The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542. / Excerpted from the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1892-1893, Part 1.

by George Parker Winship

TRANSLATION OF THE REPORT OF HERNANDO DE ALVARADO

ACCOUNT OF WHAT HER­NANDO DE AL­VA­RADO AND FRIAR JUAN DE PA­DIL­LA DIS­COV­ERED GO­ING IN SEARCH OF THE SOUTH SEA.[374]

We set out from Granada on Sunday, the day of the beheading of Saint John the Baptist, the 29th of August, in the year 1540, on the way to Coco.[375] After we had gone 2 leagues, we came to an ancient building like a fortress, and a league beyond this we found another, and yet another a little farther on, and beyond these we found an ancient city, very large, entirely destroyed, although a large part of the wall was standing, which was six times as tall as a man, the wall well made of good worked stone, with gates and gutters like a city in Castile. Half a league or more beyond this, we found another ruined city, the walls of which must have been very fine, built of very large granite blocks, as high as a man and from there up of very good quarried stone. Here two roads separate, one to Chia and the other to Coco; we took this latter, and reached that place, which is one of the strongest places that we have seen, because the city is on a very high rock, with such a rough ascent that we repented having gone up to the place. The houses have three or four stories; the people are the same sort as those of the province of Cibola; they have plenty of food, of corn and beans and fowls like those of New Spain. From here we went to a very good lake or marsh, where there are trees like those of Castile, and from there we went to a river, which we named Our Lady (Nuestra Señora), because we reached it the evening before her day in the month of September.[376] We sent the cross by a guide to the villages in advance, and the next day people came from twelve villages, the chief men and the people in order, those of one village behind those of another, and they approached the tent to the sound of a pipe, and with an old man for spokesman. In this fashion they came into the tent and gave me the food and clothes and skins they had brought, and I gave them some trinkets, and with this they went off.

This river of Our Lady flows through a very wide open plain sowed with corn plants; there are several groves, and there are twelve p595 villages. The houses are of earth, two stories high; the people have a good appearance, more like laborers than a warlike race; they have a large food supply of corn, beans, melons, and fowl in great plenty; they clothe themselves with cotton and the skins of cows and dresses of the feathers of the fowls; they wear their hair short. Those who have the most authority among them are the old men; we regarded them as witches, because they say that they go up into the sky and other things of the same sort. In this province there are seven other villages, depopulated and destroyed by those Indians who paint their eyes, of whom the guides will tell Your Grace; they say that these live in the same region as the cows, and that they have corn and houses of straw.

Here the people from the outlying provinces came to make peace with me, and as Your Grace may see in this memorandum, there are 80 villages there of the same sort as I have described, and among them one which is located on some streams; it is divided into twenty divisions, which is something remarkable; the houses have three stories of mud walls and three others made of small wooden boards, and on the outside of the three stories with the mud wall they have three balconies; it seemed to us that there were nearly 15,000 persons in this village. The country is very cold; they do not raise fowls nor cotton; they worship the sun and water. We found mounds of dirt outside of the place, where they are buried.

In the places where crosses were raised, we saw them worship these. They made offerings to these of their powder and feathers, and some left the blankets they had on. They showed so much zeal that some climbed up on the others to grasp the arms of the cross, to place feathers and flowers there; and others bringing ladders, while some held them, went up to tie strings, so as to fasten the flowers and the feathers.

p596

TESTIMONY CONCERNING THOSE WHO WENT ON THE EXPEDITION WITH FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO[377]

At Compostela, on February 21, 1540, Coronado presented a petition to the viceroy Mendoza, declaring that he had observed that certain persons who were not well disposed toward the expedition which was about to start for the newly discovered country had said that many of the inhabitants of the City of Mexico and of the other cities and towns of New Spain, and also of Compostela and other places in this province of New Galicia were going on the expedition at his request or because of inducements offered by him, as a result of which the City of Mexico and New Spain were left deserted, or almost so. Therefore, he asked the viceroy to order that information be obtained, in order that the truth might be known about the citizens of New Spain and of this province who were going to accompany him. He declared that there were very few of these, and that they were not going on account of any attraction or inducement offered by him, but of their own free will, and as there were few of them, there would not be any lack of people in New Spain. And as Gonzalo de Salazar, the factor or royal agent, and Pero Almidez Cherino, the veedor or royal inspector of His Majesty for New Spain, and other citizens of Mexico who knew all the facts and had the necessary information, were present there, Coronado asked His Grace to provide and order that which, would best serve His Majesty’s interests and the welfare and security of New Spain.

The viceroy instructed the licenciate Maldonado, oidor of the royal audiencia,[378] to procure this information. To facilitate the hearing he provided that the said factor and veedor and the regidores, and others who were there, should attend the review of the army, which was to be held on the following day. Nine of the desired witnesses were also commanded by Maldonado to attend the review and observe those whom they knew in the army.

On February 26[379] the licentiate Maldonado took the oaths of the witnesses in proper form, and they testified to the following effect:

LXXXI. A Native of Pecos

Hernand Perez de Bocanegra, a citizen of Mexico, stated that he had been present on the preceding Sunday, at the review of the force which the viceroy was sending for the pacification of the country recently discovered by the father provincial, Fray Marcos de Niza, and that he p597 had taken note of the force as the men passed before him; and at his request he had also been allowed to see the list of names of those who were enrolled in the army; and he declared that in all the said force he did not recognize any other citizens of Mexico who were going except Domingo Martin, a married man, whom he had sometimes seen living in Mexico, and provided him with messengers; and one Alonso Sanchez, who was going with his wife and a son, and who was formerly a shoemaker; and a young man, son of the bachiller Alonso Perez, who had come only a few days before from Salamanca, and who had been sent to the war by his father on account of his restlessness; and two or three other workmen or tradespeople whom he had seen at work in Mexico, although he did not know whether they were citizens there; and on his oath he did not see in the whole army anyone else who was a citizen of Mexico, although for about fourteen years he had been a citizen and inhabitant of that city, unless it was the captain-general, Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, and Lopez de Samaniego the army-master; and, moreover, he declared that he felt certain that those above mentioned were going of their own free will, like all the rest.

Antonio Serrano de Cardona, one of the magistrates of Mexico, who was present from beginning to end of the review of the preceding Sunday, testified in similar form. He said that Alonso Sanchez had formerly been a citizen of Mexico, but that for a long time his house had been empty and he had traveled as a trader, and that he was going in search of something to live on; and one Domingo Martin was also going, who formerly lived in Mexico, and whose residence he had not known likewise for a long time, nor did he think that he had one, because he had not seen him living in Mexico. He did not think it would have been possible for any citizens of Mexico to have been there whom he did not know, because he had lived in Mexico during the twenty years since he came to Mexico, and ever since the city was established by Christians, and besides, he had been a magistrate for fifteen years. And besides, all those whom he did see who were going, were the most contented of any men he had ever seen in this country starting off for conquests. After the force left the City of Mexico, he had been there, and had noticed that it was full of people and that there did not seem to be any scarcity on account of those who had started on this expedition.

Gonzalo de Salazar, His Majesty’s factor for New Spain, and also a magistrate of the City of Mexico, declared that the only person on the expedition who possessed a repartimiento or estate in New Spain was the captain-general, Vazquez de Coronado, and that he had noticed one other citizen who did not have a repartimiento. He had not seen any other citizen of Mexico, nor of New Spain, although one of the greatest benefits that could have been done New Spain would have been to draw off the young and vicious people who were in that city and all over New Spain. p598

Pedro Almidez Cherino, His Majesty’s veedor in New Spain, had, among other things, noted the horses and arms of those who were going, during the review. He had noticed Coronado and Samaniego, and Alonso Sanchez and his wife, whom he did not know to be a citizen, and Domingo Martin, who was away from Mexico during most of the year. All the rest of the force were people without settled residences, who had recently come to the country in search of a living. It seemed to him that it was a very fortunate thing for Mexico that the people who were going were about to do so because they had been injuring the citizens there. They had been for the most part vicious young gentlemen, who did not have anything to do in the city nor in the country. They were all going of their own free will, and were very ready to help pacify the new country, and it seemed to him that if the said country had not been discovered, almost all of these people would have gone back to Castile, or would have gone to Peru or other places in search of a living.

Servan Bejarano, who had been in business among the inhabitants of Mexico ever since he came to that city, added the information that he knew Alonso Sanchez to be a provision dealer, buying at wholesale and selling at retail, and that he was in very great need, having nothing on which to live, and that he was going to that country in search of a living. He was also very sure that it was a great advantage to Mexico and to its citizens to have many of the unmarried men go away, because they had no occupation there and were bad characters, and were for the most part gentlemen and persons who did not hold any property, nor any repartimientos of Indians, without any income, and lazy, and who would have been obliged to go to Peru or some other region.

Cristobal de Oñate had been in the country about sixteen years, a trifle more or less, and was now His Majesty’s veedor for New Galicia. He knew the citizens of Mexico, and also declared that not a citizen of Compostela was going on the expedition. Two citizens of Guadalajara were going, one of whom was married to an Indian, and the other was single. As for the many young gentlemen and the others who were going, who lived in Mexico and in other parts of New Spain, it seemed to him that their departure was a benefit rather than a disadvantage, because they were leading vicious lives and had nothing with which to support themselves.

When these statements and depositions had all been duly received, signed, and attested, and had been shown to his most illustrious lordship, the viceroy, he ordered an authorized copy to be taken, which was made by Joan de Leon, clerk of Their Majesties’ court and of the royal audiencia of New Spain, the 27th of February, 1540, witnessed by the secretary, Antonio de Almaguer, and sent to His Majesty, to be laid before the lords of the council, that they might provide and order that which should be most serviceable to their interests.

p599

A LIST OF WORKS USEFUL TO THE STUDENT OF THE CORONADO EXPEDITION

The following list contains the titles of the books and documents which have been found useful during the preparation of the preceding memoir on the Coronado expedition of 1540–1542. The works cited have helped, in one way or another, toward the formation of the opinions expressed in the Historical Introduction, and in them may be found the authority for the statements made in the introduction and in the notes to the translations of the Spanish narratives. It is hoped that no source of information of prime importance has been overlooked. The comments on the various books, essays, and documents are such as suggested themselves in the course of the examination of the works in question.

References are given to the location of the more important documents, so far as these are available in the various collections of printed documents. The value of these sources has been discussed in the preceding pages, and these opinions are not repeated in this list. The titles of the printed books are quoted from the editions which came nearest to the authors’ manuscripts, so far as these editions could be consulted. Reference is made also to the most available later editions, and to the English and French translations of Spanish, Italian, and Latin works. With hardly an exception, the titles are quoted from the volumes themselves, as they were found in the Harvard College Library or in the John Carter Brown Library of Providence. The Lenox Library of New York supplied such volumes as were not to be found in Cambridge, Boston, or Providence.

Dr Justin Winsor and Mr F.W. Hodge have rendered very material assistance in giving this list such completeness as it possesses. To Mr Hodge especially are due many of the titles which relate to the ethnological and archeological aspects of the subject.

