaknach to relieve that Garrison and desired some of their young Men to go with him, whom he would pay for their Services and that he was sending an Officer to Sᵗ. Josephs and the Waweoughtannes[85] to relieve their Post & bring of[f] the French Garrisons & desired they would send some of their young Men with him who should likewise be paid for their services.—A belt.

Then we acquainted them by a string that as they had requested a Smith to mend their Guns as usual & the Doctor to attend their sick that it was granted till the Generals pleasure was known.—A string.

December the 4ᵗʰ.—A Principal Man of the Wayondotts spoke and said Brethren we have heard and considered what you said to us yesterday and are met this day to return you an answer agreeable to our promise.

The Wayondott Speaker addressed his speech to Major Rogers, Capt Campbel and myself.

Brethren: We have heard what you said to us yesterday, we are like a lost People, as we have lost many of our principal Men, & we hope you will excuse us if we should make any Mistakes, but we assure you our Hearts are good towards our Brethren the English when your General and Sir William Johnson took all Canada they ordered you to send us Word, we received your Messages & we see, by your removing the French in the manner you have from here, that what you said to us by your Messengers is true. Brethren be it so, and continue as you have begun for the good of us all. All the Indians in this Country are Allies to each other and as one People, what you have said to us is very agreeable & we hope you will continue to strengthen the Ancient Chain of Friendship.—A belt.

You desired us yesterday to perform our promise & deliver up your Prisoners, it is very true we did promise to deliver them up, and have since delivered up many, what would you have us do there is very few here at present they are all yours & you shall have them as soon as possible tho’ we do not choose to force them that have a mind to live with us.—A belt.

Brethren: Yesterday you renewed and brightened the Ancient Chain of Friendship between our Ancestors the Six Nations & you. Brethren I am glad to hear that you our Brethren the English and the Six Nations have renewed and strengthened the Ancient Chain of Friendship subsisting between us, & we assure you that if ever it be broke it will be on your side, and it is in your power as you are an able People to preserve it, for while this Friendship is preserved we shall be a strong Body of People, and do not let a small matter make a difference between us.—A belt.

Brethren: Yesterday you desired us to be strong and preserve the Chain of Friendship free from rust, Brethren look on this Friendship Belt where we have the Six Nations and you by the hand; this Belt was delivered us by our Brethren the English & Six Nations when first you came over the great Water, that we might go & pass to Trade where we pleased & you likewise with us, this Belt we preserve that our Children unborn may know.

Brethren: We heard what you said yesterday it was all good but we expected two things more, first that you would have put it out of the power of the Evil Spirit to hurt the Chain of Friendship, and secondly that you would have settled the prices of goods that we might have them cheaper from you than we had from the French as you have often told us. Brethren you have renewed the Old Friendship yesterday, the Ancient Chain is now become bright, it is new to our young Men, and Brethren we now take a faster hold of it than ever we had & hope it may be preserved free from rust to our posterity.—A belt [of] 9 rows.

Brethren: This Belt is from our Warriors in behalf of our Women & Children and they desire of us to request of you to be strong & see that they have goods cheap from your Traders & not be oppressed as they have been by the French.[86]—A belt [of] 7 rows.

Brethren:—Shewing two Medals those we had from you as a token that we might remember our Friendship whenever we should meet in the Woods and smoke under the Tree of Peace, we preserved your token and hope you remember your promise, it was then said that this Country was given by God to the Indians & that you would preserve it for our joint use where we first met under a shade as there were no Houses in those times.

The same speaker addressing himself to the six Nations.

Brethren: I am very glad to hear what our Brethren the English have said to us, and I now send this string by you, and take the Chiefs of the six Nations by the hand to come here to Council next spring.

Brother addressing himself to me

You have been employed by the King and Sir William Johnson amongst many Nations of Indians in settling this Peace, now you are sent here where our Council fire is, the Smoke of which ascends to the Skies you are going away and all Nations to the Sun sitting are to meet here to see their Brethren the English in possession of this place and we desire that you may stay here till that Council, that you may take your Master Word of what is to be transacted here.—A belt.

Brethren: By this String we request you will consider it will be difficult for us to understand each other. It would be agreeable to us if you would continue our old Interpreter as he understands our Language well.—A string.

December the 5ᵗʰ the Principal Man of the Putawatimes spoke

Brethren: Yesterday our Uncles of the Six Nations spoke to you for us all; do not be surprised at it, they have more understanding in Council affairs than us, we have employed them to speak for us all, and Confirm what they have said by this Belt.—A belt.

Brethren: Be strong and bring large quantitys of goods to supply us & we will bring all our Furs to this place. We are glad you acquainted us that the Inhabitants of French here are become English subjects, we shall look on them as such for the future and treat them as our Brethren.—A belt.

Brethren: Our Uncles gave us this String of Wampum and desired us to be strong and hunt for you, we should be glad [if] you would fix the price to be given for a Deer of Meat, then insisted strongly that the six Nation Deputys should press their Chiefs to attend the General meeting to be held here in the spring by a Belt.

The principal Man of the Ottawas got up and made two speeches to the same purport as above.

Then I made them the following speech.

Brethren: I return you thanks for the several affectionate speeches you made us yesterday. To day it is agreed that he [the interpreter] be continued till General Amherst and Sir William Johnson’s pleasure be known; you likewise desired I might stay here till your General Meeting in the Spring, I am not my own Master so you must excuse me till I receive further Orders.—A belt.

Then the Present of Goods was delivered to each Nation in his Majestys Name, for which they returned their hearty thanks.

Then Major Rogers spoke to them.

Brethren: I return you thanks for your readiness in joining his Majestys Troops under my Command, on my way here, as I soon set out to execute my orders and relieve the Garrison of Misselemakinach I take this opportunity of taking my leave of you, and you may be assured I will acquaint General Amherst and Sir William Johnson of the kind reception I have met with amongst your Nations and recommend your services.—A belt.

Then the Council fire was covered up & the Conference ended.

7ᵗʰ.—Mr Butler of the Rangers set of[f] with an officer & party to relieve the Garrison at the Milineys[87] [Miamis] with whom I sent an Interpreter and gave him Wampum and such other things as was necessary for his Journey and Instructions in what manner to speak to the Indians in those parts.

The 8ᵗʰ.—Major Rogers set of[f] for Misselemachinack with whom I sent Capᵗ Montour and four Indians who were well acquainted with the Country and the Indian Nations that Inhabit it.[88]

The 9ᵗʰ & 10ᵗʰ.—Capt Campble assembled all the Inhabitants and read the Act of Parliament to them & setled matters with them to his satisfaction, they agreeing to yᵉ billiting of Troops and furnishing fire Wood & Provisions for the Garrison, and indeed every thing in their power for his Majestys service.

The 11ᵗʰ.—In the Evening Capt. Campble finished his Letters when I set off leaving him what Wampum, Silver Truck & Goods I had for the Indian service.

The 16ᵗʰ.—We came to the little Lake called Sandusky which we found froze over so as not to be passable for some days.

The 22ᵈ.—We crossed the little Lake on the Ice which is about 6 Miles over to an Indian Village where we found our Horses which we sent from D’Troit, there were but five Indians at home all the rest being gone a hunting.

23ᵈ.—We came to Chenunda an Indian Village 6 miles from Sandusky.[89]

24ᵗʰ.—We stayed to hunt up some Horses.

25ᵗʰ.—We came to the Principal Mans hunting Cabin about 16 miles from Chenunda level Road and clear Woods, several Savannahs.

26ᵗʰ.—We came to Mohicken Village, this day, we crossed several small Creeks all branches of Muskingum, level Road, pretty clear Woods about 30 Miles, the Indians were all out a hunting except one family.

27ᵗʰ.—We halted, it rained all day.

28ᵗʰ.—We set of[f], it snowed all day & come to another branch of Muskingum about 9 Miles good Road where we stayed the 29ᵗʰ for a Cannoe to put us over, the Creek being very high.

