II. RISE OF FREE MARRIAGE: SELF-BEWEDDUNG AND SELF-GIFTA
Already in the eleventh century the forms of marriage were entering upon another stage. It is possible, in the historical period, as already seen, that a valid marriage could arise in abduction, through subsequent payment of a fine; and it is not impossible that side by side with wife-purchase the custom of free marriage by simple agreement of the parties may have existed, as we have found it existing among other peoples. But the practice could not have been widely extended, and it may imply merely the indulgence or silent consent of the legal protector.[900] Hitherto, so far as the positive provisions of the law-books are concerned, betrothal by the natural guardian or his representative[901] had been essential to a valid contract. Originally the father could betroth his daughter even against her will.[902] But, just as the guardianship of the husband as respects the wife's property gradually becomes transformed into a merely formal guardianship or judicial control,[903] so the power of the father is first weakened by granting the daughter a veto on the choice of a bridegroom; that is, by making her consent necessary to a binding contract; and then, presently, the relations of guardian and ward are entirely transposed: self-betrothal by the daughter constitutes a valid contract, while the father is allowed only a veto power. Naturally it was the widow, in the case of a second marriage, who first succeeded in emancipating herself from tutorial control. Among the Germans in the time of Tacitus it was against popular usage, if not illegal, for a widow to marry again.[904] But in the folk-laws she appears on practically the same footing as a girl in this regard;[905] and placed as she was "between two families," with the "possibility of recourse to her own kindred" in case her first husband's relatives as possessors of the mund over her refused their assent to a second marriage, she soon succeeded in freeing herself entirely from such restraints.[906]
Canute forbids the marriage of a maiden against her will.[907] If consent of father or guardian be not obtained, the betrothal is still binding, but the daughter may be punished by loss of inheritance. Thus early do we find the beginning of the private marriages, which subsequently, under the names of "irregular" or "clandestine," played so great a rôle in the history of matrimonial law.
The form of contract observed in self-betrothal is usually the wed, sealed by the Handschlag or hand-fasting. The "real contract" through payment of the arrha is, however, also retained; but the arrha is paid, not to the guardian, but to the bride, and appears most frequently in the form of the ring, so well known to us as the betrothal or "engagement" ring.[908] The ring had been used by the Romans as arrha; and, like the bridal wreath and the bridal veil, it seems to have been borrowed from them by the Germans.[909] On the other hand, though there can be little doubt of the historical connection of the betrothal ring and its duplicate, the wedding ring, with the arrha,[910] whether or not it may be regarded as a surviving symbol of the former servitude of the wife must depend upon the acceptance or rejection of the view that the actual sale-marriage, as opposed to the transfer of the mund, ever existed among the Teutonic peoples. "A favorite theory," says Henry Adams, "has insisted upon regarding the wedding ring as a badge of servitude or a symbol of purchase. This idea cannot be maintained. The wedding ring appears in its origin to have been merely the earnest money which bound the contract of marriage between the father and the husband, and was not the only symbol of the kind in early custom, although no other survives in modern use. The ring proved, not that marriage was a sale, but that marriage was a civil contract executed according to the strict formalities of contracts in the primitive law; it proved, not that women were deprived of rights, but that their rights were secured to them in marriage by the most careful provisions known to early society."[911] This is, of course, a very emphatic statement of one side of the case; and it should not be overlooked that the ring may stand as a symbol of equitable contract; and yet the arrha, which the ring is, may mark but the intermediate stage in the evolution of the betrothal from the ancient process of actual sale. Nor does the connection of the betrothal ring with the Roman and German arrha necessarily exclude other historical associations. Kulischer,[912] for instance, traces its origin to wife-capture. Like the betrothal band or thread, which sometimes appears with it or in its place, he believes that the ring symbolizes the fetters with which the captive maid was bound. But the evidence to support this theory is not conclusive.[913] The practice of exchanging rings, of giving a ring to the bridegroom as well as to the bride, did not arise until the later Middle Ages.[914] In England the drinking of a cup of wine and the breaking of a gold piece between the bride and bridegroom appear as forms of the arrha.[915] Naturally after the arrha is paid to the bride it becomes confused with the wed, and soon all distinction between the two forms of contract is lost. "Indeed at an early day the arrha was called a wed, and it was legally indifferent whether the oath, hand-fasting or other wed, or the ring or penny[916] were used. Therefore the ring and penny are found in conjunction with the glove; that is, with a real wed. And it is especially of interest that the English language still calls marriage a wedding, and that in England the ring (that is the arrha) is still used to wed the bride."[917]
Simultaneously with the rise of self-betrothal, the bride gained also the right of self-gifta. The parties might conduct the ceremony themselves.[918] But in place of the natural guardian, who originally possessed the sole legal right to officiate at the tradition of the bride, appears often a "chosen guardian," selected by the bride or by the betrothed couple. The person thus selected may be the father or other relative of the bride, or any third person whatever.[919] Moreover, in the marriage rituals of the eleventh century[920] an orator or Fürsprecher appears, who acts as an "assistant" to the natural guardian, dictating the solemn phrases of the ritual and guiding the whole proceeding. Friedberg regards the orator as the predecessor of the priest, and thus, of course, of the civil magistrate as conductor of the nuptial ceremony.[921] But Sohm has shown that the functions of the priest or magistrate grew out of those of the "chosen guardian," and that the "Trauung by a Fürsprecher is in itself a contradiction." The latter is "never an actor, but always an aid to the actor. He has in truth only to speak, nothing to do."[922] While thus theoretically there is a great difference between the orator and the chosen guardian, and both could, and probably did, for a time participate in the same ceremony, still the practical result is in accordance with the view of Friedberg. For if, as Sohm has shown, the motive for the creation of the institution of orator was the fact that the elaborate phrases of the old rituals were rapidly passing from the memories of the people, and it was necessary to call in a lawyer or other person skilled therein to assist the parties,[923] it is certain that the chosen guardian, whether layman or priest, soon satisfied this necessity, and ultimately inherited the functions of the orator.[924]
From about the beginning of the thirteenth century self-gifta was the only form of nuptials; and an important result of the custom was the gradual omission of the solemn symbols, such as the giving of the sword, hat, or mantle, indicative of the transfer of the powers of guardianship. The tradition of the bride was no longer a real tradition. The gifta had become a simple oral declaration of union.[925] Besides this modification of the ceremony is another, both of which have been retained to our own times. "We often find that the chosen guardian not only gives the bride to the bridegroom, but likewise the bridegroom to the bride; because, in reality, he occupies the same position in regard to each, that is a position implying no power."[926] Thus the marriage is no longer a surrender of the power of the guardian and a transfer of the same to the bridegroom, but only the expression of a mutual gift.[927]
Self-gifta and the practice of choosing a third party to assist the bride has an important bearing, as already intimated, on the development of the functions of the clergy in the marriage celebration. But before discussing this point it is desirable to notice another fact essential for a proper understanding of the present forms of solemnization. From the eleventh century onward it became customary in Europe to repeat the ceremony of betrothal, or "spousals," at the nuptials. The rituals which have been preserved are divided into two parts. "The first part contains a formal contract of betrothal with the guardian (Vogt) of the bride in the form of a wed. The second part contains the Trauung through the solemn surrender of the bride by the guardian."[928] This remarkable dualism is the most striking feature of the present marriage service of the English church,[929] which is derived through the liturgies of Elizabeth and Edward VI.[930] from the most ancient manuals, particularly those of Hereford, Durham, Sarum, and York. The betrothal comes first, and it is always a contract in words of the future tense, corresponding to the sponsalia per verba de futuro of the canonists, which will again be referred to. In the York service, for example, the priest says to the man: "Wylt thou have this woman to thy wyfe?" and to the woman: "Wylt thou have this man to thy husbande?" Each party answers: "I wyll." Then takes place the solemn tradition, or giving of the bride to the bridegroom, who says, in words of the present tense: "Here I take thee N. to my wedded wyfe;" and the woman responds in the same formula: "Here I take thee N. to my wedded husbande."[931]