• Abelin, Johann Phillip; pseud. Johann Ludwig Gottfriedt.
  • Newe Welt vnd Americanische Historien.—Franckfurt, M. DC. LV.
  • Page 560. Beschreibung der grossen Landschafft Cibola.
• Alarcon, Hernando.
  • De lo que hizo por la mar Hernando de Alarcon, que con dos nauios andaua por la costa por orden de Visorrey don Antonio de Mendoça.
  • Herrera, Dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. xiii.
  • — Relatione della Navigatione & scoperta che fece il Capitano Fernando Alarcone per ordine dello Illustrissimo Signor Don Antonio di Mendozza Vice Re della nuoua Spagna.
  • Ramusio, III, fol. 363–370, edition of 1556; III, fol. 303 verso, edition of 1606.
  • — The relation of the nauigation and discouery which Captaine Fernando Alarchon made by the order of the right honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça vizeroy of New Spaine.
  • Hakluyt, III, 425–439, edition of 1600. This translation is made from Ramusio’s text.
  • — Relation de la navigation et de la découverte faite par le capitaine Fernando Alarcon. Par l’ordre de . . . don Antonio de Mendoza.
  • Ternaux, IX (Cibola volume), 299–348. From Ramusio’s text.
  • — Relacion del armada del Marqués del Valle, capitaneada de Francisco de Ulloa . . . y de la que el virey de Nueva España envió con un Alarcon.
  • Doc. de España, IV, 218–219. A very brief, probably contemporary, mention of the discovery of Colorado river.
• Alvarado, Hernando de.
  • Relacion de lo que Hernando de Alvarado y Fray Joan de Padilla descubrieron en demanda de la mar del Sur.—Agosto de 1540.
  • Doc. de Indias, III, 511–513. B. Smith’s Florida, 65–66. Translated in the Boston Transcript, 14 Oct., 1893, and on page 594 ante.
• Alvarado, Pedro de.
  • Asiento y capitulaciones, entre el virey de Nueva España, D. Antonio de Mendoza, y el adelantado, D. Pedro de Alvarado, para la prosecucion del descubrimento de tierra nueva, hecho por Fr. Márcos de Niza.—Pueblo de Tiripitio de la Nueva España, 29 Noviembre, 1540.
  • Doc. de Indias, III, 351–362. Also in the same collection, XVI, 342–355. See page 353 ante.
  • — Proceso de residencia contra Pedro de Alvarado, . . . sacadas de los antiguos codices mexicanos, y notas y noticias . . . por D. Jose Fernando p600 Ramirez. Lo publica paleografiado del MS. original el Lic. Ignacío L. Rayon.—Mexico, 1847.
  • A collection of documents of considerable interest; with facsimile illustrations and portrait.
  • — See Carta del Obispo de Guatemala.
• Ardoino, Antonio.
  • Examen apologetico de la historica narracion de los naufragios, peregrinaciones, i milagros de Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Baca, en las tierras de la Florida, i del Nuevo Mexico.—Madrid, 1786.
  • Barcia, Historiadores Primitivos, I (VI), pp. 50. See note under Cabeza de Vaca Relacion.
• Ayllon, Lucas Vazquez de.
  • Testimonio de la capitulacion que hizo con el Rey, el Licenciado Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, para descubrir la tierra que está á la parte del Norte Sur, de la Isla Española, 35 á 37 grados.—Valladolid, 12 Junio, 1523.—Presentó en Madrid, 31 Marzo, 1541.
  • Doc. de Indias, XIV, 503–515.
• Bancroft, George.
  • History of the United States. Author’s latest revision.—New York, 1883.
  • For Coronado see Vol. I, 32–37. Written from the documents translated in Ternaux, Cibola.
• Bancroft, Hubert Howe.
  • History of the Pacific states of North America.—San Francisco, 1882–1890.
  • 34 volumes. Vol. V, Mexico, II, 1521–1600. Vol. X, North Mexican States, 1531–1800. Vol. XII, Arizona and New Mexico, 1530–1888; pages 1–73 are devoted to Cabeza de Vaca and Coronado. The range of Mr H. H. Bancroft’s extensive literary labors has seriously interfered with the accuracy in statement and the soundness of judgment which are so essential to satisfactory historical writing. His volumes, however, contain an immense number of references, often mentioning documentary sources and manuscript materials which are as yet practically beyond the reach of other students.
• Bandelier, Adolph. Francis (Alphonse).
  • Historical introduction to studies among the sedentary Indians of New Mexico.—Santa Fé. N.M., Sept. 19, 1880.
  • Papers of the Archæological Institute of America, American series, I, Boston, 1881. 2d edition, 1893, pp. 1–33. Relates especially to the Coronado expedition. Cited in the preceding pages as Bandelier’s Introduction.
  • — A visit to the aboriginal ruins in the valley of the Rio Pecos.
  • Papers of the Archæological Institute of America, American series, I, 1881, pp. 37–133. In the same volume as the preceding entry.
  • — Ein Brief über Akoma.
  • Das Ausland, 1884, No. XXIII, pp. 241–243.
  • — Report of an archæological tour in Mexico in 1881.
  • Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, American series, II, Boston, 1884.
  • — Report by A. F. Bandelier on his investigations in New Mexico in the spring and summer of 1882.—Highland, Ill., Aug. 15, 1882.
  • Bulletin of the Archæological Institute of America, I, Boston, Jan., 1883, pp. 13–33.
  • — The historical archives of the Hemenway southwestern archæological expedition.
  • Congrès International des Amérícanístes, 1888, pp. 450–459.—Berlin, 1890.
  • — Contributions to the history of the southwestern portion of the United States.
  • Papers of the Archæological Institute of America, Am. series, V, and The Hemenway Southwestern Archæological Expedition, Cambridge, 1890. Cited in the preceding pages as Bandelier’s Contributions. An invaluable work, the result of careful documentary study and of much experience in field work in the southwest. It will always serve as the foundation of all satisfactory study of the history of the Spaniards in that portion of the United States.
  • — Quivira.
  • Nation. N. Y., 31 Oct. and 7 Nov., 1889. (Nos. 1270, 1271.) Letters dated Santa Fé, October 15, 1889.
  • — The ruins of Casas Grandes.
  • Nation, N. Y., 28 Aug. and 4 Sept., 1890 (Nos. 1313, 1314). Letters dated Santa Fé, Aug. 1, 11, 1890.
  • — The Delight Makers.—New York, 1890.
  • A story, in which Mr Bandelier has portrayed, with considerable success, the ways of life and of thinking among the Indians of the New Mexican pueblas, before the advent of Europeans.
  • — Fray Juan de Padilla, the first Catholic missionary and martyr in eastern Kansas. 1542.
  • American Catholic Quarterly Review, Philadelphia, July, 1890, XV, 551–565.
  • — An outline of the documentary history of the Zuñi tribe.
  • Journal American Ethnology and Archæology, III, Boston, 1892, pp. 1–115. This work remained in manuscript for some years before it was printed. It contains many extracts from the contemporary narratives, in translation; that of Castañeda being taken from Ternaux’s version. See note on page 389.
  • — Final report of investigations among the Indians of the southwestern United States, carried on mainly in the years from 1880 to 1885.
  • Papers of the Archæological Institute of America. Cambridge; Part I, 1890; Part II, 1892.
  • The most valuable of all of Bandelier’s memoirs on southwestern history and ethnology. It bears the same relation to the work of the American ethnologist as his Contributions do to that of the historical student.
  • — The “Montezuma” of the pueblo Indians.
  • American Anthropologist, Washington, Oct., 1892, V. 319.
  • — The Gilded Man.—New York, 1893.
  • This work contains much valuable material concerning the early history of the southwest, but should be used with care, as it was edited and published during the author’s absence in Peru. p601
  • — La découverte du Nouveau-Mexique par le moine franciscain frère Marcos de Nice en 1539.
  • Revue d’Ethnographie, V (1886), 31, 117, 193 (50 pages).
  • — The discovery of New Mexico by Fray Marcos of Nizza.
  • Magazine of Western History, IV, Cleveland, Sept., 1886, pp. 659–670. The same material was used in the articles in the Revue d’Ethnographie.
  • — Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, the first overland traveler of European descent, and his journey from Florida to the Pacific coast—1528–1536.
  • Magazine of Western History, IV, Cleveland, July, 1886, pp. 327–336.
• Barcia, Andres Gonzales.
  • Historiadores primitivos de las Indias: Occidentales, que juntó, traduxo en parte, y sacó á luz, ilustrados con erudítas notas, y copiosos indices, el ilustrissimo Señor D. Andres Gonzalez Barcia, del Consejo, y Camara de S. M. Divididos en tres tomos.—Madrid, año MDCCXLIX.
  • These three folio volumes are made up of very satisfactory reprints of a number of the narratives of the early Spanish conquerors of America. The Naufragios and Comentarios of Cabeza de Vaca are in the first volume.
  • — Ensayo cronologico, para la historia general de la Florida . . . desde 1512 hasta 1722, escrito por Don Gabriel de Cardenas z Cano.—Madrid, CI
  • I
  • CCXXIII.
  • The name on the title page is an anagram for that of S^r. Gonzalez Barcia. Florida, in this work, comprises all of America north of Mexico. The Ensayo was published with the Florida del Ynca of 1723.
• Baxter, Sylvester.
  • The father of the pueblos.
  • Harper’s Magazine, LXV, June, 1882, pp. 72–91.
  • — An aboriginal pilgrimage.
  • Century Magazine, II (XXIV), August, 1882, pp. 526–536.
  • — The old new world. An account of the explorations of the Hemenway southwestern archæological expedition.—Salem, Mass., 1888.
  • Reprinted from the Boston Herald, April 15, 1888.
• Begert, or Baegert, Jacob.
  • Nachrichten von der Amerikanischen Halbinsel Californien: mit einem zweyfachen Anhang falscher Nachrichten. Gesehrieben von einem Priester der Gesellschaft Jesu, welcher lang darinn diese letztere Jahr gelebet hat. Mit Erlaubnuss der Oberen.—Mannheim, 1773.
  • Translated and arranged for the Smithsonian Institution by Charles Rau, of New York City, in the Smithsonian Reports, 1863, pp. 352–369; 1864, pp. 378–399. Reprinted by Rau in Papers on Anthropological Subjects, pp. 1–40.
• Benavides, Alonso de.
  • Memorial qve Fray Ivan de Santander de la Orden de san Francisco, presenta á Felipe Qvarto, hecho por el Padre Fray Alonso de Benauides, Custodio qve ha sido de las prouincias, y conuersiones del Nueuo-Mexico.—Madrid, M. DC. XXX.
  • Translations of this valuable work were published in French at Bruxelles, 1631, in Latin at Salzburg, 1634, and in German at Salzburg, probably also in 1634.
• Benzoni, Girolamo.
  • La historia del Mondo Nvovo.—(Colophon) Venetia, MDLXV.
  • Besides early Latin, Dutch, and German translations of Benzoni, there is an old French edition (Geneva, 1579). An English translation was published by the Hakluyt Society in 1857.
• Blackmar, Frank Wilson.
  • Spanish institutions of the southwest.—Baltimore, 1891.
  • Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, extra volume, X.
  • — Spanish colonization in the southwest.
  • Johns Hopkins University Studies, VIII, April, 1890, pp. 121–193.
  • — The conquest of New Spain.
  • Agora, Lawrence, Kans., beginning Jan., 1896. This series of papers is not yet completed.
• Botero, Giovanni.
  • La prima parte delle relationi vniversali di Giovanni Botero Benese.—Bergamo, MDXCIIII.
  • For Ceuola and Quiuira, libro quarto (p. 277). The text was considerably altered and amplified in the successive early editions. In the 1603 Spanish edition, fol. 141.
• Bourke, John Gregory.
  • Snake dance of the Moquis of Arizona.—New York and London, 1884.
• Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nuñez.
  • La relacion que dio Aluar nuñez cabeça de vaca de lo acaescido . . en la armada donde yua por gouernador Pāphilo de narbaez.—(Colophon) Zamora, 6 Octubre, 1542.
  • This was reprinted, with the addition of the Comentarios . . . del Rio de la Plata, at Valladolid in 1555. It was translated by Ramusio, III, fol. 310–330 (ed. 1556), and was paraphrased into English, from Ramusio, by Purchas, Pilgrimes, Part IV, lib. VIII, chap. I, pp. 1499–1528. There is a useful note regarding the first edition of the Naufragios and its author, in Harrisse, Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, p. 382. The Naufragios and Comentarios were reprinted at Madrid in 1736, preceded by the Examen Apologetico of Ardoino (see entry under his name), and it is this edition which was included in Barcia’s collection of 1749, the 1736 title pages being preserved.