30ᵗʰ.—We set of[f] and came to another branch of Muskingum about 11 Miles and the 31ˢᵗ we fell a Tree over the Creek and carryed over our Baggage and encamped about one Mile up a Run.

January the 1ˢᵗ.—We travelled about 16 Miles clear woods & level Road to a place called the Sugar Cabins.

2ᵈ.—We came about 12 Miles to the Beavers Town clear Woods and good Road.

3ᵈ.—Crossed Muskingum Creek and encamped in a fine bottom on this side the Creek.

4ᵗʰ.—Set of[f] and travelled about 20 Miles up a branch of Muskingum good Road.

5ᵗʰ.—Travelled about 18 Miles and crossed a branch of little Beaver Creek clear Woods & good Road.

6ᵗʰ.—Travelled about Eighteen Miles and crossed two Branches of little Beaver Creek good Road & Clear Woods.

7ᵗʰ.—Crossed the mouth of big Beaver Creek at an Indian Village and came to Pittsburg about 25 Miles good Road & Clear Woods.[90]

Croghan’s Journal, 1765[91]

May 15th, 1765.—I set off from fort Pitt with two batteaux, and encamped at Chartier’s Island, in the Ohio, three miles below Fort Pitt.[92]

16th.—Being joined by the deputies of the Senecas, Shawnesse, and Delawares, that were to accompany me, we set off at seven o’clock in the morning, and at ten o’clock arrived at the Logs Town, an old settlement of the Shawnesse, about seventeen miles from Fort Pitt, where we put ashore, and viewed the remains of that village, which was situated on a high bank, on the south side of the Ohio river, a fine fertile country round it. At 11 o’clock we re-embarked and proceeded down the Ohio to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, about ten miles below the Logs Town: this creek empties itself between two fine rich bottoms, a mile wide on each side from the banks of the river to the highlands. About a mile below the mouth of Beaver Creek we passed an old settlement of the Delawares, where the French, in 1756, built a town for that nation. On the north side of the river some of the stone chimneys are yet remaining; here the highlands come close to the banks and continue so for about five miles. After which we passed several spacious bottoms on each side of the river, and came to Little Beaver Creek, about fifteen miles below Big Beaver Creek. A number of small rivulets fall into the river on each side. From thence we sailed to Yellow Creek,[93] being about fifteen miles from the last mentioned creek; here and there the hills come close to the banks of the river on each side, but where there are bottoms, they are very large, and well watered; numbers of small rivulets running through them, falling into the Ohio on both sides. We encamped on the river bank, and found a great part of the trees in the bottom are covered with grape vines. This day we passed by eleven islands, one of which being about seven miles long. For the most part of the way we made this day, the banks of the river are high and steep. The course of the Ohio from Fort Pitt to the mouth of Beaver Creek inclines to the north-west; from thence to the two creeks partly due west.

17th.—At 6 o’clock in the morning we embarked: and were delighted with the prospect of a fine open country on each side of the river as we passed down. We came to a place called the Two Creeks, about fifteen miles from Yellow Creek, where we put to shore; here the Senecas have a village on a high bank, on the north side of the river; the chief of this village offered me his service to go with me to the Illinois, which I could not refuse for fear of giving him offence, although I had a sufficient number of deputies with me already.[94] From thence we proceeded down the river, passed many large, rich, and fine bottoms; the highlands being at a considerable distance from the river banks, till we came to the Buffalo Creek, being about ten miles below the Seneca village; and from Buffalo Creek, we proceeded down the river to Fat Meat Creek, about thirty miles.[95] The face of the country appears much like what we met with before; large, rich, and well watered bottoms, then succeeded by the hills pinching close on the river; these bottoms, on the north side, appear rather low, and consequently subject to inundations, in the spring of the year, when there never fail to be high freshes in the Ohio, owing to the melting of the snows. This day we passed by ten fine islands, though the greatest part of them are small. They lay much higher out of the water than the main land, and of course less subject to be flooded by the freshes. At night we encamped near an Indian village. The general course of the river from the Two Creeks to Fat Meat Creek inclines to the southwest.

18th.—At 6 o’clock, A.M. we set off in our batteaux; the country on both sides of the river appears delightful; the hills are several miles from the river banks, and consequently the bottoms large; the soil, timber, and banks of the river, much like those we have before described; about fifty miles below Fat Meat Creek, we enter the long reach, where the river runs a straight course for twenty miles, and makes a delightful prospect; the banks continue high; the country on both sides, level, rich, and well watered. At the lower end of the reach we encamped.[96] This day we passed nine islands, some of which are large, and lie high out of the water.

19th.—We decamped at six in the morning, and sailed to a place called the Three Islands, being about fifteen miles from our last encampment; here the highlands come close to the river banks, and the bottoms for the most part—till we come to the Muskingum (or Elk)[97] river—are but narrow: this river empties itself into the Ohio about fifteen miles below the Three Islands; the banks of the river continue steep, and the country is level, for several miles back from the river. The course of the river from Fat Meat Creek to Elk River, is about southwest and by south. We proceeded down the river about fifteen miles, to the mouth of Little Conhawa River, with little or no alteration in the face of the country; here we encamped in a fine rich bottom, after having passed fourteen islands, some of them large, and mostly lying high out of the water.[98] Here buffaloes, bears, turkeys, with all other kinds of wild game are extremely plenty. A good hunter, without much fatigue to himself, could here supply daily one hundred men with meat. The course of the Ohio, from Elk River to Little Conhawa, is about south.

20th.—At six in the morning we embarked in our boats, and proceeded down to the mouth of Hochocken or Bottle River,[99] where we were obliged to encamp, having a strong head wind against us. We made but twenty miles this day, and passed by five very fine islands, the country the whole way being rich and level, with high and steep banks to the rivers. From here I despatched an Indian to the Plains of Scioto, with a letter to the French traders from the Illinois residing there, amongst the Shawnesse, requiring them to come and join me at the mouth of Scioto, in order to proceed with me to their own country, and take the oaths of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty, as they were now become his subjects, and had no right to trade there without license. At the same time I sent messages to the Shawnesse Indians to oblige the French to come to me in case of refusal.

21st.—We embarked at half past 8 o’clock in the morning, and sailed to a place called the Big Bend, about thirty-five miles below Bottle River. The course of the Ohio, from Little Conhawa River to Big Bend, is about south-west by south. The country hereabouts abounds with buffalo, bears, deer, and all sorts of wild game, in such plenty, that we killed out of our boats as much as we wanted. We proceeded down the river to the Buffalo Bottom, about ten miles from the beginning of the Big Bend, where we encamped. The country on both sides of the river, much the same as we passed the day before. This day we passed nine islands, all lying high out of the water.

22d.—At half an hour past 5 o’clock, set off and sailed to a place, called Alum Hill, so called from the great quantity of that mineral found there by the Indians; this place lies about ten miles from Buffalo Bottom;[100] thence we sailed to the mouth of Great Conhawa River,[101] being ten miles from the Alum Hill. The course of the river, from the Great Bend to this place, is mostly west; from hence we proceeded down to Little Guyondott River, where we encamped, about thirty miles from Great Conhawa; the country still fine and level; the bank of the river high, with abundance of creeks and rivulets falling into it. This day we passed six fine islands. In the evening one of our Indians discovered three Cherokees near our encampment, which obliged our Indians to keep out a good guard the first part of the night. Our party being pretty strong, I imagine the Cherokees were afraid to attack us, and so ran off.