But the repetition of the betrothal is of no legal significance, save as a guaranty of the existence of a contract before the actual union. It is a "declaratory" act, a mere confession of betrothal. As a result of the repetition there soon arises an entire confusion in the symbols. In a Suabian ritual of the twelfth century the guardian delivers to the bridegroom "not only the sword, hat, and mantle, that is, symbols of the gifta, but also the wette or wed, the ring and penny, that is, symbols of the betrothal. Thus the bridegroom in the ring and penny, instead of paying, actually received the remnants of the old purchase price of the wife."[932]
In our own civil-marriage ceremonies, where the dualism does not usually appear, the responses of the parties, the "Yes," "I do," or "I will," are nothing more than the survival of the ancient private betrothal, now recognized by law as the only essential parts of the nuptial ceremony; while the wedding ring is merely a duplicate of the betrothal or engagement ring, both being the survival of the arrha and, therefore, of the ancient purchase price of the bride.[933]
The primitive and mediæval marriage whose development has thus been traced to the thirteenth century was not "civil" marriage in the strict sense of the word; that is, a marriage contracted under sanction of the civil authority, as opposed to one solemnized by authority of the church and according to ecclesiastical forms.[934] It was a civil marriage only as being a lay marriage. There is no trace of any such thing as public license or registration; no authoritative intervention of priest or other public functionary. It is purely a private business transaction. Either the guardian gives away the bride and conducts the ceremony; or else the solemn sentences of the ritual are recited independently by the betrothed couple themselves. These formalities and the presence of the friends and relatives[935] are the only means of publicity, the only substitute for the modern cognizance of the state.[936] Rights and obligations growing out of the marriage contract are enforced in the local or national courts just as other civil rights and obligations are enforced. Only gradually was the ancient usage in this regard superseded. Slowly but firmly was the exclusive jurisdiction of the church in matrimonial causes established. Spiritual courts and the canon law came into existence. In England after the Norman Conquest the removal of ecclesiastical suits from the temporal to the new church tribunals led eventually to serious evils. With the Reformation the way was open for the intervention of the civil power. Beginning in Holland and America, the state has claimed her right to control the marriage celebration and the administration of matrimonial law as being of vital interest to society. How this came to pass will be explained in the following chapters.
CHAPTER VII
RISE OF ECCLESIASTICAL MARRIAGE: THE CHURCH ACCEPTS THE LAY CONTRACT AND CEREMONIAL
[Bibliographical Note VII.—For the original Christian usage the writings of the early Fathers are of primary interest, and an English version of them is available in The Ante-Nicene Fathers (Buffalo, 1885-87), edited by Roberts and Donaldson and revised by A. C. Coxe. An indispensable handbook and bibliographical guide for the study of this subject, as well as for a multitude of questions connected with the first eight centuries of Christian history, is Smith and Cheetham's Dictionary of Christian Antiquities (London, 1875-80), particularly Meyrick's article, "Marriage," and Ludlow's clear and thoroughly critical discussions of the "Benediction," "Betrothal," and "Arrhae." Important sources for this chapter are also the Corpus juris civilis (Berlin, 1872), edited by Krüger and Mommsen; Richter and Friedberg's Corpus juris canonici (Leipzig, 1881-); Haddan and Stubbs's Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents (Oxford, 1869-78); Wilkins's Concilia (London, 1736-37); Gee and Hardy's Documents (London 1896); Glanville's Tractatus, in Vol. II of Phillips's Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte (Berlin, 1827-28); and with these may be used to advantage Johnson's Collection of the Laws and Canons of the Church of England (London, 1850). On marriage at the church door, The Old English Homilies (London, 1868); Gregory's Pastoral Care (London, 1871); Hengham's Summa parva (London, 1737); Home's Mirror of Justices (ed. Whittaker, London, 1895); Fitzherbert's New Natura Brevium (Dublin, 1793); as well as Fleta, Britton, and Bracton, have furnished illustrative passages.
The evolution and character of the celebration are best seen in the marriage rituals themselves. For the European practice in general, including the English rites, consult the second book of Selden, Uxor ebraica (Frankfort on the Oder, 1673); or the same in Vol. II (III, as bound) of his Opera omnia (London, 1726); and the first book of Martene, De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus (Antwerp, 1763-64), in both of which works a large number of rituals, with a mass of other useful materials, will be found. Some portions of Martene are extracted by Michelet in chap. ii of his Origines du droit français (Paris, 1857); and many rituals, both of the East, and the West, are epitomized in Palmer, Origines liturgicae (3d ed., Oxford, 1839), the use of which is facilitated by Beal, Analysis of Palmer's Orig. Lit. (Cambridge, 1856). Some of the earliest Christian sacramentaria, the eleventh-century ritual of Rennes, and various other mediæval ordines are republished by Dieckhoff, Die kirchliche Trauung (Rostock, 1878). Sohm, Eheschliessung, gives the Rennes service above named, as well as those mentioned in Bibliographical Note VI; and the principal parts of the twelfth century "Pontifical ou rituel de lire" are quoted by Léon Gautier in his fascinating book La chevalerie (Paris, 1884), where may be found the best and most detailed account existing of the rites and social usages connected with a mediæval French marriage. Most important of all for the present purpose, however, are the ancient English liturgies. That of Sarum (Salisbury) is published by Maskell, Monumenta ritualia ecclesiae anglicanae (Oxford, 1882), with the essential clauses of the York service in the margin; while the rituals of Salisbury, York, and Hereford, together with extracts from ten other marriage services, ranging all the way from the eighth to the fifteenth century, are contained in Vol. LXIII of the Surtees Society Publications (London, 1875). With these may be compared the Catholic forms in the Rituale romanorum Pauli Quinti (Rome, 1816); and those of the Reformation in the Liturgies of Edward VI. (Cambridge, 1844); and the Liturgies of Elizabeth (Cambridge, 1847), both in the publications of the Parker Society. The earlier of these may also be found in the "First" Book of Common Prayer, 1549 (exact reprint, black letter, London, 1844); or in the "Second" Book of Common Prayer, reprinted in the same style at London in the same year. With these collections will be found useful Lathbury, History of the Book of Common Prayer (2d ed., Oxford and London, 1859); and Daniel, The Prayer Book (London, 1877). The marriage rituals of the modern Greek, Roman, and English churches are given in Bingham (J. F.), The Christian Marriage Ceremony (New York, 1871); and the English service, with discussion, may also be found in Tegg, The Knot Tied (London, 1877); and Moore, How to Be Married (London, 1890).
The principal sources for the study of the Council of Trent are Richter-Schulte, Canones et decreti concilii tridentini (Leipzig, 1853); Theiner, Acta genuina concilii tridentini (Zagrabrae, Croatiae, 1874); Father Sarpi (Pietro Soave Polano), Historie of the Council of Trent (London, 1620), opposing the action of the Council; and his antagonist Pallavicino, Istoria del Concilio di Trento (Rome, 1833); or the Latin version of the same by Giattino (Antwerp, 1670). A convenient collection on this subject is Waterworth, Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent (New York, 1848); while valuable monographs are Salis, Die Publikation des tridentinischen Rechts der Eheschliessung (Basel, 1888); Leinz, Die Ehevorschrift des Concils von Trient (Freiburg, 1888); Fleiner, Die tridentinische Ehevorschrift (Leipzig, 1892); and Meurer, "Die rechtliche Natur des trid. Matrimonial-Decrets," in ZKR., XXII (Freiburg, 1889). The action of the Council is treated in Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique (Paris, 1891); Madan, Thelyphthora (London, 1781); Bohn, Political Cyclopædia (London, 1860); as also by Sohm and Friedberg. Froude's Lectures on the Council of Trent (New York, 1896) are too general to be of value for the present subject.