  • — Relacion del viaje de Pánfilo de Narvaez al Rio de las Palmas hasta la punta de la Florida, hecha por el tesorero Cabeza de Vaca.
  • Doc. de Indias, XIV, 265–279. Instruccion para el factor, por el Rey, pp. 265–269. Apparently an early copy of a fragment of the Naufragios. p602
  • — Relation et naufrages d’Alvar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca—Paris, 1837.
  • This French translation of the Navfragios forms volume VII of Ternaux’s Voyages. The Commentaires are contained in volume VI. The translation is from the 1555 edition.
  • — Relation of Alvar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca, translated from the Spanish by Buckingham Smith.—New York, 1871.
  • This English translation was printed at Washington in 1851, and was reprinted at New York, with considerable additions and a short sketch of the translator, shortly after Mr Smith’s death. Chapters XXX–XXXVI were reprinted in an Old South Leaflet, general series, No. 39, Boston.
  • — Relation of what befel the persons who escaped from the disasters that attended the armament of Captain Pamphilo de Narvaez on the shores and in the countries of the North.
  • Historical Mag. (Sept.–Dec., 1867), XII, 141, 204, 267, 347. Translated and condensed from an account printed in Oviedo’s Historia General, Lib. XXXV, cap. i–vi, which was sent to the Real Audiencia of Sancto Domingo by the four survivors of the expedition. See Introduction, p. 349 ante.
  • — Capitulacion que se tomó con Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca.—Madrid, 18 Marzo, 1540.
  • Doc. de Indias, XXIII, 8–33.
• Cabrillo, Juan Rodriguez. See Paez, Juan.
• Camus, Armand Gaston.
  • Mémoire sur la collection des grands et petits voyages (de Théodore de Bry).—Paris, Frimaire an XI (1802).
  • For “Cornado,” see p. 176.
• Cartas de Indias. Publícalas por primera vez el Ministerio de Fomento.—Madrid, 1877.
  • This splendid volume contains 108 letters, 29 of which are reproduced in facsimile, written from various portions of Spanish America during the XVI century. The indices contain a large amount of information concerning the people and places mentioned.
• Cartas de Religiosos de Nueva España. 1539–1594.—México, 1886.
  • Volume I of Icazbalceta’s Nueva Colección. The 26 letters which make up this volume throw much light on the early civil and economical as well as on the ecclesiastical history of New Spain. The second volume of the Nueva Colección, entitled Códice Franciscano Siglo XVI, contains 14 additional letters.
• Castañeda, Pedro de.
  • Relacion de la jornada de Cibola conpuesta por Pedro de Castañeda de Naçera donde se trata de todos aquellos poblados y ritos, y costumbres, la cual fue el año de 1540.
  • Printed for the first time in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 414–469, from the manuscript in the Lenox Library in New York. This narrative has been known chiefly through the French translation printed in 1838 by Henri Ternaux-Compans, the title of which follows.
  • — Relation du voyage de Cibola entrepris en 1540; ou l’on traite de toutes les peuplades qui habitent cette contrée, de leurs mœurs eú coutumes, par Pédro de Castañeda de Nagera.
  • Ternaux, Cibola, 1–246.
• Castaño de Sosa, Gaspar.
  • Memoria del descubrimiento que Gaspar Castaño de Sosa, hizo en el Nuevo México, siendo teniente de gobernador y capitan general del Nuevo Reino de Leon.
  • Doc. de Indias, vol. XV, pp. 191–261. The exploring party started 27th July, 1590, and this report was presented to the Council 10th November, 1592.
• Cervántes Salazar, Francisco.
  • México en 1554: Tres diálogos latinos que Francisco Cervántes Salazar escribió é imprimió en México en dicho año. Los reimprime, con traduccion castellana y notas, Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta—México, 1875.
  • Invaluable for anyone who wishes to understand the early social and economic conditions of Spanish America. The bibliography at the end of the volume is not only of great value as a guide to the study of this history, but it is of interest as a partial catalog of the library of Sr Garcia Icazbalceta.
• Chapin, Frederick Hastings.
  • The land of the cliff-dwellers.—Boston, 1892.
• Congrés International des Américanistes.
  • Compte-rendu de la premiére session.—Nancy, 1875; . . . Actas de la Novena Reunión, Huelva, 1892—Madrid, 1894.
  • Many of the papers presented at the meetings of the Congrès des Américanistes, have been of the very greatest interest to the American ethnologist and to the historian of early Spanish America. Several of the papers presented at Berlin in 1888 are entered under the authors’ names in the present list.
• Coronado, Francisco Vazquez.
  • Svmmario di lettere del Capitano Francesco Vazquez di coronado, scritte ad vn Secretario del Illustriss. Don Antonio di Mendozza Vicere della nuoua Spagna, Date à Culnacan, MDXXXIX, alli otto di Marzo.
  • Ramusio, III, fol. 354, ed. 1556. Translated in Ternaux, Cibola, app. V, pp. 349–351. The special value of these Italian translations of Spanish documents, to which reference is made in the present list, is due to the fact that in very many cases where Ramusio used original documents for his work later students have been unable to discover any trace of the manuscript sources.
  • — Copia delle lettere di Francesco Vazquez di Coronado, gouernatore della nuoua Galitia, al Signor Antonio di Mendozza, Vicere della nuoua Spagna, date in san Michiel di Culnacan, alli otto di Marzo, MDXXXIX.
  • Ramusio, III, fol. 354 verso, ed, 1556. Translated in Ternaux, Cibola, app. V, pp. 352–354. p603
  • — Relatione che mandò Francesco Vazquez di Coronado, Capitano Generale della gente che fu mandata in nome di Sua Maesta al paese nouamente scoperto, quel che successe nel viaggio dalli ventidua d’Aprile di questo anno MDXL, che parti da Culiacan per innanzi, & di quel che tronò nel paese doue andaua.—Dalla prouincia di Ceuola &, da questa citta di Granata il terzo di Agosto, 1540.
  • Ramusio, III, fol. 359 (verso)—363, ed. 1556. This letter is translated on pages 552–563 of the present volume. See note on page 386. An earlier English translation by Hakluyt has the following title:
  • — The relation of Francis Vazquez de Coronado, Captaine generall of the people which were sent to the Countrey of Cibola newly discouered, which he sent to Don Antonio de Mendoça viceroy of Mexico, of . . his voyage from the 22. of Aprill in the yeere 1540. which departed from Culiacan forward, and of such things as hee found in the Countrey which he passed. (August 3, 1540.)
  • Hakluyt, III, 373–380 (ed. 1600), or III, 446 (ed. 1800). Reprinted in Old South Leaflet, gen. series, No. 20. Boston.
  • — Carta de Francisco Vazquez Coronado al Emperador, dándole cuenta de la espedicion á la provincia de Quivira, y de la inexactitud de lo referido á Fr. Márcos de Niza, acerca de aquel pais.—Desta provincia de Tiguex, 20 Octubre, 1541.
  • Doc. de Indias, III, 363–369, and also XIII, 261–268. Translated on pages 580–583 of the present volume, and also in American History Leaflet, No. 13. There is a French translation in Ternaux, Cibola, app. V, p. 355–363. See note on page 580 ante.
  • — Traslado de las nuevas y noticias que dieron sobre el descobrimiento de una cibdad, que llamaron de Cibola, situada en la tierra nueva.—Año de 1531 [1541].
  • Doc. de Indias, XIX, pp. 529–532. Translated on pages 564–565 of the present volume.
  • — Relacion del suceso de la jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en el descubrimiento de Cibola.—Año de 1531 [1541].
  • B. Smith, Florida, 147–154; Doc. de Indias, XIV, 318–329. Translated on pages 572–579 of the present volume. See the notes to that translation. Also translated in American History Leaflet, No. 13.
• Cortés, Hernan.
  • Copia y relacion de los gastos y espensas que . . . Fernando Cortés hizo en el armada de que fué por capitan Cristóbal Dolid al Cabo de las Higueras . . . Se hizo á primero de Agosto de 1523.—Fecho en México, 9 Hebrero 1529.
  • Doc. de Indias, XII, 386–403. This document is printed again in the same volume, pp. 497–510.
  • — Título de capitan general de la Nueva-España y Costa del Sur, expedido á favor de Hernan-Cortés por el Emperador Cárlos V.—Dada en Barcelona, á 6 Julio, 1529.
  • Doc. de Indias, IV, 572–574, and also XII, 384–386.
  • — Título de marqués del Valle (de Guaxaca) otorgado á Hernando Cortés.—Barcelona, 6 Julio, 1529.
  • Doc. de Indias, XII, 381–383.
  • — Merced de ciertas tierras y solares en la Nueva España, hecha á Fernan Cortés, marqués del Valle, por el Emperador.—Barcelona, 27 Julio, 1529.
  • Doc. de Indias, XII, 376–378. It is printed also in Icazbalceta’s Mexico, II, 28–29.
  • — Testimonio de una informacion hecha en México por el presidente y oydores de aquella audiencia, sobre el modo de contar los 23,000 indios, vasallos del Marqués del Valle, de que el Rey le habia hecho merced.—Temixtitan, 23 Febrero, 1531.
  • Doc. de Indias, XVI, 548–555.
  • — Real provision sobre descubrimientos en el mar del Sur, y respuesta de Cortés á la notificacion que se le hizo de ella.—México, 19 Agosto, 1534; y respuesta, México, 26 Setiembre, 1534.
  • Icazbalceta’s Mexico, II, 31–40.
  • — Traslado de una provision de la Audiencia de México, dirigida á Hernan-Cortés, mandándole que no vaya á pacificar y poblar cierta isla del mar del Sur, insertando otra provision que con igual fecha se envió á Nuño de Guzman, gobernador de la Nueva Galicia, para el mismo efecto, y diligencias hechas en apelacion do la misma.—Fecho en México, 2–26 Setiembre, 1534.
  • Doc. de Indias, XII, 417–429.
  • — Carta de Hernan Cortés al emperador, enviando un hijo suyo para servicio del príncipe.—Desta Nueva Spaña, diez de Hebrero. 1537.
  • Doc. de Indias, II, 568–569.
  • — Carta de Hernan Cortés, al Consejo de Indias, pidiendo ayuda para continuar sus armadas, y recompensa para sus servicios, y dando algunas noticias sobre la constitucion de la propiedad de las tierras entre los indios.—México, 20 Setiembre, 1538.
  • Doc. de Indias, III, 535–543.
  • — Carta de Hernan Cortés al Emperador.—De Madrid á XXVI de Junio de 1540.
  • Doc. Inéd. España, CIV, 491–492.
  • — Memorial que dió al Rey el Marqués del Valle en Madrid á 25 de junio de 1540 sobre agravios que le habia hecho el Virey de Nueva España D. Antonio de Mendoza, estorbándole la prosecucion del descubrimiento de las costas é islas del mar del Sur que le p604 pertenecia al mismo Marqués segun la capitulacion hecha con S.M. el año de 1529, á cuyo efecto habia despachado ya cuatro armadas, y descubierto con ellas por sí y por sus capitanes muchas tierras é islas, de cuyos viajes y el suceso que tuvo hace una relacion sucinta.
  • Doc. Inéd. España, IV, 209–217.
  • — Memorial dado á la Magestad del Cesar D. Cárlos Quinto, Primero de España, por el Sr. D. Hernando Cortés, Marqués del Valle, hallándose en estos reinos, en que hace presentes sus dilatados servicios en la conquista de Nueva España por los que pide las mercedes que contiene el mismo.
  • Doc. Inéd. España, IV, 219–232. “No tiene fecha . . . despues de 1541.”
  • — Peticion que dió Don Hernando Cortés contra Don Antonio de Méndoza, Virey, pidiendo residencia contre él.
  • Icazbalceta, Mexico, II, 62–71. About 1542–43.
  • — Historia de Nueva-España, escrita por Hernan Cortés, aumentada con otros documentos, y notas, por Don Francisco Antonio Lorenzana.—México, 1770.
  • See page 325 and the map; “Domingo del Castillo Piloto me Fecit en Mexico año . . . M.D.XLI.” This volume contains the letters of Cortes to the Spanish King, for a bibliographic account of which see Sabin’s Dictionary of American Books. These dispatches may also be conveniently consulted in volume I of Barcia, Historiadores.