23d.—Decamped about five in the morning, and arrived at Big Guyondott, twenty miles from our last encampment: the country as of yesterday; from hence we proceeded down to Sandy River being twenty miles further; thence to the mouth of Scioto, about forty miles from the last mentioned river. The general course of the river from Great Conhawa to this place inclines to the south-west. The soil rich, the country level, and the banks of the river high. The soil on the banks of Scioto, for a vast distance up the country, is prodigious rich, the bottoms very wide, and in the spring of the year, many of them are flooded, so that the river appears to be two or three miles wide. Bears, deer, turkeys, and most sorts of wild game, are very plenty on the banks of this river. On the Ohio, just below the mouth of Scioto, on a high bank, near forty feet, formerly stood the Shawnesse town, called the Lower Town, which was all carried away, except three or four houses, by a great flood in the Scioto. I was in the town at the time, though the banks of the Ohio were so high, the water was nine feet on the top, which obliged the whole town to take to their canoes, and move with their effects to the hills. The Shawnesse afterwards built their town on the opposite side of the river, which, during the French war, they abandoned, for fear of the Virginians, and removed to the plains on Scioto. The Ohio is about one hundred yards wider here than at Fort Pitt, which is but a small augumentation, considering the great number of rivers and creeks, that fall into it during the course of four hundred and twenty miles; and as it deepens but very little, I imagine the water sinks, though there is no visible appearance of it. In general all the lands on the Scioto River, as well as the bottoms on Ohio, are too rich for any thing but hemp, flax, or Indian corn.[102]

24th, 25th, and 26th.—Stayed at the mouth of Scioto, waiting for the Shawnesse and French traders, who arrived here on the evening of the 26th, in consequence of the message I sent them from Hochocken, or Bottle Creek.[103]

27th.—The Indians requested me to stay this day, which I could not refuse.

28th.—We set off: passing down the Ohio, the country on both sides the river level; the banks continue high. This day we came sixty miles; passed no islands. The river being wider and deeper, we drove all night.

29th.—We came to the little Miame River, having proceeded sixty miles last night.

30th.—We passed the Great Miame River, about thirty miles from the little river of that name, and in the evening arrived at the place where the Elephants’ bones are found, where we encamped, intending to take a view of the place next morning. This day we came about seventy miles. The country on both sides level, and rich bottoms well watered.

31st.—Early in the morning we went to the great Lick, where those bones are only found, about four miles from the river, on the south-east side. In our way we passed through a fine timbered clear wood; we came into a large road which the Buffaloes have beaten, spacious enough for two waggons to go abreast, and leading straight into the Lick. It appears that there are vast quantities of these bones lying five or six feet under ground, which we discovered in the bank, at the edge of the Lick. We found here two tusks above six feet long; we carried one, with some other bones, to our boats, and set off.[104] This day we proceeded down the river about eighty miles, through a country much the same as already described, since we passed the Scioto. In this day’s journey we passed the mouth of the River Kentucky, or Holsten’s River.[105]

June 1st.—We arrived within a mile of the Falls of Ohio, where we encamped, after coming about fifty miles this day.

2d.—Early in the morning we embarked, and passed the Falls. The river being very low we were obliged to lighten our boats, and pass on the north side of a little island, which lays in the middle of the river. In general, what is called the Fall here, is no more than rapids; and in the least fresh, a batteau of any size may come and go on each side without any risk.[106] This day we proceeded sixty miles, in the course of which we passed Pidgeon River. The country pretty high on each side of the River Ohio.

3d.—In the forepart of this day’s course, we passed high lands; about mid-day we came to a fine, flat, and level country, called by the Indians the Low Lands; no hills to be seen. We came about eighty miles this day, and encamped.

4th.—We came to a place called the Five Islands; these islands are very long, and succeed one another in a chain; the country still flat and level, the soil exceedingly rich, and well watered. The highlands are at least fifty miles from the banks of the Ohio. In this day’s course we passed about ninety miles, the current being very strong.

5th.—Having passed the Five Islands, we came to a place called the Owl River. Came about forty miles this day. The country the same as yesterday.

6th.—We arrived at the mouth of the Ouabache,[107] where we found a breast-work erected, supposed to be done by the Indians. The mouth of this river is about two hundred yards wide, and in its course runs through one of the finest countries in the world, the lands being exceedingly rich, and well watered; here hemp might be raised in immense quantities. All the bottoms, and almost the whole country abounds with great plenty of the white and red mulberry tree. These trees are to be found in great plenty, in all places between the mouth of Scioto and the Ouabache: the soil of the latter affords this tree in plenty as far as Ouicatonon, and some few on the Miame River. Several large fine islands lie in the Ohio, opposite the mouth of the Ouabache, the banks of which are high, and consequently free from inundations; hence we proceeded down the river about six miles to encamp, as I judged some Indians were sent to way-lay us, and came to a place called the Old Shawnesse Village, some of that nation having formerly lived there.[108] In this day’s proceedings we came about seventy-six miles. The general course of the river; from Scioto to this place, is south-west.

7th.—We stayed here and despatched two Indians to the Illinois by land, with letters to Lord Frazer, an English officer, who had been sent there from Fort Pitt, and Monsieur St. Ange,[109] the French commanding officer at Fort Chartres, and some speeches to the Indians there, letting them know of my arrival here; that peace was made between us and the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawnesse, and of my having a number of deputies of those nations along with me, to conclude matters with them also on my arrival there. This day one of my men went into the woods and lost himself.[110]

8th.—At day-break we were attacked by a party of Indians, consisting of eighty warriors of the Kiccapoos and Musquattimes,[111] who killed two of my men and three Indians, wounded myself and all the rest of my party, except two white men and one Indian; then made myself and all the white men prisoners, plundering us of every thing we had. A deputy of the Shawnesse who was shot through the thigh, having concealed himself in the woods for a few minutes after he was wounded—not knowing but they were Southern Indians, who are always at war with the northward Indians—after discovering what nation they were, came up to them and made a very bold speech, telling them that the whole northward Indians would join in taking revenge for the insult and murder of their people; this alarmed those savages very much, who began excusing themselves, saying their fathers, the French, had spirited them up, telling them that the Indians were coming with a body of southern Indians to take their country from them, and enslave them; that it was this that induced them to commit this outrage. After dividing the plunder, (they left great part of the heaviest effects behind, not being able to carry them,) they set off with us to their village at Ouattonon, in a great hurry, being in dread of pursuit from a large party of Indians they suspected were coming after me. Our course was through a thick woody country, crossing a great many swamps, morasses, and beaver ponds. We traveled this day about forty-two miles.

9th.—An hour before day we set out on our march; passed through thick woods, some highlands, and small savannahs, badly watered. Traveled this day about thirty miles.

10th.—We set out very early in the morning, and marched through a high country, extremely well timbered, for three hours; then came to a branch of the Ouabache, which we crossed.[112] The remainder of this day we traveled through fine rich bottoms, overgrown with reeds, which make the best pasture in the world, the young reeds being preferable to sheaf oats. Here is great plenty of wild game of all kinds. Came this day about twenty-eight, or thirty miles.

11th.—At day-break we set off, making our way through a thin woodland, interspersed with savannahs. I suffered extremely by reason of the excessive heat of the weather, and scarcity of water; the little springs and runs being dried up. Traveled this day about thirty miles.

12th.—We passed through some large savannahs, and clear woods; in the afternoon we came to the Ouabache; then marched along it through a prodigious rich bottom, overgrown with reeds and wild hemp; all this bottom is well watered, and an exceeding fine hunting ground. Came this day about thirty miles.

13th.—About an hour before day we set out; traveled through such bottoms as of yesterday, and through some large meadows, where no trees, for several miles together, are to be seen. Buffaloes, deer, and bears are here in great plenty. We traveled about twenty-six miles this day.

14th.—The country we traveled through this day, appears the same as described yesterday, excepting this afternoon’s journey through woodland, to cut off a bend of the river. Came about twenty-seven miles this day.