For the great case of Regina v. Millis, historically so surprising, the Report of the Cases of Regina v. Millis et Regina v. Carroll in the Queen's Bench, Ireland (Dublin, 1842); and 10 Clark and Finnelly, Reports of Cases Decided in the House of Lords, are indispensable. In connection therewith read Sir John Stoddart, Observations on the Opinion (London, 1844); his Letter to Lord Brougham (London, 1844); and Elphinstone's paper in the Law Quarterly Review, V (London, 1889). To supplement these may be consulted the Jesuit Sanchez's treatise, Disputationum de matrimonii sacramento (Venice, 1625); the older handbook of Lyndwood, Provinciale (n. p., 1505; or Oxford, 1779); and, in general, Bishop, Marriage, Divorce, and Separation (Chicago, 1891); Stephens, Laws of the Clergy (London, 1848); Reeves, History of the English Common Law, IV; Bright, Husband and Wife (New York, 1850); the concise and accurate discussion of Pollock and Maitland, History of the English Law, II; and the masterly investigation of Friedberg in his Eheschliessung. For the more celebrated earlier cases with which the judgments in the Queen v. Millis are not in harmony see 1 Roll, Abridgement, 353 (Foxcroft's case, ca. 1282); Year Book 34 Edward I. (Delheith's case, 1305); 2 Haggard, Consistory Reports, 54-137 (Dalrymple v. Dalrymple, 1811); 2 Coke's Reports, 355-59 (Bunting v. Lepingwell); especially the numerous decisions in Hale's unique Precedents and Proceedings in Criminal Causes, 1475-1640 (London, 1847); and compare the later case of Beamish v. Beamish, 1859-61, in Clark, 9 House of Lords Cases (Boston, 1871), which follows the precedent in Queen v. Millis, giving a history of matrimonial laws from Anglo-Saxon times. On this decision there is a very instructive passage in Pollock, First Book of Jurisprudence (London, 1896). On Dalrymple v. Dalrymple consult Dodson's Report of the Judgment of Sir William Scott (London, 1811). See further the note at the close of this chapter.
At the head of all scientific historical writers on the rise of ecclesiastical marriage is Sohm whose main thesis, that the early canon law of the marriage contract rests on the principles of German custom, has fairly withstood the test of criticism. His principal work on this subject, Eheschliessung, elsewhere mentioned, is supplemented by the Zur Trauungsfrage (Heilbronn, 1879), and the Obligatorische Civilehe (Weimar, 1880); and in these he has proved beyond reasonable doubt that the legal participation of the church in the nuptial celebration is of late origin. Agreeing with Sohm in his main conclusion, but differing on some questions, is Schubert, Die evangelische Trauung (Berlin, 1890); and he is in part anticipated by Biener in the much earlier "Beiträge zu der Geschichte der Civilehe," in Zeitschrift für deutsches Recht und Rechtswissenschaft, XX, 119-44 (Tübingen, 1861). He is stoutly opposed on all the main points in Sehling's able monograph, Die Unterscheidung der Verlöbnisse im kanonischen Recht (Leipzig, 1887); and also, especially regarding the late origin of the legal ecclesiastical celebration, by Dieckhoff in the work already mentioned, as also in his Civilehe und kirchliche Trauung (Rostock, 1880); Moy, Eherecht der Christen (Regensburg, 1833), had already taken the same view; Scheurl holds a medial position in "Consensus facit nuptias," ZKR., XXII, 269-86 (Freiburg, 1889); which paper was preceded by his Entwicklung des kirchlichen Eheschliessungsrechts (Erlangen, 1877), and the "Zur Geschichte des kirch. Eheschliessungsrechts," ZKR., XV (Freiburg and Tübingen, 1880). The last-named article is criticised by Bierling, "Kleine Beiträge," ibid., XVI, 288-316 (1881). In this connection read also Hasse, Das Güterrecht der Ehegattin (Berlin, 1824), who anticipates Sohm on the nature of the Roman nuptial celebration; Cremer, Die kirchliche Trauung (Berlin, 1875); idem, "Bürgerliche Eheschliessung und kirchliche Trauung," in Evangel. Kirchenzeitung (1876), Nos. 32-35; Lindner, "Die Heiligung der Ehe und die Trauung," ibid., Nos. 18-23; Buchka, "Die Bedeutung der kirch. Trauung," ZKR., XVII (Freiburg and Tübingen, 1882); Kahl, "Civilehe und kirch. Gewissen," ibid., XVIII, 295-367 (1883); Freisen, Geschichte des canonischen Eherechts (Tübingen, 1888).
Friedberg's Eheschliessung, supplemented by the Zur Geschichte der Eheschliessung, the Lehrbuch des katholischen und evangelischen Kirchenrechts (2d ed. Leipzig, 1884), and the Geschichte der Civilehe (Berlin, 1877), is a mine of information at every point; and his conclusions as to the validity of clandestine contracts de praesenti have been accepted by Pollock and Maitland in their History of English Law (Cambridge, 1895). Makower's Constitutional History and Constitution of the Church of England (London, 1895) is by far the best work on his subject, the extracts from the sources and the full bibliographical apparatus being of the greatest assistance to the investigator.
In spite of its notorious inaccuracy, Bingham's Origines ecclesiasticae (London, n. d.) is still of service. Conservative discussions may also be found in Göschl, Darstellung der kirch.-christ. Ehegesetze (Aschaffenburg, 1832); Hildebrand, De nuptiis veterum christianorum (Helmstadt, 1701); Moy, Eherecht der Christen mentioned above; and Phillips, Lehrbuch des Kirchenrechts (3d ed., Regensburg, 1881). Zhishman's Das Eherecht der orientalischen Kirche (Vienna, 1864) is the standard treatise on the subject.
In general, besides the works of Beauchet, Loening, Spirgatis, Méril, Lingard, Schmid, Thorpe, Liebermann, and others already mentioned in Bibliographical Note VI, some useful matter for the present chapter may be found in Parker, De antiquitate britannicae ecclesiae (London, 1729); Klein, Das Eheverlöbniss (Strassburg, 1881); Riedler, Bedingte Eheschliessung (Kempten, 1892); Freisen, Geschichte des canonischen Eherechts (Tübingen, 1888); idem, in Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht, LIII, 369 ff.]
I. THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIAN BENEDICTION, THE BRIDE-MASS, AND THE CELEBRATION AD OSTIUM ECCLESIAE
It is a noteworthy fact that the early church accepted and sanctioned the existing temporal forms of marriage. Her energy was directed mainly to the task of enforcing her own rules relating to marriage disabilities, such as those arising in affinity or nearness of kin; to devising restraints upon the freedom of divorce and second marriage; and to administering matrimonial judicature.[937] But the existing legal character and the popular forms of betrothal and nuptials were not disturbed. During the period preceding the Teutonic invasion, speaking broadly, the church adhered to the Roman law and custom; thereafter those of the Germans, even when the marriage consisted in the formal sale and tradition of the bride, were accepted.[938] The betrothal of the early canon law is, therefore, the Roman betrothal. It is a consensus sponsalitius, or free agreement between the man and the woman. Legally it is a pactum de contrahendo, or promise for future joining in marriage, which may be dissolved at the pleasure of either party.[939] It creates no obligation which can give rise to action for damage or fulfilment.[940] It does not constitute even the initiation of marriage. The marriage begins with the nuptials or actual wedded life, which gives expression to the consensus nuptialis, or mutual will of the parties to be husband and wife;[941] though, doubtless, the church demands parental consent, without making it absolutely essential.[942] On the other hand, it has been demonstrated by Sohm, contrary to the view previously accepted, that the two betrothals of the mediæval canon law are based on the German betrothal.[943] If not the marriage itself, it is nevertheless, as already seen, an act for joining in marriage which is not easily dissolved.