  • The above entries are chiefly such as are of interest for their bearing on the troubles between Cortes and Mendoza, which were very closely connected with the history of the Coronado expedition. The best guide to the study of the personal history and the conquests of Cortes is found in Winsor’s America, II, pages 397–430.
• Cushing, Frank Hamilton.
  • Zuñi fetiches.
  • Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1880–81, pp. 9–45.
  • — A study of pueblo pottery as illustrative of Zuñi culture growth.
  • Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1882–83, pp. 467–521.
  • — Preliminary notes on the origin, working hypothesis and primary researches of the Hemenway southwestern archæological expedition.
  • Congrès International des Américanistes, 7^me session, 1888, pp. 151–194. Berlin, 1890.
  • — Zuñi breadstuff.
  • The Millstone, Indianapolis, Jan., 1884, to Aug., 1885.
  • — Outlines of Zuñi creation myths.
  • Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1891–92, pp. 321–447.
• Davila, Gil Gonzalez.
  • Teatro eclesiastico de la primitiva iglesia de las Indias Occidentals, vidas de svs arzobispos, obispos, y cosas memorables de svs sedes.—Madrid, M.DC.XLIX.
  • These two volumes are a valuable source of biographical and other ecclesiastical information, for much of which this is perhaps the only authority.
• Davis, William Watts Hart.
  • The Spanish conquest of New Mexico.—Doylestown, Pa., 1869.
  • The first 230 pages of this volume contain a very good outline of the narratives of the explorations of Cabeza de Vaca, Fray Marcos, and Coronado.
  • — The Spaniard in New Mexico.
  • Papers of the American Historical Association, III, 1889, pp. 164–176. A paper read before the association, at Boston, May 24, 1887.
• De Bry, Theodore. See Abelin.
• Diaz del Castillo, Bernal.
  • Historia verdadera do la conqvista de la Nveva, España, escrita por . . . vno de sus conquistadores.—Madrid, 1632.
  • This interesting work, which counteracts many of the impressions given by the dispatches of Cortes, was reprinted in 1632 and again in 1795, 1837, 1854, and in volume XXVI (Madrid, 1853) of the Bibl. de Autores Españoles. It was translated into English by Keating, London, 1800, reprinted at Salem, Mass., 1803; and by Lockhart, London, 1844.
• Discurso y proposicion que se hace á Vuestra Magestad de lo tocante á los descubrimientos del Nuevo México por sus capítulos de puntos diferentes.
  • Doc. de Indias, XVI, 38–66.
• Documentos de España.
  • Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de España.—Madrid, 1842 (-1895).
  • There are now (1895) 112 volumes in this series, and two or three volumes are usually added each year. A finding list of the titles relating to America, in volumes I–CX, prepared by G. P. Winship, was printed in the Bulletin of the Boston Public Library for October, 1894. A similar list of titles in the Pacheco y Cardenas Coleccion is in preparation. Cited as Doc. Inéd. España.
• Documentos de Indias. See Pacheco-Cardenas.
• Donaldson, Thomas.
  • Moqui Pueblo Indians of Arizona and Pueblo Indians of New Mexico.
  • Extra Census Bulletin, Washington, 1893. This “special expert” report on the numbers and the life of the southwestern village Indians contains a large number of reproductions from photographs showing the people and their homes, which render it of very considerable interest and usefulness. The text is not reliable.
• Drake, Francis. See Fletcher, Francis.
• Emory, William Hemsley.
  • Notes of a military reconnoissance from. Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California.—Washington, 1848.
  • Ex. Doc. 41, Thirtieth Congress, first session. p605
• Espejo, Antonio de.
  • Expediente y relacion del viaje que hizo Antonio de Espejo con catorce soldados y un religioso de la órden de San Francisco, llamado Fray Augustin Rodriguez; el cual debía de entender en la predicacion de aquella gente.
  • Doc. de Indias, XV, 151–191. See also page 101 of the same volume.
  • — El viaie qve hizo Antonio de Espeio en el anno de ochenta y tres: el qual con sus companneros descubrieron vna tierra en que hallaron quinze Prouincias todas llenas de pueblos, y de casas de quatro y cinco altos, aquien pusieron por nombre El nueuo Mexico.
  • Hakluyt, III, 383–389 (ed. 1600). The Spanish text is followed by an English translation, pp. 390–396. A satisfactory monograph on the expedition of Espejo, with annotated translations of the original narratives, would be a most desirable addition to the literature of the southwest.
• Evans, S. B.
  • Observations on the Aztecs and their probable relations to the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico.
  • Congrès International des Américanistes, 7^me session, 1888, pp. 226–230. Berlin, 1890.
• Fernández Duro, Cesáreo.
  • Don Diego de Peñalosa y su descubrimiento del reino de Quivira. Informe presentado á la Real Academia de la Historia.—Madrid, 1882.
  • On page 123 the author accepts the date 1531 as that of an expedition under Coronado, from the title of the Relacion del Suceso, misprinted in volume XIV, 318, of the Doc. de Indias.
• Ferrelo, Bartolome. See Paez, Juan.
• Fewkes, Jesse Walter.
  • A few summer ceremonials at Zuñi pueblo.
  • Journal American Ethnology and Archæology, I, Boston, 1891, pp. 1–61.
  • — A few summer ceremonials at the Tusayan pueblos.
  • Ibid., II, Boston, 1892, pp. 1–159.
  • — Reconnoissance of ruins in or near the Zuñi reservation.
  • Ibid., I, pp. 95–132; with map and plan.
  • — A report on the present condition of a ruin in Arizona called Casa Grande.
  • Ibid., II, pp. 179–193.
  • — The snake ceremonials at Walpi.
  • Journal American Ethnology and Archæology, IV, 1894.
  • With map, illustrations, and an excellent bibliography of this peculiar ceremonial, which Dr Fewkes has studied with much care, under most favorable circumstances.
  • The four volumes of the Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology represent the main results of Dr Fewkes’ studies at Zuñi and Tusayan, under the auspices of the Hemenway Southwestern Archæological Expedition, of which he was the head from 1889 to 1895. Besides the Journal, the Hemenway expedition resulted in a large collection of Pueblo pottery and ceremonial articles, which are, in part, now displayed in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, Massachusetts.
  • — The Wa-wac-ka-tci-na. A Tusayan foot race.
  • Bulletin Essex Institute, XXIV, Nos. 7–9, Salem, July–Sept., 1892, pp. 113–133.
  • — A-wá-to-bi: An archæological verification of a Tusayan legend.
  • American Anthropologist, Oct., 1893.
  • — The prehistoric culture of Tusayan.
  • American Anthropologist, May, 1896.
  • — A study of summer ceremonials at Zuñi and Moqui pueblos.
  • Bulletin Essex Institute, XXII, Nos. 7–9, Salem, July–Sept., 1890, pp. 89–113.
  • Consult, also, many other papers by this authority on all that pertains to the ceremonial life of the Pueblo Indians, in the American Anthropologist, Washington, and Journal of American Folk-Lore, Boston.
• Fiske, John.
  • The discovery of America, with some account of ancient America and the Spanish conquest.—Cambridge, 1892.
  • Coronado and Cibola, II, 500–510.
• Fletcher, Francis.
  • The world encompassed by Sir Francis Drake. . . . Carefully collected out of the notes of Master Francis Fletcher preacher in this imployment.—London, 1628.
  • Reprinted in 1635 and 1652, and in 1854 by the Hakluyt Society, edited by W. S. W. Vaux.
• Gallatin, Albert.
  • Ancient semi-civilization of New Mexico, Rio Gila, and its vicinity.
  • Transactions American Ethnological Society, II, New York, 1848, pp. liii–xcvii.
• Galvano, Antonio.
  • Tratado . . dos diuersos & desuayrados caminhos, . . . & assi de todos os descobrimentos antigos & modernos, que sāo feitos ate a era de mil & quinhentos & cincoenta.—(Colophon, 1563.)
  • This work was reprinted at Lisboa in 1731. An English translation was published by Hakluyt, London, 1601. The Portuguese and English texts were reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, edited by vice-admiral Bethune, London, 1862. For Coronado’s expedition, see pages 226–229 of the 1862 edition.
• Garcilaso de la Vega, el Ynca.
  • La Florida del Ynca. Historia del Adelantado de Soto . . . y de otros heroicos caualleros Españoles è Indios.—Lisbona, 1605.
  • For an English version, see Barnard Shipp’s History of Hernando de Soto and Florida, Philadelphia, 1881. There were several early French editions. The Spanish was reprinted at Madrid in 1723, and again in 1803.
  • — Primera parte de los commentarios reales, qve tratan del origen do los Yncas, reyes qve fveron del Perv, de sv idolatria, leyes, y gouierno en paz p606 y en guerra: de sus vidas y conquistas, y de todo lo que fue aquel Imperio y su Republica, antes que los Españoles passaran a el.—Lisboa, M.DCIX.
  • — Historia general del Perv. Trata el descvbrimiento del, y como lo ganaron los Españoles. Las guerras ciuiles que huuo entre Piçarros, y Almagros, sobre la partija de la tierra. Castigo y leuantamiento de tiranos: y otros sucessos particulares que en la historia se contienen.—Cordoua, 1616.
  • La II parte de los commentarios reales del Perú. Segunda impresion; Madrid, 1721–23. The two parts were “rendred into English, by Sir Pavl Rycavt, Kt.” London, 1688. A new translation, with notes by Clements R. Markham, was published by the Hakluyt Society, London, 1869 and 1871.
• Gatschet, Albert Samuel.
  • Classification into seven linguistic stocks of western Indian dialects contained in forty vocabularies.
  • U.S. Geol. Survey West of the 100th Meridian, VII, 399–485, Washington, 1879.
  • — Zwölf sprachen aus dem südwesten Nordamerikas.—Weimar, 1876.
• Girava, Hieronymo.
  • Dos libros de cosmographia compuestos nueuamente por Hieronymo Giraua Tarragones.—en Milan, M.D.LVI.
  • See p. 230 for Ciuola.
• Gomara, Francisco Lopez de.
  • Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias con todo el descubrimiento y cosas notables que han acaecido dende que se ganaron ata el año de 1551. Con la cōquista de Mexico y de la nueua España.—En Caragoça, 1553 (1552).
  • There were at least fifteen editions of Gomara’s three works printed during the years 1552 to 1555. Before the end of the century translations into French and Italian had been reprinted a score of times. English translations of the Conquest of the Indies were printed in 1578 and 1596. For Coronado, see cap. CCXII–CCXV of the Historia de las Indias. Chapters 214–215 were translated by Hakluyt, III, 380–382 (ed. 1600), or III, 451 (ed. 1810).
• Gottfriedt, Johann Ludwig. See Abelin, Johann Phillip.
• Guatemala, Obispo de.
  • Carta del Obispo de Guatemala á Su Magestad, en que se refiere á lo que de México escribirán sobre la muerte del adelantado Alvarado, y habla de la gobernacion que se le encomendó y de los cargos de su mitra.—De Santiago de Guatemala 20 Febrero, 1542.
  • Doc. de Indias, XIII, 268–280.
• Guzman, Diego.
  • Relacion de lo que yo Diego de Guzman he descobierto en la costa de la mar del Sur, por Su Magestad y por el ilustre señor Nuño de Guzman, gobernador de la Nueva Galicia.—Presentó en el Consejo de Indias, 16 Marzo 1540.
  • Doc. de Indias, XV, 325–340. This expedition was made during the autumn of 1533.
• Guzman, Nuño de.
  • Provanza ad perpetuan, sobre lo de la villa de la Purificacion, de la gente que alli vino con mano armada.—En Madrid á 16 de Marzo de 1540 la presentó en el Consejo de las Indias de Su Magestad, Nuño de Guzman.
  • Doc. de Indias, XVI, 539–547.
  • — Fragmentos del proceso de residencia instruido contra Nuño de Guzman, en averiguacion del tormento y muerte que mandó dar á Caltzontzin, rey de Mechoacan.
  • In Proceso. . . Alvarado (ed. Ramirez y Rayon) pp. 185–276. The full title is entered under Alvarado.
• Hakluyt, Richard.
  • The principal navigations, voiages, traffiqves and discoueries of the English nation . . . Deuided into three seuerall volumes.—London, 1598.