15th.—We set out very early, and about one o’clock came to the Ouabache, within six or seven miles of Port Vincent.[113] On my arrival there, I found a village of about eighty or ninety French families settled on the east side of this river, being one of the finest situations that can be found. The country is level and clear, and the soil very rich, producing wheat and tobacco. I think the latter preferable to that of Maryland or Virginia. The French inhabitants hereabouts, are an idle, lazy people, a parcel of renegadoes from Canada, and are much worse than the Indians. They took a secret pleasure at our misfortunes, and the moment we arrived, they came to the Indians, exchanging trifles for their valuable plunder. As the savages took from me a considerable quantity of gold and silver in specie, the French traders extorted ten half johannes[114] from them for one pound of vermilion. Here is likewise an Indian village of the Pyankeshaws,[115] who were much displeased with the party that took me, telling them that “our and your chiefs are gone to make peace, and you have begun a war, for which our women and children will have reason to cry.” From this post the Indians permitted me to write to the commander, at Fort Chartres, but would not suffer me to write to any body else, (this I apprehend was a precaution of the French, lest their villany should be perceived too soon,) although the Indians had given me permission to write to Sir William Johnson and Fort Pitt on our march, before we arrived at this place. But immediately after our arrival they had a private council with the French, in which the Indians urged, (as they afterwards informed me,) that as the French had engaged them in so bad an affair, which was likely to bring a war on their nation, they now expected a proof of their promise and assistance. Then delivered the French a scalp and part of the plunder, and wanted to deliver some presents to the Pyankeshaws, but they refused to accept of any, and declared they would not be concerned in the affair. This last information I got from the Pyankeshaws, as I had been well acquainted with them several years before this time.

Port Vincent is a place of great consequence for trade, being a fine hunting country all along the Ouabache, and too far for the Indians, which reside hereabouts, to go either to the Illinois, or elsewhere, to fetch their necessaries.

16th.—We were obliged to stay here to get some little apparel made up for us, and to buy some horses for our journey to Ouicatonon, promising payment at Detroit, for we could not procure horses from the French for hire; though we were greatly fatigued, and our spirits much exhausted in our late march, they would lend us no assistance.

17th.—At mid-day we set out; traveling the first five miles through a fine thick wood. We traveled eighteen miles this day, and encamped in a large, beautiful, well watered meadow.

18th and 19th.—We traveled through a prodigious large meadow, called the Pyankeshaw’s Hunting Ground: here is no wood to be seen, and the country appears like an ocean: the ground is exceedingly rich, and partly overgrown with wild hemp; the land well watered, and full of buffalo, deer, bears, and all kinds of wild game.

20th and 21st.—We passed through some very large meadows, part of which belong to the Pyankeshaws on Vermilion River; the country and soil much the same as that we traveled over for these three days past, wild hemp grows here in abundance; the game very plenty: at any time, in half an hour we could kill as much as we wanted.

22nd.—We passed through part of the same meadow as mentioned yesterday; then came to a high woodland, and arrived at Vermilion River, so called from a fine red earth found here by the Indians, with which they paint themselves. About half a mile from the place where we crossed this river, there is a village of Pyankeshaws, distinguished by the addition of the name of the river. We then traveled about three hours, through a clear high woody country, but a deep and rich soil; then came to a meadow, where we encamped.

23d.—Early in the morning we set out through a fine meadow, then some clear woods; in the afternoon came into a very large bottom on the Ouabache, within six miles of Ouicatanon; here I met several chiefs of the Kickapoos and Musquattimes, who spoke to their young men who had taken us, and reprimanded them severely for what they had done to me, after which they returned with us to their village, and delivered us all to their chiefs.

The distance from port Vincent to Ouicatanon is two hundred and ten miles. This place is situated on the Ouabache. About fourteen French families are living in the fort, which stands on the north side of the river. The Kickapoos and the Musquattimes, whose warriors had taken us, live nigh the fort, on the same side of the river, where they have two villages; and the Ouicatanons have a village on the south side of the river. At our arrival at this post, several of the Wawcottonans, (or Ouicatonans) with whom I had been formerly acquainted, came to visit me, and seemed greatly concerned at what had happened. They went immediately to the Kickapoos and Musquattimes, and charged them to take the greatest care of us, till their chiefs should arrive from the Illinois, where they were gone to meet me some time ago, and who were entirely ignorant of this affair, and said the French had spirited up this party to go and strike us.

The French have a great influence over these Indians, and never fail in telling them many lies to the prejudice of his majesty’s interest, by making the English nation odious and hateful to them. I had the greatest difficulties in removing these prejudices. As these Indians are a weak, foolish, and credulous people, they are easily imposed on by a designing people, who have led them hitherto as they pleased. The French told them that as the southern Indians had for two years past made war on them, it must have been at the instigation of the English, who are a bad people. However I have been fortunate enough to remove their prejudice, and, in a great measure, their suspicions against the English. The country hereabouts is exceedingly pleasant, being open and clear for many miles; the soil very rich and well watered; all plants have a quick vegetation, and the climate very temperate through the winter. This post has always been a very considerable trading place. The great plenty of furs taken in this country, induced the French to establish this post, which was the first on the Ouabache, and by a very advantageous trade they have been richly recompensed for their labor.

On the south side of the Ouabache runs a big bank, in which are several fine coal mines, and behind this bank, is a very large meadow, clear for several miles. It is surprising what false information we have had respecting this country: some mention these spacious and beautiful meadows as large and barren savannahs. I apprehend it has been the artifice of the French to keep us ignorant of the country. These meadows bear fine wild grass, and wild hemp ten or twelve feet high, which, if properly manufactured, would prove as good, and answer all the purposes of the hemp we cultivate.[116]

July 1ˢᵗ—A Frenchman arrived from the Illinois with a Pipe and Speech from thence to the Kickapoos & Musquattamies, to have me Burnt, this Speech was said to be sent from a Shawanese Indⁿ who resides at the Ilinois, & has been during the War, & is much attached to the French interest. As soon as this Speech was delivered to the Indians by the French, the Indians informed me of it in Council, & expressed their great concern for what had already happened, & told me they then sett me & my people at liberty, & assured me they despised the message sent them, and would return the Pipe & Belt to their Fathers the French, and enquire into the reason of such a message being sent them by one of his messengers, & desired me to stay with them ’till the Deputies of the Six Nations, Shawanese & Delawares arrived with Pondiac at Ouiatonon in order to settle matters, to wʰ I consented.

From 4ᵗʰ to the 8ᵗʰ—I had several Conferences with the Wawiotonans, Pyankeeshas, Kickapoos & Musquatamies in which Conferences I was lucky enough to reconcile those Nations to his Majesties Interest & obtain their Consent and Approbation to take Possession of any Posts in their country which the French formerly possessed & an offer of their service should any Nation oppose our taking possession of it, all which they confirmed by four large Pipes.

11ᵗʰ—Mʳ Maisonville[117] arrived with an Interpreter & a message to the Indians to bring me & my party to the Ilinois, till then I had no answer from Mʳ St. Ange to the letter I wrote him of the 16ᵗʰ June, as I wanted to go to the Ilinois, I desired the Chiefs to prepare themselves & set off with me as soon as possible.

12ᵗʰ—I wrote to General Gage[118] & Sir William Johnson, to Colᵒ Campbell at Detroit, & Major Murray at Fort Pitt & Major Firmer at Mobiel or on his way to the Mississipi,[119] & acquainted [them with] every thing that had happened since my departure from Ft. Pitt.

July 13ᵗʰ—The Chiefs of the Twightwees came to me from the Miamis and renewed their Antient Friendship with His Majesty & all his Subjects in America & confirmed it with a Pipe.

18ᵗʰ—I set off for the Ilinois with the Chiefs of all those Nations when by the way we met with Pondiac together with the Deputies of the Six Nations, Delawares & Shawanese, which accompanied Mʳ Frazier & myself down the Ohio & also Deputies with speeches from the four Nations living in the Ilinois Country to me & the Six Nations, Delawares & Shawanese, on which we return’d to Ouiatonon and there held another conference, in which I settled all matters with the Ilinois Indians—Pondiac & they agreeing to every thing the other Nations had done, all which they confirmed by Pipes & Belts, but told me the French had informed them that the English intended to take their Country from them, & give it to the Cherokees to settle on, & that if ever they suffered the English to take possession of their Country they would make slaves of them, that this was the reason of their Opposing the English hitherto from taking possession of Fort Chartres & induced them to tell Mr. La Gutrie & Mʳ Sinnott[120] that they would not let the English come into their Country. But being informed since Mʳ Sinnott had retired by the Deputies of the Six Nations, Delawares & Shawanese, that every difference subsisting between them & the English was now settled, they were willing to comply as the other Nations their Brethren had done and desired that their Father the King of England might not look upon his taking possession of the Forts which the French had formerly possest as a title for his subjects to possess their Country, as they never had sold any part of it to the French, & that I might rest satisfied that whenever the English came to take possession they would receive them with open arms.