The only innovation effected by the primitive church was of a purely religious character. Though she might content herself with the Roman or the Germanic forms of marriage, there remained an "ethical mission" peculiarly her own. "In order at the very outset to fill the wedded life with the blessing and spirit of the Christian life, the church, without reference to the matrimonial law in force, demanded of her members that the very beginning of marriage should be placed under the word of God and be hallowed by its power."[944] Hence, from the first century onward, we find evidence of a priestly benediction usually in connection with the betrothal and probably with the nuptials.[945] Thus Ignatius declares that it "becomes both men and women who marry, to form their union with the approval of the bishop," that it may be according to God.[946] Tertullian speaks of marriage being "requested" of bishops, presbyters, or deacons;[947] and he shows in another place that publicity was an important motive for encouraging unions "in presence of the church."[948] In a somewhat obscure passage of the treatise addressed to his wife, which is much relied upon by sacerdotal writers, he exclaims: "How should we be sufficient to set forth the bliss of that marriage which the church brings about, and the oblation confirms, and the benediction seals, angels proclaim, the Father ratifies?"[949] But here a legal importance is given to the benediction which it does not seem to have gained until centuries later.[950] A similar doubt attaches to the words of Ambrose, who, writing against mixed marriages, says: "For since marriage itself should be sanctified by the priestly veil and by benediction, how can that be called a marriage where there is no agreement of faith?"[951] But, "as Selden has observed, the like benedictions were often claimed in behalf of many other kinds of contract besides that of marriage—a sale, for instance."[952] In the eastern church likewise the letters of Gregory Nazienzen and the silence of Chrysostom show that the benediction was without legal significance.[953] By the Roman law no betrothal or nuptial ceremonial is prescribed. The solemnities were determined by local custom; and these the early Christians were willing to accept. For centuries a marriage liturgy was not adopted either in the East or in the West.[954] According to Tertullian, no "breath of idolatry" attaches even to the heathen ceremonies connected with espousals,[955] among which he mentions the ring, the kiss, the veil, and the joining of hands.[956] The ring came more and more under German influence to be used as an arrha.[957] Witnesses were required; and in connection with the nuptials we hear also of the "pomp" or procession to the bridegroom's home, and the "crowning" of the bride or the wedded pair, usually with flowers.[958]
It seems probable, then, that during the first three or four centuries Christian marriages were not as a rule celebrated in church.[959] The betrothal or nuptial benediction was not essential to a valid marriage, however important it may have been regarded from a religious point of view.[960] Gradually it became an established custom for the newly wedded pair, after solemnization of the nuptials, to attend religious services in the church and partake of the sacrament, at the close of which the priest invoked a blessing upon the future married life. But at first the church service was the ordinary service; only after a considerable interval were phrases introduced into the prayers especially applicable to the wedded pair.[961]
Thus stood the custom in the period immediately following the conversion of the Teutonic nations. The nuptials consisted of two distinct acts. The first was the gifta, or traditional ceremony in the usual form. Thereafter, often on the day following the bridal night,[962] the newly wedded couple celebrated the bride-mass (Brautmesse) and received the benediction of the priest. But this religious act had no legal significance. No doubt it was performed by all good Christians as a religious duty. The benediction was invoked on the married life, a fact of such immense ethical importance, just as it was invoked on all important undertakings. It was observed as a fitting solemnity for a believer and not as a part of the marriage. Therefore in the case of second marriages it was omitted.[963] Broadly stated, the canon law maintained the validity of all proper marriages solemnized without the priestly benediction, though spiritual punishment might be imposed for neglect of religious duty. Such is the view of Sohm, and it has been generally accepted.[964] Dieckhoff,[965] however, contests it at every point. He holds that from early days the priestly benediction, whether of betrothal or of nuptials, was an essential part of the Christian marriage celebration. In support of the theory, that originally the church really undertook to join persons in wedlock, he presents three services from Roman sacramentaria of the age of Charles the Great.[966] But it is by no means certain that the words of the text relied upon for proof are not of too recent origin to be convincing as to early usage; and if they really belong to the time assigned, they cannot, in face of other evidence, be accepted as showing the general custom of the West, but rather, like the often-cited Capitulary,[967] of 802, as merely revealing the aim and desire of the church.
The introduction of the bride-mass constitutes the second stage in the history of clerical marriage. In English history it is represented by several spousal services which have been published by the Surtees Society.[968] They cover the period from the eighth to the eleventh century, beginning with the Pontifical of Egbert, archbishop of York (732-66) and ending with the Rede Boke of Darbye (ca. 1050), now in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. These services consist wholly of prayers and benedictions. There is no mention of the mass, though doubtless the husband and wife have already partaken of the communion before the service. Apparently the function of the priest is purely religious. It is merely an invocation of the divine blessing upon the life of the newly wedded pair, and has no legal significance. The nuptials have already been solemnized, whether in the presence of the priest or not the formularies do not explain.
But already in the tenth century we reach the beginning of a third stage in the rise of the ecclesiastical ceremony.[969] The nuptials still consist of two distinct acts. The first is the gifta proper, according to the usual temporal forms. It is no longer a strictly private transaction,[970] but it takes place before the church door—ante ostium ecclesiae[971]—in the presence of the priest, who participates in the ceremony and closes it with his blessing. The second act consists in the entrance into the church and the celebration of the bride-mass, followed by a second benediction. But the gifta, even in this stage, is temporal and not ecclesiastical. It occurs "before and not within the church," the motive usually assigned being to induce an immediate attendance upon communion on the very day of the nuptials instead of after an interval. In reality, however, the custom is but a recognition of the temporal nature of wedlock, which ought therefore to be celebrated before and not within the consecrated building.[972] That such was the prevailing custom throughout the western church during the Middle Ages is established by a mass of evidence of the most convincing character. Besides the testimony of chroniclers, historians, and literary men, we have that of the law-books and legal writers, lay and ecclesiastical, which make frequent mention of the assignment of the wife's dower at the church door during the nuptial celebration.[973] Moreover, many of the ancient rituals themselves have been preserved. All these "are unanimous," says Léon Gautier, following Martene, "in placing the principal act of the marriage celebration, that is to say the consent of the parties, at the entrance or in the porch of the church;"[974] and what is thus affirmed for the rituals of France is equally true for those of Germany[975] and England. "In the first place," runs the opening rubric of the Sarum Ordo ad faciendum sponsalia, "let the man and the woman stand before the church door in the presence of God, the priest, and the people, the man on the right of the woman, and the woman on the left of the man." Here the bride and groom remain during the nuptial celebration, the assignment of the dower, and the closing benediction. Thereupon, as the rubric directs, "let them enter the church as far as the steps of the altar," where, after a psalm, they are to prostrate themselves while a prayer is said in their behalf.[976] The usage of Sarum in this regard is typical, differing only in words and arrangement from that of York, Hereford, or the other churches. Indeed, marriage continues to be celebrated at the church door until the sixteenth century, the liturgies of Edward VI. and Elizabeth first requiring as a general observance the ceremony to be performed in the body of the church.[977]
One of the very earliest references to the presence of the priest at the nuptials is contained in the last two sections of the old English ritual of the tenth century already quoted in part,[978] and this ritual may be regarded as marking the transition to the period under consideration.
"8. At the nuptials there shall be a mass-priest by law; who shall with God's blessing bind their union to all prosperity.