  • The third volume (1600) contains the narratives which relate to Cibola, as well as those which refer to other portions of New Spain. There was an excellent reprint, London, 1809–1812, which contained all the pieces which were omitted in some of the earlier editions, with a fifth volume containing a number of rare pieces not easily available elsewhere. The changes made by the editor of the 1890 edition render it almost a new work. The title is as follows:
  • — The principal navigations, voyages, traffiques, and discoveries of the English nation. Collected by Richard Hakluyt, preacher, and edited by Edmund Goldsmid.—Edinburg, 1885–1890.
  • Sixteen volumes. Vol. XIV; America, part iii, pp. 59–137, contains the Cibola narratives.
• Hakluyt Society, London.
  • This most useful society began in 1847 the publication of a series of volumes containing careful, annotated translations or reprints of works relating to the “navigations, voyages, traffics, and discoveries” of Europeans during the period of colonial expansion. The work has been continued without serious interruption since that date. Ninety-seven volumes have been issued with the society’s imprint, including the issues for 1895. Several of these are entered in the present list under the names of the respective authors.
• Hale, Edward Everett.
  • Coronado’s discovery of the seven cities.
  • Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, new series I, 236–245. (April, 1881.) Includes a letter from Lieut. John G. Bourke, arguing that the Cibola pueblos were the Moki villages of Tusayan, in Arizona.
• Haynes, Henry Williamson.
  • Early explorations of New Mexico.
  • Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, II, 473–503. p607
  • — What is the true site of “the seven cities of Cibola” visited by Coronado in 1540?
  • Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, new series, I, 421–435 (Oct., 1881).
  • The revival of interest in the early history of the southwestern United States has been, in no slight measure, due to the impetus given by Professor Haynes of Boston. He was most active in furthering the researches of Mr Bandelier, under the auspices of the Archæological Institute of America, and to his careful editorial supervision a large part of the accuracy and the value of Mr Bandelier’s printed reports and communications are due.
• Herrera, Antonio de.
  • Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del mar oceano.—Madrid, 1601–1615.
  • There is a French translation of three Decades of Herrera, printed between 1659 and 1671, and an English translation of the same three decades, by Captain John Stevens, London, 1725–26, and reissued in 1740, in which the arrangement of the work is altered. The most available and also the best edition of the Spanish is the admirable reprint issued at Madrid by Barcia, in 1730. Some titles are dated as early as 1726, being altered as successive delays hindered the completion of the work. For Coronado, see decada VI, libro v, cap. ix, and dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. xi–xv.
• Hodge, Frederick Webb.
  • A Zuñi foot race.
  • Am. Anthropologist, III, Washington, July, 1890.
  • — Prehistoric irrigation in Arizona.
  • Ibid., VI, July, 1893.
  • — The first discovered city of Cibola.
  • Ibid., VIII, April, 1895.
  • — The early Navajo and Apache.
  • Ibid., VIII, July, 1895.
  • — Pueblo snake ceremonials.
  • Ibid., IX, April, 1896.
• Holmes, William Henry.
  • Report on the ancient ruins of southwestern Colorado.
  • Tenth Annual Report of the (Hayden) U.S. Geol. Survey. Washington, 1876.
  • — Illustrated catalogue of a portion of the collections made . . . during the field season of 1881.
  • Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1881–82, pp. 427–510.
  • — Pottery of the ancient Pueblos.
  • Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1882–83, pp. 265–360.
• Icazbalceta, Joaquin Garcia.
  • Coleccion. de documentos para la historia de México. (2 tomos).—México, 1858–1866.
  • Cited in the preceding pages as Icazbalceta’s Mexico.
  • — Nueva colección de documentos para la historia de México. (5 tomos).—México, 1886–1892.
  • Cited as Icazbalceta’s Nueva coleccion.
  • — Don Fray Juan de Zumárraga primer obispo y arzobispo de México. Estudio biográfico y bibligráfico. Con un apéndice de documentos inéditos ó raros.—México, 1881.
  • See also the entries under Cervantes de Salazar, Mendieta, Mota Padilla, for works edited by Señor Icazbalceta. Possessed of ample means and scholarly tastes, untiring industry and great historical and literary ability, Señor Garcia Icazbalceta will always be one of the masters of Spanish-American history. The extent of his researches, the accuracy and care which characterize all of his work, and the breadth and insight with which he treated whatever subject attracted him, leave little for future students to desire. The more intimate the student becomes with the first century of the history of New Spain, the greater is his appreciation of the loss caused by the death of Señor Garcia Icazbalceta.
• Informacion del virrey de Nueva España, D. Antonio de Mendoza, de la gente que va á poblar la Nueva Galicia con Francisco Vazquez Coronado, Gobernador de ella.—Compostella, 21–26 Febrero 1540.
  • Doc. de Indias, XIV, 373–384. Partly translated on pp. 596–597 ante.
• Informacion habida ante la justicia de la villa de San Cristóbal de la Habana, por do consta, el visorey (Mendoza) haber mandado é personado que navíos algunos de los quél embiaba [no] tocasen en la dicha villa, á fin é causa que no diesen noticia del nuevo descobrimiento al Adelantado (de Soto).—12 Noviembre, 1539 en Habana. Presentó en Madrid, 23 Diciembre, 1540.
  • Doc. de Indias, XV, 392–398. See page 370 ante.
• Jaramillo, Juan.
  • Relacion hecha por el capitan Juan Jaramillo, de la jornada que habia hecho á la tierra nueva en Nueva España y al descubrimiento de Cibola, yendo por general Francisco Vazquez Coronado.
  • Doc. de Indias, XIV, 304–317. B. Smith’s Florida, 154–163. Translated on pages 584–593 ante. There is a French translation in Ternaux, Cibola, app. vi, 364–382.
• King, Edward; Viscount Lord Kingsborough.
  • Antiquities of Mexico: comprising facsimiles of ancient Mexican paintings and hieroglyphics . . . illustrated by many valuable inedited manuscripts.—Mexico and London, 1830–1848.
  • Nine vols. Besides the reproductions of Mexican hieroglyphic writings, for which this magnificent work is best known, the later volumes contain a number of works printed from Spanish manuscripts. Despite the statement on the last page of many copies, the work was never completed, Motolinia’s Historia breaking off abruptly in the midst of the text. See the note under King, in Sabin’s Dictionary of American Books. p608
• Kretschmer, Konrad.
  • Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedentung für die Geschichte des Weltbildes.—Berlin, 1892.
  • Festschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin zur vierhundertjährigen Feier der Entdeckung Amerika’s. The atlas which accompanies this valuable study is made up of a large number of admirable facsimiles and copies of early maps, some of which are reproduced in the present memoir. It is certainly the best single book for the student of early American cartography.
• Ladd, Horatio Oliver.
  • The story of New Mexico.—Boston, (1892).
  • For Niça and Coronado, see pp. 19–72.
• Leyes y ordenanças nueuamēte hechas por su magestad pa la gouernacion de las Indias y buen tratamiento y conseruacion de los Indios: que se han de guardar en el consejo y andiēcias reales
  • These “New Laws” were reprinted in 1585 and again in 1603. A new edition, with English translation and an introduction by Henry Stevens and F. W. Lucas, was issued in London, 1893. The Laws are printed in Icazbalceta, Mexico, II, 204–227.
  • — See Recopilacion.
• en ellas residen: y por todos los otros gouernadores, juezes y personas particulares dellas.—(Colophon) Alcala de Henares, M.D.XLIII.
  • — Some strange corners of our country.—New York, 1892.
  • — The land of poco tiempo.—New York, 1893.
  • — The Spanish pioneers.—Chicago, 1893.
  • — The man who married the moon and other Pueblo Indian folk-stories.—New York, 1894.
• Lummis, Charles F.
  • Sign language among North American Indians compared with that among other peoples and deaf mutes.
  • First Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, 1879–80, pp. 263–552. Fully illustrated.
• Mallery, Garrick.
  • Human bones of the Hemenway collection in the United States Army Medical Museum.
  • Memoirs National Academy of Sciences, vol. VI, pp. 139–286, LIX plates. Washington, 1893.
• Matthews, Washington.
  • Historia eclesiástica Indiana; obra escrita á fines del siglo XVI, . . . la publica por primera vez Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta.—México, 1870.
• Mendieta, Fray Gerónimo de.
  • — Lo que D. Antonio de Mendoza, virey y gobernador de la Nueva Spaña y presidente en la nueva audiencia y chancillería real que en ella reside, demas de lo que por otra instruccion se le ha mandado hacer por mandado de S.M.—Barcelona, 17 Abril, 1535.
  • Doc. de Indias, XXIII, 423–425.
  • — Lo que D. Antonio de Mendoza visorey y gobernador de la provincia de la Nueva Spaña, ha de hacer en servicio de Dios y de esta república, demas do lo contenido en sus poderes y comisiones, por mandado de S. M.—Barcelona, 25 Abril, 1535.
  • Doc. de Indias, XXIII, 426–445.
  • — Lo que don Antonio de Mendoza virey é gobernador de la Nueva Spaña y presidente de la real audiencia, ha de hacer en la dicha tierra, por mandado de S. M.—Madrid, 14 Julio, 1536.
  • Doc. de Indias, XXIII, 454–467.
  • — Carta de D. Antonio de Mendoza á la emperatriz, participando que vienen a España Cabeza de Vaca y Francisco Dorantes, que se escaparon de la armada de Pánfilo de Narvaez, á hacer relacion de lo que en ella sucedió.—Méjico, 11 Hebrero 1537.
  • Doc. de Indias, XIV, 235–236.
  • — Provision dada por el virey don Antonio de Mendoza al reverendo y magnifico señor Don Vasco de Quiroga, obispo electo de Mechoacan y oidor de Méjico, para contar los vasallos del marqués del Valle, Don Hernando Cortés.—Méjico, á 30 Noviembre, 1537.
  • Doc. de Indias, XII, 314–318.
  • — Carta de D. Antonio de Mendoza, virey de Nueva España, al Emperador, dándole cuenta de varios asuntos de su gobierno.—De México, 10 Diciembre, 1537.
  • Doc. de Indias, II, 179–211. B. Smith, Florida, 119–139, with facsimile of Mendoza’s signature.
  • — Instruccion de don Antonio de Mendoza, visorey de Nueva España, (al Fray Marcos de Niza).
  • Doc. de Indias, III, 325–328, written previous to December, 1538. There is a French translation in Ternaux, Cibola, 249–253. A modern English translation is in Bandelier, Contributions, 109–112.
  • — Lettere scritte dal illvstrissimo signor don Antonio di Mendozza, vicere della nuoua Spagna, alia maesta dell’ Imperadore. Delli cauallieri quali con lor gran danno si sono affaticati per scoprire il capo della terra ferma della nuoua Spagna verso tramontana, il gionger del Vazquez con fra Marco à san Michiel di Culnacan con commissione à quelli regenti di assicurare & non far piu schiaui gli Indiani.
  • Ramusio, III, fol. 355 (1556 ed.). There is a French translation in Ternaux, Cibola, 285–290. This appears to be the letter which Mendoza sent to the king to accompany the report of Fray Marcos de Niza. p609
  • — Carta del virey Don Antonio de Mendoza al Emperador.—De Jacona, 17 Abril, 1540.
  • Doc. de Indias, II, 356–362. A French translation is in Ternaux, Cibola, 290–298. For an English translation, see pp. 547–551 ante.
  • — Instruccion que debia observar el capitan Hernando de Alarcon en la expedicion á la California que iba á emprender de órden del virey D. Antonio de Mendoza.—México, postrero dia del mes de mayo de myll y quinientos y quarenta é uno.
  • B. Smith, Florida, 1–6.