July 25th.[121]—We set out from this place (after settling all matters happily with the natives) for the Miames, and traveled the whole way through a fine rich bottom, overgrown with wild hemp, alongside the Ouabache, till we came to Eel River, where we arrived the 27th. About six miles up this river is a small village of the Twightwee, situated on a very delightful spot of ground on the bank of the river. The Eel River heads near St. Joseph’s, and runs nearly parallel to the Miames, and at some few miles distance from it, through a fine, pleasant country, and after a course of about one hundred and eighty miles empties itself into the Ouabache.

28th, 29th, 30th and 31st.—We traveled still along side the Eel River, passing through fine clear woods, and some good meadows, though not so large as those we passed some days before. The country is more overgrown with woods, the soil is sufficiently rich, and well watered with springs.

August 1st.—We arrived at the carrying place between the River Miames and the Ouabache, which is about nine miles long in dry seasons, but not above half that length in freshes. The head of the Ouabache is about forty miles from this place, and after a course of about seven hundred and sixty miles from the head spring, through one of the finest countries in the world, it empties itself into the Ohio. The navigation from hence to Ouicatanon, is very difficult in low water, on account of many rapids and rifts; but in freshes, which generally happen in the spring and fall, batteaux or canoes will pass, without difficulty, from here to Ouicatanon in three days, which is about two hundred and forty miles, and by land about two hundred and ten miles. From Ouicatanon to Port Vincent, and thence to the Ohio, batteaux and canoes may go at any season of the year. Throughout the whole course of the Ouabache the banks are pretty high, and in the river are a great many islands. Many shrubs and trees are found here unknown to us.

Within a mile of the Twightwee village, I was met by the chiefs of that nation, who received us very kindly. The most part of these Indians knew me, and conducted me to their village, where they immediately hoisted an English flag that I had formerly given them at Fort Pitt. The next day they held a council, after which they gave me up all the English prisoners they had, then made several speeches, in all which they expressed the great pleasure it gave them, to see the unhappy differences which embroiled the several nations in a war with their brethren, the English, were now so near a happy conclusion, and that peace was established in their country.

The Twightwee village is situated on both sides of a river, called St. Joseph’s. This river, where it falls into the Miame river, about a quarter of a mile from this place, is one hundred yards wide, on the east side of which stands a stockade fort, somewhat ruinous.

The Indian village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, besides nine or ten French houses, a runaway colony from Detroit, during the late Indian war; they were concerned in it, and being afraid of punishment, came to this post, where ever since they have spirited up the Indians against the English. All the French residing here are a lazy, indolent people, fond of breeding mischief, and spiriting up the Indians against the English, and should by no means be suffered to remain here. The country is pleasant, the soil rich and well watered. After several conferences with these Indians, and their delivering me up all the English prisoners they had,—[blank space in MS.]

On the 6th of August we set out for Detroit, down the Miames river in a canoe. This river heads about ten miles from hence. The river is not navigable till you come where the river St. Joseph joins it, and makes a considerably large stream. Nevertheless we found a great deal of difficulty in getting our canoe over shoals, as the waters at this season were very low. The banks of the river are high, and the country overgrown with lofty timber of various kinds; the land is level, and the woods clear. About ninety miles from the Miames or Twightwee, we came to where a large river, that heads in a large lick, falls into the Miame river; this they call the Forks.[122] The Ottawas claim this country, and hunt here, where game is very plenty. From hence we proceeded to the Ottawa village. This nation formerly lived at Detroit, but is now settled here, on account of the richness of the country, where game is always to be found in plenty. Here we were obliged to get out of our canoes, and drag them eighteen miles, on account of the rifts which interrupt the navigation.[123] At the end of these rifts, we came to a village of the Wyondotts, who received us very kindly and from thence we proceeded to the mouth of the river, where it falls into Lake Erie. From the Miames to the lake is computed one hundred and eighty miles, and from the entrance of the river into the lake to Detroit, is sixty miles; that is, forty-two miles up the lake, and eighteen miles up the Detroit river to the garrison of that name. The land on the lake side is low and flat. We passed several large rivers and bays, and on the 16th of August, in the afternoon, we arrived at Detroit river. The country here is much higher than on the lake side; the river is about nine hundred yards wide, and the current runs very strong. There are several fine and large islands in this river, one of which is nine miles long; its banks high, and the soil very good.

17th.—In the morning we arrived at the fort, which is a large stockade, inclosing about eighty houses, it stands close on the north side of the river, on a high bank, commands a very pleasant prospect for nine miles above, and nine miles below the fort; the country is thick settled with French, their plantations are generally laid out about three or four acres in breadth on the river, and eighty acres in depth; the soil is good, producing plenty of grain. All the people here are generally poor wretches, and consist of three or four hundred French families, a lazy, idle people, depending chiefly on the savages for their subsistence; though the land, with little labor, produces plenty of grain, they scarcely raise as much as will supply their wants, in imitation of the Indians, whose manners and customs they have entirely adopted, and cannot subsist without them. The men, women, and children speak the Indian tongue perfectly well. In the last Indian war the most part of the French were concerned in it, (although the whole settlement had taken the oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty) they have, therefore, great reason to be thankful to the English clemency in not bringing them to deserved punishment. Before the late Indian war there resided three nations of Indians at this place: the Putawatimes, whose village was on the west side of the river, about one mile below the fort; the Ottawas, on the east side, about three miles above the Fort; and the Wyondotts, whose village lies on the east side, about two miles below the fort. The former two nations have removed to a considerable distance, and the latter still remain where they were, and are remarkable for their good sense and hospitality. They have a particular attachment to the Roman Catholic religion, the French, by their priests, having taken uncommon pains to instruct them.

During my stay here, I held frequent conferences with the different nations of Indians assembled at this place, with whom I settled matters to their general satisfaction.

August 17ᵗʰ[124]—I arrived at Detroit where I found several small Tribes of Ottawas, Puttewatamies & Chipwas waiting in Consequence of Colᵒ Bradstreets Invitation to see him.[125] Here I met Mʳ DeCouagne and Wabecomicat with a Deputation of Indians from Niagara, with Messages from Sir William Johnson to Pondiac & those Western Nations.[126]

23ᵈ—Colo Campbell[127] & I had a Meeting with the Twightwees, Wawiotonans, Pyankeshas, Kickapoos and Musquattamies, when they produced the several Belts sent them by Colᵒ Bradstreet, in consequence of which Invitation they came here.

Then they spoake to the Six Nations Delawares & Shawanese on several Belts & Pipes, beging in the most abject manner that they would forgive them for the ill conduct of their Young Men, to take Pity on their Women & Children & grant yᵐ peace.

They then spoake to the Colᵒ & me on several Pipes & Belts Expressing their great satisfaction at a firm and lasting Peace settled between their Bretheren the English, & the several Indian Nations in this Country, that they saw the heavy Clouds that hung over their heads for some time past were now dispersed, and that the Sun shone clear & bright, & that as their Father the King of England had conquered the French in that [this] Country & taken into his Friendship all the Indian Nations, they hoped for the future they would be a happy people, & that they should always have reason to call the English their Fathers & beged we would take pity on their Women & Children, & make up the difference subsisting between them and the Shawanese, Delawares & Six Nations, and said as they were come here in consequence of Colᵒ Bradstreet’s Invitation, & that he had not met them they hoped their Fathers would pity their necessity & give them a little clothing, and a little rum to drink on the road, as they had come a great way to see their Fathers. Then the Wyondats spoake to the Shawanese, & all the Western Nations on severall Belts & strings, by which they exhorted the several Nations to behave themselves well to their Fathers the English, who had now taken them under their Protection, that if they did, they would be a happy People, that if they did not listen to the Councils of their Fathers, they must take the Consequences, having assured them that all Nations to the Sun rising had taken fast hold of their Fathers the English by the hand, & would follow their Advice, & do every thing they desired them, & never would let slip the Chain of Friendship now so happily renewed.