"9. Well is it also to be looked to, that it be known, that they, through kinship, be not too nearly allied; lest that be afterwards divided, which before was wrongly joined."[979]
It is evident, as Friedberg has remarked, that the office of mass-priest in this ritual is of no legal significance. The invocation of a divine blessing is merely a religious act after the marriage is complete.[980] It is no more a part of the gifta than is the caution, in the last section, against marriage within the degrees of relationship forbidden by the canons. It is plain that in this formulary the betrothal and not the nuptials absorbs well-nigh the whole attention of the lawgiver. It is manifestly the thing of deepest concern; and in this the priest has no part.[981]
According to Lingard, "there is no trace of any form of marriage contract in ancient English sacramentaries previously to the close of the twelfth century; and the earliest mention of it appears in the constitutions of two English prelates, Richard Poere, bishop of Sarum, and Richard de Marisco, bishop of Durham, who ordered the parish priests to teach the bridegroom this form, 'I take thee N. for my wife,' and the bride a similar form, 'I take thee N. for my husband.'"[982] This statement, however, may now require some modification. Judging from its brevity and its condensed, almost crude, diction, the ritual published by the Surtees Society from a pontifical in the library of Magdalen College, Oxford, may have originated at an earlier date in the twelfth century;[983] and this seems all the more probable, for French rituals, in which the priest takes a leading part in directing the spousal contract, are preserved from a still earlier period.[984] However this may be, the rituals of Sarum, York, and Hereford are among the most ancient, the most elaborate, and the most instructive which have anywhere been preserved, those of Sarum and York having been in force from about the end of the twelfth century until 1549. They contain a rich store of material for the student of the marriage contract, carrying him back to the cradle of the English race in the Saxon forests. Beneath the ecclesiastical covering, the adventitious mass of prayers, psalms, and benedictions, is a kernel of primitive Teutonic custom which he will at once recognize.
The York service may be taken as a type, for it does not differ in any important particular from the other two. In it the advance of the clergy is very marked. The priest directs or participates in the whole procedure. The ceremony takes place before the church door, as the rubric directs, the man standing "on the right of the woman and the woman on the left of the man."[985] Then the priest is to ask the banns in the mother-tongue, following the Latin formula prescribed in the ritual, first addressing the people:
"Lo, bretheren, we are comen here before God and his angels and all his halowes, in the face and presence of our moder holy Chyrche, for to couple and to knyt these two bodyes togyder, that is to saye, of this man and of this woman, that they be from this tyme forthe, but one body and two soules in the fayth and lawe of God and holy Chyrche, for to deserue everlastynge lyfe what someuer that they have done here before."
"I charge you on Goddes behalfe and holy Chirche, that if there be any of you that can say any thynge why these two may not lawfully be wedded togyder at this tyme, say it nowe outher pryuely or appertly, in helpynge of your soules and theirs bothe."
Secondly, addressing the man and the woman:
"Also I charge you both and eyther be your selfe, as ye wyll answer before God at the day of dome, that yf there be thynge done pryuely or openly, betwene yourselfe, or that ye knowe any lawfull lettyng why that ye may nat be wedded togyder at thys tyme, say it nowe or we do any more to this mater."[986]
If no objection to the marriage is made, the priest, in several long paragraphs of the service, explains the canons relating to publication of banns, the times when the ecclesiastical celebration is forbidden, and the evils growing out of clandestine unions, with the penalty of three years' suspension from office for the priest who fails to prohibit such marriages in his parish. Then follows the essential act, the celebration of the sponsalia. This, as already mentioned, is in two distinct parts. The first part is the repetition of the betrothal per verba de futuro, the priest putting the vows in the form of a question to each party. He says to the man:
"N., wylt thou haue this woman to thy wyfe and loue her [and wirschipe hir[987]] and keep her, in sykenes and in helthe, and in all other degrese be to her as a husbande sholde be to his wyfe, and all other forsake for her, and holde the only to her to thy lyues ende."
The man is to answer: "I wyll." The priest then says to the woman:
"N., wylt thou haue this man to thy husbande, and to be buxum to hym [luf hym, obeye to him, and wirschipe[988] hym], serue hym and kepe hym in sykenes and in helthe: and in all other degrese be unto him as a wyfe shulde be to her husbande, and all other to forsake for hym, and holde the only to hym to thy lyues ende."
The woman is to say: "I wyll."
This closes the first part. The second part is the gifta, or marriage properly so called, per verba de praesenti. The priest says: "Who gyues me this wyfe?" "Then," runs the Latin rubric, "shall the woman be given away by her father or by a friend; if a maid, she shall have her hand bare; if a widow, she shall have it covered."[989] The man shall receive her to keep in God's faith and his own, as he has vowed before the priest; and holding her by the right hand with his right hand, he shall plight the woman his troth in words of the present tense, saying after the priest:
"Here I take thee N. to my wedded wyfe, to haue and to holde, at bedde and at borde, for fayrer for fouler, for better for warse, in sekeness and in hele, tyl dethe us departe, and thereto I plyght the my trouthe;" and the woman makes the same vow in the same words.
"Then shall the man place gold, silver, and a ring upon a shield or a book. And the priest shall enquire whether the ring has already been blessed." If not, the priest is to bless it in prescribed form, and sprinkle it with holy water. Then follows a curious ceremony. The bridegroom "takes the ring with his three principal fingers, and says after the priest, beginning with the thumb of the bride, 'In nomine Patris;' at the second finger, 'et Filii;' at the third finger, 'et Spiritus Sancti;' at the fourth or middle finger, 'Amen;'[990] and there he leaves the ring, because according to the Decree ... 'in the middle finger there is a certain vein extending to the heart.'"[991]
After this delicious bit of popular superstition, handed down to our own days from remote antiquity, the bridegroom, holding his bride by the hand, says after the priest: "With this rynge I wedde the, and with this golde and siluer I honoure the, and with this gyft I dowe thee."
The priest next "asks the dower of the woman." If "land is given her in the dower," the bride "prostrates herself at the feet of the bridegroom;" but the York ritual does not go so far as one manuscript of the Sarum manual, in requiring that the woman shall "kiss the right foot" of her spouse.[992]
The ceremony ends with prayer and benediction, followed by the entrance into the church for celebration of the bridal mass.[993]
The historical significance of the ritual just analyzed is readily perceived.[994] In the ring, the gold, and the silver there is a plain recognition of the arrha, though it was coming to be regarded as a kind of symbolical assignment of the wife's dower.[995] It is noticeable that the tradition is still conducted by the "father or a friend." It is a private lay transaction in which the priest has no legal part. He is still a mere orator, rather than a necessary actor, though there is a manifest effort to gain the recognition of the priestly office as essential to a Christian marriage. Martene has pointed out that in all the early rituals the words vos conjungo[996] are unknown. It is the "parties who marry themselves." The matrimonial contract arises solely in their consent.[997]
II. THE PRIEST SUPERSEDES THE CHOSEN GUARDIAN, AND SPONSALIA PER VERBA DE PRAESENTI ARE VALID
Thus it appears that between the first and twelfth centuries the religious element in the marriage ceremony runs through three phases, not sharply defined by dates, but overlapping and blending; and for the sake of clearness it may be well to summarize the history of this development before proceeding farther. (1) During about four centuries no liturgy was prescribed; the ancient popular forms of contract were accepted; the nuptials were usually celebrated in the home of the bride, less often in church; and the priestly benediction, though doubtless commended as a religious duty, was not exacted by the church as essential to a legal or a canonical marriage. (2) Between about the end of the fourth century and the middle of the tenth the custom became well established for the newly wedded pair to attend religious service in the church to partake of the sacrament and receive the priestly benediction on their future married life; and this practice soon led to the institution of the regular bride-mass, containing phrases directly applicable to the nuptials. In the bride-mass may be found the genesis of the ecclesiastical marriage liturgy; but it is a purely religious office and adds nothing to the validity of the private contract. (3) In the next phase, falling between the tenth and the twelfth centuries, the clergy makes rapid progress. An elaborate and imposing ritual is developed; the priest, inheriting the functions of the ancient orator, directs the entire celebration; the nuptial ceremony takes place before the church door, and is followed by the bridal mass in the church itself; but even now the priest is a mere helper, and the religious service adds nothing to, nor its omission takes nothing from, the validity of the nuptial contract.