  • — Carta de D. Antonio de Mendoza á Juan de Aguilar, pidiendo se la autorizase para avenirse con los portugueses, sobre la posesion de territorios conquistados . . . para que dello haga relacion á S. A. y á los señores de su consejo.
  • Doc. de Indias, III, 506–511. B. Smith, Florida, 7–10. “Acerca del descubrimiento de las siete ciudades de Poniente.” Circa 1543.
  • — Carta de Don Antonio de Mendoza virey de la Nueva España, al comendador mayor de Leon, participándole la muerte del adelantado de Guatemala y Honduras, y el estado de otros varios asuntos.—Mexico, 10 marzo, 1542.
  • Cartas de Indias, pp. 253–255, and in facsimile.
  • — Carta del virey Don Antonio de Mendoza, dando cuenta al príncipe Don Felipe de haber hecho el reparto de la tierra de Nueva España, y exponiendo la necesidad que tenia de pasar á Castilla, para tratar verbalmento con S. M. de ciertos negocios de gobernacion y hacienda.—Mexico, 30 octubre, 1548.
  • Cartas de Indias, pp. 256–257.
  • — Carta del virey Don Antonio de Mendoza al Emperador Don Carlos, contestando á un mandato de S. M. relativo al repartimiento de los servicios personales en la Nueva España.—Guastepeque, 10 junio, 1549.
  • Cartas de Indies, pp. 258–259.
  • — Fragmento de la visita hecha á don Antonio de Mendoza. Interrogatorio por el cual han de ser examinados los testigos que presente por su parte don Antonio de Mendoza.—8 Enero, 1547.
  • XLIV cargos, 303 paragrafos. Icazbalceta’s Mexico, II, 72–140.
  • — See the Asiento y Capitulaciones con Alvarado above.
• Mendoza, Antonio de.
  • Casa grande ruin.
  • Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1891–92, pp. 295–319.
  • — Aboriginal remains in Verde valley, Arizona.
  • Ibid., pp. 179–261.
• Mindeleff, Cosmos.
  • A study of pueblo architecture: Tusayan and Cibola.
  • Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886–87, pp. 1–228, CXI plates. The text and illustrations of this admirable paper convey a very clear idea of the pueblo dwellings of New Mexico and Arizona, and make it, on this account, of great value to students who have never visited these regions.
• Mindeleff, Victor.
  • Aqui comiença vn vocabulario en la lengua Castellana y Mexicana.—(Colophon) Mexico, 1555.
  • Father Molina prepared a Vocabulario, Arte, and Confessionario in the Mexican languages, which are very valuable as a means of interpreting the native words adopted by the conquistadores. The originals, and the later editions as well, of all three works are of very considerable rarity.
• Molina, Alonso de.
  • Houses and house life of the American aborigines.—Washington, 1881.
  • Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. IV. Houses of the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico, cap. VI–VIII, pp. 132–197.
  • — On the ruins of a stone pueblo on the Animas river, in New Mexico, with a ground plan.
  • Report of the Peabody Museum, XII, Cambridge, 1880, pp. 536–556.
  • — The seven cities of Cibola.
  • North American Review, April, 1869, CVIII, 457–498.
• Morgan, Lewis Henry.
  • The Casa de Contratacion of Seville.
  • Report of the American Historical Association for 1894, Washington, 1895, pp. 93–123. This paper is a very useful outline of the legal constitution and functions of the Casa de Contratacion, derived for the most part from Capt. John Stevens’ English version (London, 1702) of Don Joseph de Veitia Linage’s Norte de la Contratacion de las Indias Occidentales. (Seville, 1672.)
  • There is an admirable account of the form of government adopted by the Spaniards for New Spain, by Professor Moses, in the Yale Review, vol. iv, numbers 3 and 4 (November, 1895, and February, 1896).
• Moses, Bernard.
  • Historia de la conquista de la provincia de la Nueva-Galicia, escrita en 1742.—Mexico, 1870.
  • Published in the Boletin of the Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia y Estadistica, and also issued separately with Noticias Biograficas by Señor Garcia Icazbalceta, dated Marzo 12 de 1872. It is an extensive work of the greatest value, although there are reasons for fearing that the printed text is not an accurate copy of the original manuscript. Cited as Mota Padilla.
• Mota Padilla, Matias de la.
  • Historia de los Indies de la Nueva España.
  • Icazbalceta’s Mexico, I, pp. 249, with an introduction of 100 pp. by Sr José Fernando Ramirez; in Doc. de España, LIII, 297–574; and also printed in Lord Kingsborough’s Antiquities of Mexico, vol. IX. See note under King. p610
  • — Esta es la relación postrera de Sívola, y de más de cuatrocientas leguas adelante.
  • A manuscript found among the “Memoriales” de Motolinia, now in the archives of the late Sr Icazbalceta. Printed for the first time in the present volume. See pages 566–571 ante.
• Motolinia, Fray Toribio de Benavente ó.
  • Fasti Novi Orbis et ordinationum apostolicarum, . . . opera D. Cyriaci Morelli.—Venetiis, MDCCLXXVI.
  • See page 23 for a mention of events in 1539–1542.
• Muriel, Domingo.
  • Relacion del descubrimiento de las siete ciudades, por el P. Fr. Márcos de Niza.—2 Setiembre 1539.
  • Doc. de Indias, III, 325–351. Translated into Italian by Ramusio, III, fol. 350–359 (1556 ed.), and thence into English by Hakluyt, III, 366–373 (1600 ed.). A French translation is in Ternaux, Cibola, app. I and II, 249–284.
• Niza, Fray Marcos de.
  • The cliff dwellers of the Mesa Verde, southwestern Colorado, their pottery and implements. Translated by D. Lloyd Morgan.—Stockholm, 1894.
  • Chapter XIV, “The Pueblo tribes in the sixteenth century,” pp. 144–166, contains a translation of portions of Castañeda, from the French version.
• Nordenskiöld, Gustav.
  • La historia general de las Indias.—(Colophon) Seuilla, 1535.
  • Reprinted at Salamanca in 1547, and at Madrid in 1851, as follows:
  • — Historia general y natural de las Indias, por el Capitan Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, primer cronista del Nuevo Mundo. Publícala la Real Academia de la Historia, con las enmiendas y adiciones del autor, é ilustrada . . por D. José Amador de los Rios.—Madrid, 1851–1855.
  • These four volumes form the definitive edition of Oviedo. They were printed from the author’s manuscript, and include the fourth volume, which had not hitherto been printed.
• Oviedo y Valdés, Gonzalo Fernandez de.
  • Natal ceremonies of the Hopi Indians.
  • Journal Am. Ethnology and Archæology (Boston, 1893), II, 163–175.
• Owens, John G.
  • Coleccion de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista, y colonizacion de las posesiones españolas en América y Occeanía, sacados . . bajo la direccion de D. Joaquin F. Pacheco y D. Francisco de Cárdenas.—Madrid, 1864–1884.
  • In 42 volumes. The title-page varies much from year to year. There is as yet no useful index in print. Cited as Doc. de Indias.
• Pacheco-Cardenas Coleccion.
  • Relacion del descubrimiento que hizo Juan Rodriguez [Cabrillo] navegando por la contracosta del mar del Sur al Norte, hecha por Juan Paez.
  • Doc. de Indias, XIV, 165–191; B. Smith, Florida, 173–189. Partió 27 Junio 1542. This report, which was probably written by the pilot Bartolome Ferrel or Ferrelo, has been translated in the Report of the U.S. Geol. Survey West of the 100th Meridian, VII, 293–314. See note on page 412 ante.
• Paez, Juan.
• Peralta. See Suarez de Peralta.
  • Historical sketches of New Mexico from the earliest records to the American occupation.—New York and Kansas City, 1883.
  • For Cabeza de Baca, Marcos de Niza, and Coronado, see pp. 40–148.
• Prince, Le Baron Bradford.
  • Doc. de Indias, XV, 300–408. See page 380 ante.
• Proceso del Marqués del Valle y Nuño de Guzman y los adelantados Soto y Alvarado, sobre el descubrimiento de la tierra nueva—en Madrid, 3 Marzo, 1540; 10 Junio, 1541.
  • The song of the ancient people.—Boston 1893.
  • Contains preface and note by John Fiske and commentary by F. H. Cushing.
• Proctor, Edna Dean.
  • La Geografia di Clavdio Ptolemeo, con alcuni comenti & aggiunti fatteui da Sebastiano munstero, con le tauole non solamente antiche & moderne solite di stāparsi, ma altre nuoue.—In Venetia, M.D.XLVIII.
  • The maps in this edition of Ptolemy’s Geography for the first time present the results of Coronado’s explorations. See plate XLI ante. The bibliography of Ptolemy has been set forth with great clearness and in most convenient form by Dr Justin Winsor in the Bibliographical Contributions of the Harvard College Library, No. 18; and with greater detail by Mr Wilberforce Eames, in volume XVI of Sabin’s Dictionary of American Books.
• Ptolemy, C.
  • Pvrchas his pilgrimage. Or relations of the world and the religions observed and places discouered . . .—London, 1613.
  • The eighth book, America, chap. VII, Of Cibola, Tiguez, Quivira, and Noua Albion, pp. 648–653. There were two editions of this work in 1614, one in 1617, and one, the best, in 1626, forming the fifth volume of the Pilgrimes.
  • — Haklvytvs posthumus or Purchas, his pilgrimes. Contayning a history of the world, in sea voyages, & lande-trauells, by Englishmen & others . . . In fower parts, each containing fiue bookes. By Samvel Pvrchas.—London, 1625.
  • Part (volume) IV, pp. 1560–1562, gives a sketch of the discovery of Cibola and Quivira, abridged from Ramusio. The best guide to the confused bibliography of Purchas is that of Mr Wilberforce Eames, in vol. XVI of Sabin’s Dictionary of American Books. p611
• Purchas, Samuel.
  • The pueblo ruins and the interior tribes. Edited by Frederick W. Putnam.
  • U.S. Geog. Survey West 100th Meridian, VII, Archæology pt. ii, p. 315, Washington, 1879. Appendix (p. 399) contains Albert S. Gatschet’s classification into seven linguistic stocks, etc.
• Putnam, Frederick Ward.
  • Terzo volvme delle navigationi et viaggi.—In Venetia. MDLVI.
  • In this, the first edition of the third volume of Ramusio’s collection, folios 354–370 contain the narratives which relate to the discoveries in the territory of the present southwestern United States. The volumes of Ramusio have an especial value, because in many cases the editor and translator used the originals of documents which have not since been found by investigators. Ramusio’s Italian text furnished one chief reliance of Hakluyt, and of nearly all the collectors and translators who followed him, including, in the present century, Henri Ternaux-Compans. The best guide to the various issues and editions of Ramnsio is that of Mr Wilberforce Eames, in Sabin’s Dictionary of American Books. The most complete single edition of the three volumes is that of 1606.
• Ramusio, Giovanni Battista.
  • New editions were issued in 1756, 1774, and 1791.
• Recopilacion de leyes de los reynos de las Indias. Mandadas imprimir, y pvblicar por la magestad catolica del rey don Carlos II. Tomo I (-IV).—Madrid, 1681.
  • Historia de los trivmphos de nvestra Santa Fee entre gentes del nueuo Orbe: refierense assimismo las costvmbres, ritos, y supersticiones que vsauan estas gentes; sus puestos, y temples: . . .—Madrid, 1645.
  • The mass of facts collected into this heavy volume throw much light on the civil as well as the ecclesiastical history of New Spain.
• Ribas, Andres Perez de.
  • Edited by Buckingham Smith. An English translation by Eusebio Guitéras is in the Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, Philadelphia, June, 1894.
• Rudo Ensayo, tentativa de una prevencional descripcion geographica de la provincia de Sonora, . . . compilada así de noticias adquiridas por el colector en sus viajes por casi toda ella, como subministradas por los padres missioneros y practicos de la tierra.—San Augustin de la Florida, 1863.
  • Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen.—Berlin, 1881.
  • In Allgemeine Geschichte, von Wilhelm Oncken. Coronado’s Feldzug nach Cibola und Quivira, pp. 415–423. The map on page 417 is one of the best suggestions of Coronado’s probable route.
  • — Die Entdeckungs-Geschichte der Neuen Welt.
  • In Hamburgische Festschrift zur Erinnerung an die Entdeckung Amerika’s, Hamburg, 1892. I Band. Coronado’s Zug nach Cibola und Quivira, pp. 87–89.
  • — Die Entwickelung der Kartographie von America bis 1570.—Gotha, 1892.