August 24ᵗʰ—We had another Meeting with the Several Nations, when the Wawiotonans, Twightwees, Pyankeshas, Kickapoos & Musquatamies made several speeches to Colᵒ Campbell & me, in presence of all the other Nations, when they promised to become the Children of the King of Great Britain & farther acknowledged that they had at Ouiatonon before they came there [here] given up the Soverignty of their Country to me for His Majesty, & promised to support his subjects in taking possession of all the Posts given up by the French their former Fathers, to the English, now their present Fathers, all which they confirmed with a Belt.

25ᵗʰ—We had another meeting with the same Indians, when Colᵒ Campbell & I made them several speeches in answer to theirs of the 23 & 24ᵗʰ then delivered them a Road Belt in the name of Sir William Johnson Baronet, to open a Road from the rising to the setting of the Sun which we charged them to keep open through their Country & cautioned them to stop their Ears against the Storys or idle reports of evil minded People & continue to promote the good Works of Peace, all which they promised to do in a most sincere manner.

26ᵗʰ—Colᵒ Campbell & I made those Nations some presents, when after taking leave of us, they sett off for their own Country well satisfied.

27ᵗʰ—We had a Meeting with Pondiac & all the Ottawa Tribes, Chipwaes & Puttewatamies wᵗʰ the Hurons of this Place & the chiefs of those settled at Sandusky & the Miamis River, when we made them the following Speeches.

Children Pondiac & all our Children the Ottawas, Puttewatamies, Chipways & Wyondatts: We are very glad to see so many of our Children here present at your Antient Council Fire, which has been neglected for some time past, since those high winds has arose & raised some heavy clouds over your Country, I now by this Belt dress up your Antient Fire & throw some dry wood upon it, that the blaze may ascend to the Clouds so that all Nations may see it, & know that you live in Peace & Tranquility with your Fathers the English.—A Belt.

By this Belt I disperse all the black clouds from over your heads, that the Sun may shine clear on your Women and Children, that those unborn may enjoy the blessings of this General Peace, now so happily settled between your Fathers the English & you & all your younger Bretheren to the Sun setting.—A Belt.

Children: By this Belt I gather up all the Bones of your deceased friends, & bury them deep in the ground, that the herbs & sweet flowers of the earth may grow over them, that we may not see them any more.—A Belt.

Children: with this Belt I take the Hatchet out of your Hands & I pluck up a large tree & bury it deep, so that it may never be found any more, & I plant the tree of Peace, where all our children may sit under & smoak in Peace with their Fathers.—A Belt.

Children: We have made a Road from the Sun rising to the Sun setting, I desire that you will preserve that Road good and pleasant to Travel upon, that we may all share the blessings of this happy Union. I am sorry to see our Children dispersed thro’ the Woods, I therefore desire you will return to your Antient Settlements & take care of your Council Fire which I have now dressed up, & promote the good work of Peace.—A Belt.

After which Wapicomica delivered his Messages from Sir William Johnson to Pondiac & the rest of the several Chiefs.

Aug. 28ᵗʰ—We had a Meeting with Pondiac & the several Nations when Pondiac made the following Speeches.

Father: We have all smoaked out of the Pipe of Peace its your Childrens Pipe & as the War is all over, & the Great Spirit and Giver of Light who has made the Earth & every thing therein, has brought us all together this day for our mutual good to promote the good Works of Peace, I declare to all Nations that I had settled my Peace with you before I came here, & now deliver my Pipe to be sent to Sir William Johnson that he may know I have made Peace, & taken the King of England for my Father, in presence of all the Nations now assembled, & whenever any of those Nations go to visit him, they may smoak out of it with him in Peace. Fathers we are oblidged to you for lighting up our old Council Fire for us, & desiring us to return to it, but we are now settled on the Miamis River, not far from hence, whenever you want us you will find us there ready to wait on you, the reason I choose to stay where we are now settled, is, that we love liquor, and did we live here as formerly, our People would be always drunk, which might occasion some quarrels between the Soldiers & them, this Father is all the reason I have for not returning to our old Settlements, & that we live so nigh this place, that when we want to drink, we can easily come for it.—Gave a large Pipe with a Belt of Wampum tied to it.

Father: Be strong and take pity on us your Children as our former Father did, ’tis just the Hunting Season of our children, our Fathers the French formerly used to credit his Children for powder & lead to hunt with, I request in behalf of all the Nations present that you will speak to the Traders now here to do the same, my Father, once more I request you will take pity on us & tell your Traders to give your Children credit for a little powder & lead, as the support of our Family’s depend upon it, we have told you where we live, that whenever you want us & let us know it, we will come directly to you.—A Belt.

Father: You stoped up the Rum Barrel when we came here, ’till the Business of this Meeting[128] was over, as it is now finished, we request you may open the barrel that your Children may drink & be merry.

August 29ᵗʰ—A Deputation of several Nations sett out from Detroit for the Ilinois Country with several Messages from me & the Wyondats, Six Nations, Delawares, Shawanese & other Nations, in answer to theirs delivered me at Ouiatonon.

30ᵗʰ—The Chiefs of the several Nations who are settled on the Ouabache returned to Detroit from the River Roche, where they had been encamped, & informed Colᵒ Campbell & me, they were now going off for their own Country, & that nothing gave them greater pleasure, than to see that all the Western Nations & Tribes had agreed to a general Peace, & that they should be glad [to know] how soon their Fathers the English, would take possession of the Posts in their Country, formerly possessed by their late Fathers the French, to open a Trade for them, & if this could not be done this Fall, they desired that some Traders might be sent to their Villages to supply them for the Winter, or else they would be oblidged to go to the Ilinois and apply to their old Fathers the French for such necessarys as they might want.

They then spoke on a Belt & said Fathers, every thing is now settled, & we have agreed to your taking possession of the posts in our Country. We have been informed, that the English where ever they settle, make the Country their own, & you tell us that when you conquered the French they gave you this Country.—That no difference may happen hereafter, we tell you now the French never conquered us neither did they purchase a foot of our Country, nor have they a right to give it to you, we gave them liberty to settle for which they always rewarded us, & treated us with great Civility while they had it in their power, but as they are become now your people, if you expect to keep these Posts, we will expect to have proper returns from you.—A Belt.

Septᵇʳ 2ᵈ—The chiefs of the Wyondatts or Huron, came to me & said they had spoke last Summer to Sir Willᵐ Johnson at Niagara about the lands, on which the French had settled near Detroit belonging to them, & desired I would mention again to him. They never had sold it to the French, & expected their new Fathers the English would do them justice, as the French were become one People with us.—A Belt.

4ᵗʰ—Pondiac with several chiefs of the Ottawas, Chippawaes & Potowatamies likewise complained that the French had settled part of their country, which they never had sold to them, & hoped their Fathers the English would take it into Consideration, & see that a proper satisfaction was made to them. That their Country was very large, & they were willing to give up such part of it, as was necessary for their Fathers the English, to carry on Trade at, provided they were paid for it, & a sufficient part of the Country left them to hunt on.—A Belt.

6ᵗʰ—The Sagina Indians came here,[129] & made a speech on a Belt of Wampum expressing their satisfaction on hearing that a general Peace was made with all the Western Nations & with Pondiac, they desired a little Powder, Lead & a few knives to enable them to hunt on their way home, & a little rum to drink their new Fathers health.—A Belt.