The next and final step is comparatively easy and already assured. By the beginning of the thirteenth century the western church had entered upon a fourth phase in respect to the solemnization of marriage. This was facilitated, according to Sohm,[998] by the custom, already mentioned, of choosing any third person as guardian to officiate at the nuptials, marking the transition from the ancient tradition through the natural guardian to the stage of self-gifta or tradition by the bride herself—a stage which is fairly being entered upon at the beginning of the thirteenth century. This new and more liberal form of lay tradition led directly to the gifta by the priest, or to ecclesiastical marriage properly so called.[999] In the third stage of development the priest could not venture to interfere with the prerogative of the natural guardian to give his ward in marriage. He could at most assist as orator and bestow his benediction. But from the moment that custom sanctioned the choice of any third person in place of the father or other natural protector, the clergy appropriated this function as their exclusive right. While the church "bestowed her blessing upon the tradition through the natural guardian, she directed against the lay chosen guardian her excommunication."[1000] So at this point arose the antagonism between private and ecclesiastical marriage.[1001] The motive of the church was clearly twofold. While she very naturally strove to gain control of the nuptial celebration, to give more and more a religious form to the institution already declared by her to be a sacrament, she doubtless foresaw something of the evils which would ensue from clandestine or private unions, now that the consent of the parent or natural guardian was no longer necessary, as in early days, for a valid marriage, and therefore began to legislate in the interest of publicity.
Henceforth the rituals of the continent show plainly that marriage was usually celebrated by the priest and not merely in his presence; though the ceremony still takes place at the church door. The parties no longer simply "marry themselves," repeating after the priest the solemn words of the nuptial vow; but in addition the priest "gives the woman to the man, saying in Latin words: I join you in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Amen;" and this formula, taken from a typical French ritual of the fourteenth century,[1002] is never found, as already explained, in the liturgies of the preceding period. It is highly important to note that these words of power on the part of the priest do not appear in the English service before the period of the Reformation. In the earlier as well as in the later rituals the parties are the real actors, although the priest is leader and teacher in the whole ceremony. At most, so far as the form of tradition is concerned, evidence of a mere transition[1003] from the third phase in the rise of ecclesiastical marriage may be discerned. The priest does not step quite into the place of the father or other relative. He is not quite a "chosen guardian;" for he receives his power to "give" the bride to the bridegroom from the natural guardian or his representative, and not from the woman herself. Thus, according to the ancient liturgy of York, the priest says, "who gyues me this wyfe? Then the woman is given by her father or by a friend;"[1004] and this transitional form in substance is still preserved in the modern service of the English church.[1005] But, apparently, the function of the priest in the gifta is more pronounced in the York manual than in any of the other mediæval rituals which have been preserved. In some of them, as a matter of fact, it receives no mention at all.[1006]
It appears, then, as regards the form of celebration, that previous to the Reformation the church had not made so great progress in England as in many places on the continent. The gifta is still essentially the ancient private tradition, in which the priest has at most a subordinate place; and the words of power following, and as it were sealing, the nuptial vow do not appear. Still there is a decided gain; for the whole procedure is given a religious character through the solemn prayers and benedictions, the authoritative definitions of the nature of marriage, and the stately ceremonial of the bridal mass, in all of which the priest is the central figure.
If now, turning from the evidence afforded by the content of the prescribed rituals, we examine the legislation of the church for enforcing the acceptance of these rituals, we shall reach a similar result. Stated broadly in advance, the English canons created a sharp distinction between legality and validity. Lay marriages—that is, marriages solemnized without the intervention of the church, including clandestine unions as well as those privately contracted before witnesses with parental consent—were opposed to canonical marriages: and lay marriages were declared illegal under severe penalties, even excommunication; while at the same time, if once contracted in words of the present tense, they were maintained as equally valid and equally sacramental in their nature with those celebrated according to the authorized liturgy before the priest.[1007]
During the Anglo-Saxon period various orders and regulations commanding the benediction were passed. Theodore thus requires the priest, in the case of a first marriage, to celebrate the mass, doubtless the ordinary service, and to ask a benediction upon both parties;[1008] while by the ritual of the tenth century, already quoted, the nuptials are to be celebrated before a mass-priest "who shall with God's blessing bind their union to all prosperity."[1009] But after the Conquest more stringent measures were taken to secure publicity and enforce the observance of religious rites. Especially important is the celebrated constitution of Archbishop Lanfranc, alleged to have been enacted at the Council of Winchester in 1076, ordaining "that no man give his daughter or kinswoman in marriage without the priest's benediction," and declaring that otherwise "the marriage shall not be deemed legitimate but as fornication."[1010] Twenty-six years later, at the Council of London, an attempt was made by Anselm to put a check upon clandestine contracts, in a provision which really defines the principle governing the decisions of the ecclesiastical courts throughout the west. "Promises of marriage made between man and woman without witnesses" are declared to be "null if either party deny them."[1011] In 1175 these acts were reinforced by a canon of Archbishop Richard, taken from the decrees of Pope Ormisdas (Hormisdas) of the year 514, ordering that "no faithful man, of what degree soever, marry in private, but in public, by receiving the priest's benediction. If any priest be discovered to have married any in private let him be suspended from his office for three years."[1012] By a constitution of Archbishop Walter, in the year 1200, it was further ordained that "no marriage be contracted without banns thrice published in church, nor between persons unknown;" and no marriage not publicly solemnized in face of the church is "to be allowed of, except by the special authority of the bishop."[1013]
These measures, and others later enacted in a similar spirit,[1014] have led to a serious misapprehension of the real doctrine of the canon law. From them it has been zealously argued that the prescribed religious celebration was essential to a valid contract; and this view was strengthened by the decree of Innocent III. at the fourth Lateran council, 1215, requiring the publication of banns as a general law of the western church, which by a similar error was understood to have ordained ecclesiastical marriage.[1015] But in the light of history it seems clear that all which was intended by this decree, or by the constitution of Lanfranc and its successors, was to declare the unblessed marriage illegal, involving certain penalties or disadvantages, without touching its validity.[1016] The lay courts, as will appear in the next chapter, might deny full rights of dower and inheritance to the issue of such unions; but after the thirteenth century, as well as before, marriages celebrated without the intervention of priest or magistrate were sustained by the church as binding. As already emphasized at the outset of this discussion, the private, even secret, agreement of the parties, without consent of parent or guardian, if expressed in words of the present tense, sponsalia per verba de praesenti,[1017] though not followed by cohabitation, was held to constitute a valid marriage; and it could be sustained against a subsequent contract publicly celebrated according to ecclesiastical forms and followed by years of wedded life. This is unquestionably the doctrine of the canon law of western Christendom, as emphatically expressed in the decretal epistle of Alexander III. to the bishop of Norwich presently to be noticed;[1018] and that it was accepted by the English courts as a part of the law of the land is established by conclusive evidence. Not until the Council of Trent, in the middle of the sixteenth century, was there any general legislation of the church to enforce ecclesiastical rites. This council, after anathematizing those who deny that clandestine marriages theretofore contracted by the sole agreement of the parties and without parental consent are "true and valid," decreed, contrary to the opinion of fifty-six prelates, that thenceforward all marriages not contracted in the presence of a priest and two or three witnesses shall be void.[1019] This decree was not accepted in England, and "clandestine" marriages continued to be valid until the middle of the eighteenth century; and until 1856, in Scotland, as is well known, the mere consent of the parties, however expressed, constituted a binding marriage.[1020]