  • Festschrift zur 400 jährigen Feier der Entdeckung Amerikas. Ergänzungsheft no. 106 zu “Petermann’s Mitteilungen.” An admirable outline of the early history of the geographical unfolding of America.
• Ruge, Sophus.
• Salazar, Francisco Cervantes. See Cervantes Salazar.
  • Carta escrita por Fr. Gerónimo de Santisteban á don Antonio Mendoza, virey de Nueva España, relacionando la pérdida de la armada que salió en 1542 para las islas del poniente, al cargo de Ruy Lopez de Villalobos.—De Cochin, de la India del Rey de Portugal. 22 Henero 1547.
  • Doc. de Indias, XIV, 151–165. See page 412 ante.
• Santisteban, Fray Gerónimo de.
  • The discovery of Nebraska.
  • Nebraska, Historical Society Transactions, I, 180–202. Read before the Society, April 16, 1880. In this paper Judge Savage accepts the statements that Quivira was situated in latitude 40 degrees north as convincing evidence that Coronado’s Spaniards explored the territory of the present State of Nebraska. This paper, together with one by the same author on “A visit to Nebraska, in 1662” (by Peñalosa), was reprinted by the Government Printing Office (Washington, 1893) for the use of the United States Senate, for what purpose the resolution ordering the reprint does not state. It forms Senate Mis. Doc. No. 14, 53d Congress, 2d session.
• Savage, James Woodruff.
  • Vorgesehichte Nordamerikas im Gebiet der Vereinigten Staaten.—Braunschweig, 1894.
  • Die vorgeschichtlichen Indianer im Südwesten der Vereinigten Staaten, pp. 177–216. Compiled in large part from Nordenskiöld and V. Mindeleff.
• Schmidt, Emil.
  • Historical and statistical information respecting the history, condition, and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States.—Philadelphia, 1851–1855.
  • For Coronado’s expedition see vol. IV, pp. 21–40. Schoolcraft’s map of Coronado’s route is opposite p. 38.
• Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe.
  • The history of Hernando de Soto and Florida; or, record of the events of fifty-six years, from 1512 to 1568.—Philadelphia, 1881.
  • For Coronado, see pp. 121–132.
• Shipp, Barnard.
  • Journal of a military reconnaissance from Santa Fé, New Mexico, to the Navajo country.
  • Senate Ex. Doc. 64, 31st Congress, 1st sess., Washington, 1850, pp. 56–168.
  • — Coronado’s march in search of the “Seven Cities of Cibola,” and discussion of their probable location.
  • Smithsonian Report for 1869, pp. 309–340. Reprinted by the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, 1884. Contains an excellent map of Coronado’s route. p612
• Simpson, James Hervey.
  • Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia de la Florida y tierras adyacentes. Tomo I [1516–1794].—Londres (Madrid, 1857).
  • Only one volume was ever published. Cited as B. Smith’s Florida. These documents are printed, for the most part, from copies made by Muñoz or by Navarrete. See note to the English translation of Cabeza de Vaca’s Naufragios, and see also Rudo Ensayo and Soto.
• Smith, (Thomas) Buckingham.
• Sosa, Gaspar Castaño de. See Castaño de Sosa.
  • Asiento y capitulacion hechos por el capitan Hernando de Soto con el Emperador Carlos V para la conquista y poblacion de la provincia de la Florida, y encomienda de la gobernacion, de la isla de Cuba.—Valladolid, 20 Abril, 1537.
  • Doc. de Indias, XV, 351–363. B. Smith, Florida, 140–146.
  • — Narratives of the career of Hernando de Soto in the conquest of Florida, as told by a Knight of Elvas and in a relation by Luys Hernandez de Biedma, factor of the expedition. Translated by Buckingham Smith.—New York, 1866.
  • Bradford Club series, V.
  • — Letter of Hernando de Soto [in Florida, to the Justice and Board of Magistrates in Santiago de Cuba. July 9, 1539] and memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda. Translated from the Spanish by Buckingham Smith.—Washington, 1854.
  • This is not the place for an extensive list of the sources for the history of de Soto’s expedition, and no effort has been made to do more than mention two volumes which have proved useful during the study of the Coronado expedition. The best guide for the student of the travels of de Soto and Narvaez is the critical portions of John Gilmary Shea’s chapter in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. II, pp. 283–298.
• Soto, Hernando de.
  • New Mexico and California. The ancient monuments, and the aboriginal, semicivilized nations, . . . with an abstract of the early Spanish explorations and conquests.
  • American Review, VIII, Nov., 1848, pp. 503–528. Also issued separately.
• Squier, Ephraim George.
  • A new dictionary, Spanish and English. . . . Much more copious than any hitherto extant, with . . . proper names, the surnames of families, the geography of Spain and the West Indies.—London, 1726.
  • Captain John Stevens was especially well read in the literature of the Spanish conquest of America, and his dictionary is often of the utmost value in getting at the older meaning of terms which were employed by the conquistadores in a sense very different from their present use. Captain Stevens translated Herrera and Veitia Linage (see note under Moses), taking very great liberties with the texts.
• Stevens, John.
  • (Illustrated catalogues of collections obtained from the Indians of New Mexico in 1879, 1880, and 1881.)
  • Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1880–81, pp. 307–465; Third Annual Report, 1881–82, pp. 511–594.
• Stevenson, James.
  • The religious life of the Zuñi child.
  • Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1883–84, pp. 539–555.
  • — The Sia.
  • Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1889–90, pp. 9–157.
• Stevenson, Matilda Coxe.
  • Tratado del descubrimiento de las Yndias y su conquista, y los ritos . . . de los yndios; y de los virreyes y gobernadores, . . . y del principio que tuvo Francisco Draque para ser declarado enemigo.—Madrid, 1878.
  • See entry under Zaragoza and note on page 377 ante. This very valuable historical treatise was written in the last third of the XVI century.
• Suarez de Peralta, Joan.
  • Fragmentos de una historia de la Nueva Galicia, escrita hácia 1650, por el Padre Fray Antonio Tello, de la órden de San Francisco.
  • Icazbalceta’s Mexico, II, 343–438. Chapters viii–xxxix are all that are known to have survived.
• Tello, Fray Antonio.
  • Voyages, relations et mémoires originaux pour servir a l’histoire de la découverte de l’Amerique publiés pour la première fois, en français.—Paris, 1837–1841.
  • Twenty volumes. Volume IX contains the translation of Castañeda, and of various other narratives relating to the Coronado expedition. These narratives are referred to under the authors’ names in the present list. It is cited as Ternaux’s Cibola.
• Ternaux-Compans, Henri.
  • Quivira: A suggestion.
  • Magazine of American History X, New York, Dec., 1883, pp. 490–496.
• Thomas, Cyrus.
  • The voyage of Robert Tomson marchant, into Noua Hispania in the yeere 1555, with diuers obseruations concerning the state of the countrey: And certaine accidents touching himselfe.
  • Hakluyt, III, 447–454 (ed. 1600). See note on page 375 ante.
• Tomson, Robert.
  • Los veynte i vn libros rituales y monarchia Yndiana, con el origen y guerras de los Yndios Occidentales. Compvesto por Fray Ivan de Torquemada, Ministro Prouincial de la orden de S. Françisco en Mexico, en la Nueba España.—Seuilla, 1615.
  • This work was reprinted at Madrid in 1723 by Barcia. This, the second, is the better edition. The first two volumes contain an invaluable mass of facts concerning p613 the natives of New Spain. The comments by the author are, of course, of less significance.
• Torquemada, Juan de.
  • A relation of the discouery, which in the name of God the fleete of the right noble Fernando Cortez Marques of the Vally, made with three ships; the one called Santa Agueda of 120. tunnes, the other the Trinitie of 35. tunnes, and the thirde S. Thomas of the burthen of 20. tunnes. Of which fleete was captaine the right worshipfull knight Francis de Vlloa borne in the citie of Merida.
  • Hakluyt, III, 397–424 (ed. 1600). Translated from Ramusio, III, fol. 339–354 (ed. 1556).
  • — See Alarcon.
• Ulloa, Francisco de.
  • Teatro Mexicano descripcion breve de los svcessos exemplares, historicos, politicos, militares y religiosos del nuevo mundo Occidental de las Indias.—México, 1698.
  • — Menologio Franciscano de los Varones mas señalados, quo con sus vidas exemplares . . . ilustraron la Provincia de el Santo Evangelio de Mexico.
  • This work forms a part of the second volume of the Teatro Mexicano.
• Vetancurt, Augustin de.
  • Historia de la Nveva Mexico.—Alcala, 1610.
• Villagra, Gaspar de.
• Villalobos, Ruy Lopez de. See Santisteban, Fray Gerónimo de.
  • Coronado’s march.
  • Agora, Lawrence, Kansas, Nov., 1895 [not completed.] A translation of Castañeda’s narrative from the French of Ternaux.
• Ware, Eugene F.
  • Report upon the Indian tribes [of Arizona and New Mexico].
  • Pacific Railroad Reports, vol. III, pt. 3, Washington, 1856.
• Whipple, A. W., et al.
  • A list of titles of documents relating to America, in volumes I–CX of the Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de España.
  • Bulletin of the Boston Public Library, October, 1894. Reprinted, 60 copies.
  • — The Coronado Expedition, 1540–1542.
  • Fourteenth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1896. Contains the Spanish text of Castañeda, and translations of the original narratives.
  • — Why Coronado went to New Mexico in 1540.
  • Papers of American Historical Association, 1894, Washington, 1895, pp. 83–92.
  • — New Mexico in 1540.
  • Boston Transcript, Oct. 14, 1893. A translation of the Relation de lo que . . . Alvarado y Padilla descubrieron.
  • — Coronado’s journey to New Mexico and the great plains. 1540–1542.
  • American History Leaflet, No. 13, New York, 1894. Contains a translation of the Relacion del Suceso, and of Coronado’s Letter to Mendoza, 20 October, 1541.
• Winship, George Parker.
  • Narrative and critical history of America, edited by Justin Winsor (8 volumes).—Boston, 1889.
  • Besides Professor Haynes’ chapter in volume II, pp. 473–503 (see entry under Haynes), the same volume contains chapters by Dr Winsor on Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North America, pp. 431–472; by Clements R. Markham on Pizarro and the Conquest and Settlement of Peru and Chile, pp. 505–573, and by John G. Shea on Ancient Florida, pp. 231–298. The fact that special investigators in minute fields of historical study have found omissions and errors in this encyclopedic work only serves to emphasize the value of the labors of Dr Winsor. There is hardly a subject of study in American history in which the student will not, of necessity, begin his work by consulting the critical and bibliographical portions of Winsor’s America.
• Winsor, Justin.
  • Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ Avgmentvm, siue Occidentis Notitia Breui commentario illustrata Studio et opera Cornely Wytfliet Louaniensis.—Lovanii, M.D.XCVII.
  • For Coronado, see p. 170, or p. 91 of the French translation of 1611. Qvivira et Anian. See plates LI–LIII ante.
• Wytfliet, Cornelius.
  • Historia de Méjico desde sus tiempos mas remotos.—Méjico, 1878–1888.
  • Nineteen volumes. For the chronicle of events in New Spain during the years 1535–1546, see vol. IV, 592–715.
• Zamacois, Niceto de.
  • Noticias históricas de la Nueva España.—Madrid, 1878.
  • In this volume Señor Zaragoza has added much to the inherent value of the Tratado of Suarez de Peralta (see entry above) by his ample and scholarly notes, and by a very useful “Indice geográfico, biográfico, y de palabras Americanas.” These indices, within their inevitable limitations, contain a great deal of information for which the student would hardly know where else to look. This is equally true of the indices to the Cartas de Indias, for the excellence of which Señor Zaragoza was largely responsible.
• Zaragoza, Justo.