9ᵗʰ—Altewaky and Chamindiway Chiefs of a Band of Ottawas from Sandusky with 20 Men came here and informed me that their late conduct had been peaceable, that on hearing there was a great Meeting of all Nations at this place, they came to hear what would be done, & on their way here they had been informed that a General Peace was settled with all Nations to the Sun setting, & they now came to assure us of their attachment to the English Interest, & beged for some Powder, Lead, some Blankets and a little rum to help them to return to their town. A String.

Septbr 11ᵗʰ—Colᵒ Campbell & I gave the above parties some presents & a little rum & sent them away well satisfied.

12ᵗʰ—The Grand Sautois[130] came with his band and spoke as follows.

Father: You sent me a Belt from the Miamis, & as soon as I received it, I set off to meet you here, on my way I heard what had past between you & the several Tribes that met you here, you have had pity on them, & I beg in behalf of myself & the people of Chicago that you will have pity on us also. ’tis true we have been Fools, & have listened to evil reports, & the whistling of bad birds, we red people, are a very jealous and foolish people, & Father amongst you White People, there are bad people also, that tell us lyes & deceive us, which has been the occasion of what has past, I need not say much on this head, I am now convinced, that I have been wrong for some years past, but there are people who have behaved worse than I & my people, they were pardoned last year at this place, I hope we may meet with the same, that our Women & Children may enjoy the blessings of peace as the rest of our Bretheren the red people, & you shall be convinced by our future conduct that we will behave as well as any Tribe of Indˢ in this Country.—A Belt.

He then said that the St. Joseph Indians would have come along with him, but the English Prisoner which their Fathers want from them, was some distance off a hunting, & as soon as they could get him in, they would deliver him up and desire forgiveness.

14ᵗʰ—I had a private meeting with the grand Sautois when he told me he was well disposed for peace last Fall, but was then sent for to the Ilinois, where he met with Pondiac, & that then their Fathers the French told them, if they would be strong to keep the English out of possession of that Country but this Summer, That the King of France would send over an Army next Spring, to assist his Children the Indians, and that the King of Spain would likewise send troops to help them to keep the English out of their Country, that the English were a bad people, & had a design to cut off all the Indian Nations in this Country, & to bring the Southern Indians to live & settle there, this account made all the Indians very uneasy in their minds, & after holding a Council amongst themselves, they all determined to oppose the English, & not to suffer them to take Possession of the Ilinois, that for his part he behaved as ill as the rest to the English Officers that came there in the Spring, but since he had been better informed of the goodness of the English, & convinced the French had told lyes for the love of their Beaver, he was now determined with all his people to become faithfull to their new Fathers the English, & pay no regard to any stories the French should tell him for the future.

Sepʳ 15ᵗʰ—Colᵒ Campbell & I had a meeting with the Grand Sautois, at which we informed him of every thing that had past with the several Nations & Tribes & told him that we accepted him and his people in Friendship, & would forgive them as we had the rest of the Tribes, & forget what was past provided their future conduct should convince us of their sincerity, after which we gave them some presents, for which he returned thanks & departed very well satisfied.

19ᵗʰ—I received a letter by express from Colᵒ Reed acquainting me of Capt Sterlings setting out from Fort Pitt, with 100 men of the 42ᵈ Regᵗ to take possession of Fort Chartres in the Ilinois Country.

20ᵗʰ—I sent of[f] Huron Andrew Express to Capᵗ Sterling[131] at the Ilinois, & with messages to the several Nations in that Country & those on the Ouabache, to acquaint them of Capᵗ Starling’s departure from Fort Pitt for the Ilinois Country.

25ᵗʰ—The Chiefs of the Sᵗ Joseph Indians arrived and addressed themselves to Colᵒ Campbell & me as follows,

Fathers: We are come here to see you, altho’ we are not acquainted with you, we had a Father formerly, with whom we were very well acquainted, & never differed with him, you have conquered him some time ago, & when you came here first notwithstanding your hands were all bloody, you took hold of us by the hands, & used us well, & we thought we should be happy with our Fathers, but soon an unlucky difference happened, which threw us all in confusion, where this arose we don’t know but we assure you, we were the last that entered into this Quarrel, the Indˢ from this place solicited us often to join them, but we would not listen to them, at last they got the better of our foolish young Warriors, but we never agreed to it, we knew it would answer no end, & often told our Warriors they were fools, if they succeeded in killing the few English in this Country, they could not kill them all because we knew you to be a great People.

Fathers: you have after all that has happened, received all the several Tribes in this Country for your Children, we from St. Joseph’s seem to be the last of your Children that come to you, we are no more than Wild Creatures to you Fathers in understanding therefore we request you’l forgive the past follies of our young people & receive us for your Children since you have thrown down our former Father on his back, we have been wandering in the dark like blind people, now you have dispersed all this darkness which hung over the heads of the several Tribes, & have accepted them for your Children, we hope you will let us partake with them of the light, that our Women & Children may enjoy Peace, & we beg you’l forget all that is past, by this belt we remove all evil thoughts from your hearts.—A Belt.

Fathers, When we formerly came to visit our late Fathers the French they always sent us home joyfull, & we hope you will have pity on our Women & Young Men who are in great Want of necessarys, & not let us return home to our Villages ashamed.

Colᵒ Campbell & I made them the following answer.

Children: I have heard with attention what you have said, & am glad to hear that you have delivered up the Prisoners at Michillimakinac, agreeable to my desire, as the other Prisoner who I always thought belonged to your Nation does not, but the man who has him resides now in your Country, I must desire you’l do every thing in your Power to get him brought to me, nothing will give me greater pleasure than to promote the good Works of Peace, & make my Children the Indians happy as long as their own Conduct shall deserve it. I did not know what to think of your conduct for some time past, but to convince you of my sincere desire to promote Peace, I receive you as Children as I have done the other Nations, & hope your future Conduct may be such, as will convince me of your sincerity.—A Belt.

Children: Sometimes bad people take the liberty of stragling into your Country, I desire if you meet any such people to bring them immediately here, likewise I desire that none of your Young Men may steal any Horses out of this settlement as they have done formerly, we shall see always strict justice done to you, & expect the same from you, on that your own happiness depends, & as long as you continue to merit our friendship by good actions in promoting Peace & Tranquility between your Young People & His Majesties Subjects, you may expect to be received here with open arms, & to convince you further of my sincerity, I give you some cloaths, powder, lead, vermillion & 2 cags of rum for your young People, that you may return home without shame as you desired.

Children, I take this oppertunity to tell you that your Fathers the English are gone down the Ohio from Fort Pitt to take possession the Ilinois, & desire you may acquaint all your people of it on your return home, & likewise desire you will stop your Ears against the Whistling of bad birds, & mind nothing else but your Hunting to support your Familys, that your Women & Children may enjoy the Blessing of Peace.—A Belt.

September 26th.[132]—Set out from Detroit for Niagara; passed Lake Erie along the north shore in a birch canoe, and arrived the 8th of October at Niagara. The navigation of the lake is dangerous for batteaux or canoes, by reason the lake is very shallow for a considerable distance from the shore. The bank, for several miles, high and steep, and affords a harbor for a single batteau. The lands in general, between Detroit and Niagara, are high, and the soil good, with several fine rivers falling into the lake. The distance from Detroit to Niagara is computed three hundred miles.

A List of the different Nations and Tribes of Indians in the Northern District of North America, with the number of their fighting Men.