It follows that the unanimous opinion of the English judges in the great case of the Queen v. Millis, 1844, against the validity of a marriage not celebrated before an ordained priest of the established church, is not supported by the evidence of history as revealed in the doctrines of the canon law and in the action of the ecclesiastical courts during six centuries.[1021] The following are the main facts in the history of this famous suit: In January, 1829, at Banbridge, county of Down, Ireland, George Millis and Hester Graham "entered into a contract of present marriage" in the presence of John Johnstone, the "placed and regular minister of the congregation of Protestant dissenters commonly called Presbyterians, at Tullylish, near Banbridge," who performed a solemn religious ceremony according to the usual rites of his sect. Thus there was a perfect and binding contract de praesenti according to ecclesiastical law. Later, while Hester was still living, Millis married Jane Kenedy in England, using the forms of the established church, of which he was a member. At the spring assizes of 1842, for the county of Antrim, Ireland, Millis was indicted for bigamy. The case was removed by certiorari into the Irish court of Queen's Bench, where the four judges were evenly divided; but Justice Perrin, who favored the validity of the first marriage, withdrew his opinion pro forma, that the case might go to the House of Lords for definite settlement.[1022] The Lords submitted the case to the English judges for advice; and they unanimously decided against the validity of the first marriage on the ground that it had not been celebrated before a regular clergyman of the English church. That the decision was hasty and in direct opposition to history, as revealed in all the great cases, there can now be small doubt. "We have here," says Bishop, "a question of almost pure ecclesiastical law, submitted to a tribunal composed of common-law and equity lawyers, who necessarily possessed little or no knowledge of the subject. So they ask advice, not from the ecclesiastical judges, whose functions had qualified them to give it, but from the uninstructed common-law judges. The latter were competent to learn, but they were not allowed the necessary time. Lord Chief-Justice Tindal, who delivered their opinion, complained of the want of time for investigation; and the opinion throughout shows the complaint to have been well founded."[1023]
This view is strongly supported by the action of the Lords. In spite of the united opinion of the judges, the final deliberation of the six law peers resulted in a tie: Lords Cottenham, Abinger, and Chancellor Lyndhurst holding the first marriage to be void; and Lords Brougham, Denman, and Campbell maintaining its validity. But since the case was on appeal from the decision of another court, the result of the tie was to declare the invalidity of unblessed wedlock.[1024]
Thus by a remarkable sequence of circumstances and accidents was established the judicial interpretation of the English law governing the marriage celebration.[1025] The decision was therefore followed in another celebrated case, that of Beamish v. Beamish, which came before the House of Lords in 1861. This was a case of "clandestine" marriage, the bridegroom himself performing the ceremony in a private house according to the ritual of the established church. In the record we are told that the "Rev. S. S. Beamish, in the year 1831, became attached to a young lady named Isabella Frazer (both being members of the United Church of England and Ireland), and as he did not obtain his father's consent to his marriage with her, he persuaded her into a clandestine marriage, which, according to the special verdict found in the case, was performed in the following manner: 'On the 27th November, 1831, the Rev. Samuel Swayne Beamish, being then a clergyman in holy orders, went to the house of one Anne Lewis, in the city of Cork, and there performed a ceremony of marriage between himself and Izabella Frazer, by reading between them ... the form of solemnization of matrimony used in said United Church of England and Ireland, as set forth in the Book of Common Prayer, ... by declaring' in words of the present tense that he took the bride 'to his wedded wife,' she making a similar avowal; by placing a ring on her finger; and by pronouncing the blessing in the appointed form." The court held the contract void, declaring that, since it was "settled by the decision in the Queen v. Millis, that to constitute a valid marriage by the common law of England, it must have been celebrated in the presence of a clergyman in holy orders, the fact that the bridegroom is himself a clergyman in holy orders, there being no other clergyman present, will not make the marriage valid." For "as to the manner in which a marriage is to be celebrated, the law does not admit of any difference between the marriage of a clergyman and of a layman."[1026]
The singular motives underlying this decision have been recently discussed in an instructive way by Sir Frederick Pollock. It appears that a former judgment of the Lords must be maintained, however absurd or however inconsistent with history or justice it is felt to be. Already in 1852 and again in 1860 Lord Chancellor Campbell had committed himself to the dogma that the House of Lords is bound by its own decisions. At the former date, answering Lord St. Leonards, who holds the opposite view, he says: "I consider it the constitutional mode in which the law is declared, and that after such a judgment has been pronounced it can only be altered by an Act of the Legislature."[1027] When the case of Beamish v. Beamish came "before the House of Lords, the late Mr. Justice Willes virtually, though not professedly, demonstrated, in a full and most learned opinion, that the supposed difference between the law of England and that of the rest of western Christendom was imaginary. His reasons convinced Lord Campbell and Lord Wensleydale, but Lord Campbell declared himself not at liberty to act on his conviction;" though, for sound reasons which he admits, he confessed that if competent for him he would ask their Lordships to reconsider their judgment in the Queen v. Millis. "But it is my duty," he adds, "to say that your Lordships are bound by this decision as much as if it had been pronounced nemine dissentiente." A "rule of law thus judicially expressed must be taken as for law till altered by an act of Parliament." The "law laid down as your ratio decidendi, being clearly binding on all inferior tribunals, and all the rest of the Queen's subjects, if it were not considered as equally binding upon your Lordships, this house would be arrogating to itself the right of altering the law, and legislating by its own separate authority." It "may seem startling," comments Pollock, "that questions of legitimacy and property should be treated as irrevocably settled by the result of an equal division of the House of Lords, on argument and information admittedly imperfect with regard to the history of the law; that result, moreover depending on the accident of the form in which the appeal was presented: but so they were." Thus in Beamish v. Beamish an opinion of seventeen years earlier was accepted as binding, "which in 1861 was believed by a majority of the House of Lords and the judges who advised them, and is now believed by most competent scholars, to be without any real historical foundation."[1028]
CHAPTER VIII
RISE OF ECCLESIASTICAL MARRIAGE: THE CHURCH DEVELOPS AND ADMINISTERS MATRIMONIAL LAW
[Bibliographical Note VIII.—For the evolution of the canonical theory of marriage the Richter-Friedberg Corpus juris canonici (Leipzig, 1881 ff.), Peter Lombard's Sententiae (Incunabula, Textus sententiarum, 1488, Sutro Library), and the Ante-Nicene Fathers (Buffalo, 1885-87) are of the first importance. The collections of Haddan and Stubbs, Thorpe, Schmid, Hale, and Johnson, mentioned in Bibliographical Note VII, are available for this chapter; as are also the collections of Richter-Schulte, Theiner, and Waterworth, the works of Sarpi and Pallavicino, the monographs of Salis, Fleiner, Riedler, and Leinz, the papers of Meurer and Schulte, with the other authorities already cited for the Council of Trent. Well-known treatises on the canon law are Lyndwood, Provinciale (ed. of 1505 and Oxford, 1679); Sanchez, Disputationum de sto matrimonii sacramento (Venice, 1625); and Godolphin, Repartorium canonicum (3d ed., London, 1687). With these may be used Smith, Elements of Ecclesiastical Law (New York, 1882); Phillimore, Ecclesiastical Law (London, 1873-76); Stephens, Laws Relating to the Clergy (London, 1848); Burn, Ecclesiastical Law (London, 1842); and the excellent summary of Geary, Marriage and Family Relations (London, 1892), chap, xvi, where the principal sources are mentioned. Dodd's History of the Canon Law (London, 1884) is too general to be of much service. A good handbook of Catholic doctrine, with full citation of authorities, is Gury's Compendium of Moral Theology; and in this connection may also be consulted Amat's convenient Treatise on Matrimony (San Francisco, 1864); the works of Cigoi, Didon, Roskovány, Perrone, and Scheicher-Binder described in Bibliographical Note XI.