Names of the Tribes. Nos. Their Dwelling Ground. Their Hunting Grounds.
Mohocks,[a] 160 Mohock River. Between that and Lake George.
Oneidas,[b] 300 East side of Oneida Lake, & on the head waters of the east branch of Susquehannah. In the country where they live.
Tuscaroras,[b] 200 Between the Oneidas and Onandagoes. Between Oneida Lake & Lake Ontario.
Onandagoes,[b] 260 Near the Onandaga Lake. Between Onandago L. & mouth of Seneca River, near Oswego.
Cayugas,[b] 200 On two small Lakes, called the Cayugas, on the north branch of Susquehannah. Where they reside.
Senecas,[b] 1,000 Seneca Country, on the waters of Susquehannah, the waters of Lake Ontario, and on the heads of Ohio River. Their chief hunting country thereabouts.
Aughquagas,[c] 150 East branch of Susquehannah River, and on Aughquaga. Where they live.
Nanticokes,[c] 100 } Utsanango, Chagmett, Oswego, and on the east branch of Susquehannah. Do.
Mohickons,[c] 100 }
Conoys,[c] 30 }
Monsays,[c] 150 } At Diahogo, and other villages up the north branch of Susquehannah. Do.
Sapoones,[c] 30 }
Delawares,[c] 150 }
Delawares,[d] 600 Between the Ohio & Lake Erie, on the branches of Beaver Creek, Muskingum and Guyehugo. Where they live.
Shawnesse,[d] 300 On Scioto & branch of Muskingum. Do.
Mohickone,[d] 300 In villages near Sandusky. Do.
Goghnawages,[d] On the head banks of Scioto.
Twightwees,[e] 250 Miame River, near Fort Miame. On the ground where they live.
Wayoughtanies,[f] 300 } On the branches of Ouabache, near Fort Ouitanon. Between Ouitanon & the Miames.
Pyankeshas,[f] 300 }
Shockays,[f] 200 }
Huskhuskeys,[g] 300 } Near the French settlements, in the Illinois Country.
Illinois,[g] 300 }
Wayondotts,[h] 250 } Near Fort Detroit. About Lake Erie.
Ottawas,[h] 400 }
Putawatimes,[h] }
Chipawas,[i] } 200 On Saganna Creek, which empties into Lake Huron. Thereabouts.
Ottawas }
Chippawas[j] 400 } Near Michilimachinac. On the north side of Lake Huron.
Ottawas,[j] 260 }
Chipawas,[*][k] 400 Near the entrance of Lake Superior, and not far from Fort St. Mary’s. Thereabouts.
Chepawas,[k] } 550 Near Fort Labay on the Lake Michigan. Thereabouts.
Mynonamies,[k] }
Shockeys,[k] }
Putawatimes,[k] 150 } Near Fort St. Joseph’s. Thereabouts.
Ottawas,[k] 150 }
Kicapoos,[l] } On Lake Michigan and between it and the Mississippi. Where they respectively reside.
Outtagamies,[l] }
Musquatans,[l] } 4,000
Miscotins,[l] }
Outtamacks,[l] }
Musquaykeys,[l] }
Oswegatches,[h] 100 Settled at Swagatchy in Canada, on the River St. Lawrence. Thereabouts.
Connesedagoes,[k] } 300 Near Montreal.
Coghnewagoes,[k] }
Orondocks,[k] 100 } Settled near Trois Rivers.
Abonakies,[k] 150 }
Alagonkins,[k] 100 }
La Suil,[†] 10,000 South-west of Lake Superior.

[a] These are the oldest Tribe of the Confederacy of the Six Nations.

[b] Connected with New York, part of the Confederacy with New York.

[c] Connected with, and depending on the Five Nations.

[d] Dependent on the Six Nations, and connected with Pennsylvania.

[e] Connected with Pennsylvania.

[f] Connected with the Twightwees.

[g] These two Nations the English had never any trade, or connection with.

[h] Connected formerly with the French.

[i] Connected with the Indians about Detroit, and dependant on the commanding officer.

[j] Always connected with the French.

[k] Connected with the French.

[l] Never connected in any trade or otherwise with the English.

[*] There are several villages of Chipawas settled along the bank of Lake Superior, but as I have no knowledge of that country, cannot ascertain their numbers.

[†] These are a nation of Indians settled south-west of Lake Superior, called by the French La Sue, who, by the best account that I could ever get from the French and Indians, are computed ten thousand fighting men. They spread over a large tract of country, and have forty odd villages; in which country are several other tribes of Indians, who are tributaries to the La Sues, none of whom except a very few, have ever known the use of fire-arms: as yet but two villages. I suppose the French don’t choose to risk a trade among such a powerful body of people, at so vast a distance.

Croghan to Sir William Johnson[133]

Sir: In the scituation I was in at Ouiatonon, with great numbers of Indians about me, & no Necessaries such as Paper & Ink, I had it not in my power to take down all the speeches made by the Indian Nations, nor what I said to them, in so particular a manner as I could wish, but hope the heads of it as I have taken down will meet with your approbation.

In the Course of this Tour through the Indⁿ Countrys I made it my study to converse in private with Pondiac, & several of the Chiefs of the different Nations, as often as oppertunity served, in order to find out the sentiments they have of the French & English, Pondiac is a shrewd sensible Indian of few words, & commands more respect amongst those Nations, than any Indian I ever saw could do amongst his own Tribe. He and all his principal men of those Nations seem at present to be convinced that the French had a view of interest in stirring up the late differance between his Majesties Subjects & them & call it a Bever War, for neither Pondiac nor any of the Indians which I met with, ever pretended to deny but the French were at the bottom of the whole, & constantly supplyed them with every necessary they wanted, as far as in their power, every where through that Country & notwithstanding they are at present convinced, that it was for their own Interest, yet it has not changed the Indians affections to them, they have been bred up together like Children in that Country, & the French have always adopted the Indians customs & manners, treated them civily & supplyed their wants generously, by which means they gained the hearts of the Indians & commanded their services, & enjoyed the benefit of a very large Furr Trade, as they well knew if they had not taken this measure they could not enjoy any of those Advantages. The French have in a manner taught the Indians in that Country to hate the English, by representing them in the worst light they could on all occasion, in particular they have made the Indians there believe lately, that the English would take their Country from them & bring the Cherokees there to settle & to enslave them, which report they easily gave credit to, as the Southern Indˢ had lately commenced war against them. I had great difficulty in removeing this suspicion and convincing them of the falsity of this report, which I flatter myself I have done in a great measure, yet it will require some time, a very even Conduct in those that are to reside in their Country, before we can expect to rival the French in their affection, all Indians are jealous & from their high notion of liberty hate power, those Nations are jealous and prejudiced against us, so that the greatest care will be necessary to convince them of our honest Intention by our Actions. The French sold them goods much dearer than the English Traders do at present, in that point we have the advantage of the French, but they made that up in large presents to them for their services, which they wanted to support their Interest in the Country, & tho’ we want none of their services, yet they will expect favours, & if refused look on it in a bad light, & very likely think it done to distress them for some particular Advantages we want to gain over them. They are by no means so sensible a People as the Six Nations or other Tribes this way, & the French have learned them for their own advantage a bad custom, for by all I could learn, they seldom made them any general presents, but as it were fed them with Necessaries just as they wanted them Tribe by Tribe, & never sent them away empty, which will make it difficult & troublesome to the Gentlemen that are to command in their Country for some time, to please them & preserve Peace, as they are a rash inconsiderate People and don’t look on themselves under any obligations to us, but rather think we are obliged to them for letting us reside in their Country. As far as I can judge of their Sentiments by the several Conversations I have had with them, they will expect some satisfaction made them by Us, for any Posts that should be established in their Country for Trade. But you will be informed better by themselves next Spring, as Pondiac & some Chiefs of every Nation in that Country intend to pay you a visit. The several Nations on the Ouiabache, & towards the Ilinois, St. Josephs, Chicago, Labaye, Sagina & other places have applyed for Traders to be sent to their settlements, but as it is not in the power of any Officer to permit Traders to go from Detroit or Michillimackinac, either English or French, I am of opinion the Indˢ will be supplyed this year chiefly from the Ilinois, which is all French property & if Trading Posts are not established at proper Places in that Country soon the French will carry the best part of the Trade over the Missisipi which they are determined to do if they can, for I have been well informed that the French are preparing to build a strong trading Fort on the other side Missisipi, about 60 miles above Fort Chartres,[134] and have this Summer in a private manner transported 26 pieces of small canon up the River for that purpose.

G. Croghan.

November, 1765.