The rise of the system of enforced celibacy of the clergy, with the consequent evils, is most fully treated by the brothers Theiner, Die Einführung der erzwungenen Ehelosigkeit (3d ed., Barmen, 1891-98), whose book, first published in 1828, has been fiercely attacked by Catholic critics; and Lea, Sacerdotal Celibacy (2d ed., Boston, 1884); supplemented by his History of Auricular Confession and Indulgences in the Latin Church (Philadelphia, 1896). The immorality of the mediæval clergy is also described by Bouvet, De la confession et du célibat des prêtres (Paris, 1845); Gage, Woman, Church, and State (Chicago, 1893); idem, an article under the same title in History of Woman Suffrage (New York, 1881); Lecky, History of European Morals (3d ed., New York, 1881); and Huth in the third chapter of Marriage of Near Kin (2d ed., London, 1887). For a later period the subject is dealt with by Michelet, Le prêtre, la femme, et la familie (new ed., Paris, 1889); and "A. F. R.," Betrachtungen über den Klerikal- und Mönchsgeist im neunzehnten Jahrhundert (1805). In this connection see also Bucksisch, De apostolis uxoratis (new ed., Wittenberg, 1734); Essich, De clericis maritis dissertatio historica (Augusta Vindelicorum, 1747); Feyerabend, De privilegiis mulierum (Jena, 1667); Recherches philosophiques et historiques sur le célibat (Geneva, 1781); De l'institution du célibat (Paris, 1808); Klitsche, Geschichte des Cölibats ... zum Tode Gregor's VII. (Augsburg, 1830); Lind, De coelibatu christianorum per tria priora secula (Havniae, 1839); the anonymous Letters on the Constrained Celibacy of the Clergy (London, 1816); Zimmermann, Der Priester-Cölibat (Kempten, 1899), presenting the loyal Catholic point of view; and the monograph of Schulte, Der Cölibatszwang und dessen Aufhebung (Bonn, 1876). A favorable view of the conventual life is taken by Eckenstein, Woman under Monasticism (Cambridge, 1896); and curious monuments of the contempt for woman produced by asceticism are the books of Valens Acidalius and his adversary Simon Geddicus, mentioned in a footnote below. For the controversy in France regarding the validity of the marriage of a priest under the temporal law see Nachet, Liberté du mariage des prêtres: Mémoire produit à la Cour de Cassation pour M. Dumonteil (Paris, 1833); and Horoy, Du mariage civil du prêtre en France (Paris, 1890).
The manifold evils arising from the canonical distinction between sponsalia de praesenti vel futuro are best described in the vigorous words of Martin Luther. In particular should be read the thirty-sixth chapter of the Tischreden (folio, Frankfort, 1571), and the Von Ehesachen: Werke, XXIII (Erlangen ed.) or Vol. V in Bücher und Schriften (Jena, 1555-80). The quaint and learned book of Swinburne, Of Spousals (London, 1686), contains a striking passage bearing on the subject; while for the mediæval English law should be consulted Glanville's Tractatus; Bracton's De Legibus (ed. Twiss, London, 1878-83); idem, Note Book (ed. Maitland, London, 1887); and Maitland's Select Pleas of the Crown. With Sohm's view as to the essential identity in form of the two kinds of sponsalia compare the various works of Biener, Bierling, Sehling, Scheurl, and Dieckhoff mentioned in Bibliographical Note VII. The text of Master Vacarius's Summa de matrimonio is edited by Maitland in Law Quarterly Review, XIII (London, 1897); and in the same volume he discusses Vacarius's theory of marriage, differing essentially from that of Gratian or Lombard. Assistance may also be had from Weber, De vera inter sponsalia de praesenti et nuptias differentia (Parchimi, 1825); Hoffmann, De aetate juvenili contrahendis sponsalibus (Regiomonti et Lipsiae, 1743); Lipold, Arbor consanguinitatis et affinitatis (n.p., n.d.); Niemeier, De conjugiis prohibitis dissertationes (Helmstadt, 1705); Born, De bannis nuptialibus (Leipzig, 1716); and the dissertations on parental consent and clandestine marriage mentioned in Bibliographical Note IX.
Remarkable testimony as to the existence of clandestine marriage in England during the first half of the sixteenth century is given by Richard Whitforde, A Werke for householders (1530; 2d ed., 1537); and in Miles Coverdale's translation of Bullinger's Christen State of Matrimonye (1st ed., 1541, in British Museum).
Indispensable guides for the study of the entire subject are still the works of Sohm, Friedberg, and Pollock and Maitland; but by far the best systematic histories of canon-law marriage are Freisen's Geschichte des canonischen Eherechts (Tübingen, 1888; Paderborn, 1893); and Esmein's masterly Le mariage en droit canonique (Paris, 1891). A similar work for the eastern church is Zhishman's Das Eherecht der orientalischen Kirche (Vienna, 1864). Illustrative decisions are communicated by Frensdorff, "Ein Urtheilsbuch des geistlichen Gerichts zu Augsburg aus dem 14. Jahrhundert," in ZKR., X (Tübingen, 1871); and Loersch, "Ein eherechtliches Urtheil von 1448," ibid., XV (Freiburg and Tübingen, 1880). There is an article on the beginnings of ecclesiastical jurisdiction by Sohm, "Die geistliche Gerichtsbarkeit im frankischen Reich," ibid., IX (Tübingen, 1870). Wunderlich has a serviceable edition of Tancred's Summa de matrimonio (Göttingen, 1841); and among the works relating to special questions are Sehling, Die Wirkungen der Geschlechtsgemeinschaft auf die Ehe (Leipzig, 1885); Heinlein, Die bedingte Eheschliessung (Vienna, 1892); Andreae, Einfluss des Irrthums auf die Gültigkeit der Ehe (Göttingen, 1893); Eichborn, Ehehinderniss der Blutsverwandtschaft (Breslau, 1872); Gerigk, Irrtum und Betrug als Ehehinderniss (Breslau, 1898); Benemann, De natura matrimonii (Halle, 1708); Baier, Die Naturehe in ihrem Verhältniss zur ... christlich-sakramentalen Ehe (Regensburg, 1886); Hahn, Die Lehre von den Sakramenten (Berlin, 1864); and the standard Catholic treatise of Oswald, Die dogmatische Lehre von den heiligen Sakramenten (5th ed., Münster, 1894).
In general, besides the works of Gide, Loening, Combier, Tissot, Burn, Thwing, Blackstone, Jeaffreson, Lingard, Makower, Madan, and Morgan, elsewhere described, the following have been drawn upon in various connections: Wasserschleben, Bussordnungen (Halle, 1851); Schmitz, Bussbücher (Mainz, 1883); Lobethan, Einleitung zur theoretischen Ehe-Rechts-Gelahrtheit (Halle, 1785); Schott, Einleitung in das Eherecht (new ed., Nuremberg, 1802); Goeschl, Ehegesetze (Aschaffenburg, 1832); Stäudlin, Geschichte der Vorstellungen und Lehren von der Ehe (Göttingen, 1826); Palgrave, English Commonwealth (London, 1832); Kemble, Saxons in England (London, 1876); Ellis, Introduction to Domesday Book (Record Commission, 1833); Bigelow, Placita anglo-normannica (Boston, 1881); Stubbs, Select Charters (Oxford, 1881); idem, Constitutional History (Oxford, 1875-78); idem, Seventeen Lectures (Oxford, 1886); Denton, England in the Fifteenth Century (London, 1888); Traill, Social England (New York, 1898); Nisbet, Marriage and Heredity (London, 1888); Smith, The Parish (London, 1857); Kent, Commentaries (Boston, 1873); Gibbon, Decline and Fall (London, 1830); and some of the Reformation writers referred to in Bibliographical Notes IX and XI.]