• NOTES
  • [1] The Indian’s story is in the first chapter of Castañeda’s Narrative. Some additional information is given in Bandelier’s Contributions to the History of the Southwest, the first chapter of which is entitled “Sketch of the knowledge which the Spaniards in Mexico possessed of the countries north of the province of New Galicia previous to the return of Cabeza de Vaca.” For bibliographic references to this and other works referred to throughout this memoir, see the list at the end of the paper.
  • [2] The most important source of information regarding the expedition of Narvaez is the Relation written by Cabeza de Vaca. This is best consulted in Buckingham Smith’s translation. Mr Smith includes in his volume everything which he could find to supplement the main narration. The best study of the route followed by the survivors of the expedition, after they landed in Texas, is that of Bandelier in the second chapter of his Contributions to the History of the Southwest. In this essay Bandelier has brought together all the documentary evidence, and he writes with the knowledge obtained by traveling through the different portions of the country which Cabeza de Vaca must have traversed. Dr J. G. Shea, in his chapter in the Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. ii, p. 286, disagrees in some points with Mr Bandelier’s interpretation of the route of Cabeza de Vaca west of Texas, and also with Mr Smith’s identifications of the different points in the march of the main army before it embarked from the Bahia de los Cavallos. Other interesting conjectures are given in H. H. Bancroft’s North Mexican States, vol. i, p. 63, and map at p. 67.
  • [3] Buckingham Smith collected in his Letter of Hernando de Soto, pp. 57–61, and in his Narrative of the Career of Hernando de Soto (see index), all that is known in regard to Ortiz, one of the soldiers of Narvaez, who was found among the Indians by De Soto in 1540.
  • [4] Mendoza to Charles V, 10 Diciembre, 1537. Cabeza de Vaca y Dorantes, . . . despues de haber llegado aquí, determinaron de irse en España, y viendo que si V. M. era servido de enviar aquella tierra alguna gente para saber de cierto lo que era, no quedaba persona que pudiese ir con ella ni dar ninguna razon, compré á Dorantes para este efecto un negro que vino de allá y se halló con ellos en todo, que se llama Estéban, por ser persona de razon. Despues sucedió, como el navio en que Dorantes ibase volvió al puerto, y sabido esto, yo le escribí á la Vera-Cruz, rogándole que viniese aquí; y como llegó á esta ciudad, yo le hablé diciéndole que hubiese por bien de volver á esta tierra con algunos religiosos y gente de caballo, que yo le daria á calalla, y saber de cierto lo que en ella habia. Y él vista mi voluntad, y el servicio que yo le puse delantre que hacia con ello á Dios y á V. M., me respondió que holgaba dello, y así estoy determinado de envialle allá con la gente de caballo y religiosos que digo. Pienso que ha de redundar dello gran servicio á Dios y á V. M.—From the text printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Docs. de Indias, ii, 206.
  • [5] Some recent writers have been misled by a chance comma inserted by the copyist or printer in one of the old narratives, which divides the name of Maldonado—Alonso del Castillo, Maldonado—making it appear as if there were five instead of four survivors of the Narvaez expedition who made their way to Mexico.
  • [6] Besides the general historians, we have Cabeza de Vaca’s own account of his career in Paraguay in his Comentarios, reprinted in Vedia, Historiadores Primitivos, vol. i. Ternaux translated this narrative into French for his Voyages, part vi.
  • [7] The Spanish text of this letter has not been seen since Ramusio used it in making the translation for his Viaggi, vol. iii, fol. 355, ed. 1556. There is no date to the letter as Ramusio gives it. Ternaux-Compans translated it from Ramusio for his Cibola volume (Voyages, vol. ix, p. 287). It is usually cited from Ternaux’s title as the “Première lettre de Mendoza.” I quote from the French text the portion of the letter which explains my narrative: “. . . Andrès Dorantès, un de ceux qui firent partie de l’armée de Pamphilo Narvaez, vint près de moi. J’eus de fréquents entretiens avec lui; je pensai qu’il pouvait rendre un grand service à votre majesté; si je l’expédiais avec quarante ou cinquante chevaux et tous les objets nécessaires pour découvrir ce pays. Je dépensai beaucoup d’argent pour l’expédition, mais je ne sais pas comment il se fit que l’affaire n’eut pas de suite. De tous les préparatifs que j’avais faits, il ne me resta qu’un nègre qui est venu avec Dorantès, quelques esclaves que j’avais achetés, et des Indiens, naturels de ce pays, que j’avais fait rassembler.”
  • [8] Two of these are extant—the Relacion of Cabeza de Vaca and Oviedo’s version of an account signed by the three Spaniards and sent to the Real Audiencia at Santo Domingo, in his Historia General de las Indias, lib. xxxv, vol. iii, p. 582, ed. 1853.
  • [9] See Buckingham Smith’s translation of Cabeza de Vaca’s Narrative, p. 150.
  • [10] The effect of the stories told by Cabeza de Vaca, and later by Friar Marcos, is considered in a paper printed in the Proceedings of the American Historical Association at Washington, 1894, “Why Coronado went to New Mexico in 1540.”
  • [11] The best sources for these proceedings is in Mota Padilla’s Historia de la Nueva Galicia (ed. Icazbalceta, pp. 104–109). A more available account in English is in H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 457.
  • [12] An official investigation into the administration of an official who is about to be relieved of his duties.
  • [13] The best account, in English, of the Casa de Contratacion is given by Professor Bernard Moses, of Berkeley, California, in the volume of papers read before the American Historical Association at its 1894 meeting.
  • [14] See Fragmentos de una Historia de la Nueva Galicia, by Father Tello (Icazbalceta, Documentos de Mexico, vol. ii, p. 369).
  • [15] Mendoza, in the “première lettre,” gives a brief sketch of the efforts which Cortes had been making, and then adds: “Il ne put donc jamais en faire la conquête; il semblait même que Dieu voulût miraculeusement l’en eloigner.” Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 287.
  • [16] On the maps it is usually designated as S. †.
  • [17] The details of this episode are given in the relations and petitions of Cortes. H. H. Bancroft tells the story in his North Mexican States, vol. i, p. 77. The Cortes map of 1536 is reproduced, from a tracing, in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. ii, p. 442.
  • [18] This is the story which Garcilaso de la Vega tells in his Commentales Reales, pt. II, lib. ii.
  • [19] Contributions to the History of the Southwest, pp 79–103.
  • [20] This region is identified by Bandelier in his Contributions, p. 104, note. The letter from which the details are obtained, written to accompany the report of Friar Marcos when this was transmitted to the King, is in Ramusio, and also in Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 285.
  • [21] This certification, with the report of Friar Marcos and other documents relating to him, is printed in the Pacheco y Cardenas Coleccion, vol. iii, pp. 325–351.
  • [22] The instructions given to Friar Marcos have been translated by Bandelier in his Contributions, p. 109. The best account of Friar Marcos and his explorations is given in that volume.
  • [23] Herrera, Historia General, dec. VI, lib. vii, cap. vii.
  • [24] Bandelier, in his Contributions, p. 122, says this was “about the middle of April,” but his chronology at this point must be at fault.
  • [25] See F. W. Hodge, “Aboriginal Use of Adobes,” The Archæologist, Columbus, Ohio, August, 1895.
  • [26] These are described in the Castañeda narrative.
  • [27] In lieu of turquoises the Pima and Maricopa today frequently wear small beaded rings pendent from the ears and septum.
  • [28] Bandelier, Contributions, pp. 154, 155.
  • [29] There is an admirable and extended account, with many illustrations, of the Apache medicine men, by Captain John G. Bourke in the ninth report of the Bureau of Ethnology.
  • [30] This is precisely the method pursued by the Zuñis today against any Mexicans who may be found in their vicinity during the performance of an outdoor ceremonial.
  • [31] This question has been fully discussed by F. W. Hodge. See “The First Discovered City of Cibola,” American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1895.
  • [32] Tomson’s exceedingly interesting narrative of his experiences in Mexico is printed in Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 447, ed. 1600.
  • [33] Compare the ground plan of Hawikuh, by Victor Mindeleff, in the eighth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pl. XLVI, with the map of the city of Mexico (1550?), by Alonzo de Santa Cruz, pl. XLIII of this paper.
  • [34] Diaz started November 17, 1539. The report of his trip is given in Mendoza’s letter of April 17, 1540, in Pacheco y Cardenas, ii, p. 356, and translated herein.
  • [35] The Spanish text from which I have translated may be found on pages 144 and 148 of Zaragoza’s edition of Suarez de Peralta’s Tratado. This edition is of the greatest usefulness to every student of early Mexican history.
  • [36] The depositions as printed in the Pacheco y Cardenas Docs. de Indias, vol. xv., pp. 392–398, are as follows: Pedro Nuñez, testigo rescebido en la dicha razon, juró segun derecho, é dijo: . . . que estando en la ciudad de México, puede haber tres meses [the evidence being taken November 12, 1539], poco mas ó menos, oyó decir este testigo públicamente, que habia venido un fraile Francisco, que se dice Fray Marcos, que venia la tierra adentro, é que decia el dicho fraile que se habia descobierto una tierra muy rica é muy poblada; é que habia cuatrocientas leguas dende México allá; é que dice que han de ir allá por cerca del río de Palmas; . . .
  • Garcia Navarro, . . . oyó decir publicamente, puede haber un mes ó mes y medio [and so all the remaining witnesses] que habia venido un fraile, nuevamente, de una tierra, nuevamente descobierta, que dicen ques quinientas leguas de México, en la tierra de la Florida, que dicen ques hácia la parte del Norte de la dicha tierra; la cual diz, que es tierra rica de oro é plata é otros resgates, é grandes pueblos; que las casas son de piedra é terrados á la manera de México, é que tienen peso é medida, é gente de razon, é que no casan mas de una vez, é que visten albornoces, é que andan cabalgando en unos animales, que no sabe cómo se llaman, . . .
  • Francisco Serrano, . . . el fraile venia por tierra, por la via de Xalisco; é ques muy rica é muy poblada é grandes ciudades cercadas; é que los señores dellas, se nombran Reyes; é que las casas son sobradas, é ques gente de mucha razon; que la lengua es mexicana, . . .
  • Pero Sanchez, tinturero . . . una tierra nueva muy rica é muy poblada de ciudades é villas; . . . por la vía de Xalisco . . . hácia en medio de la tierra. . . .
  • Francisco de Leyva . . . en la Vera-Cruz, oyó decir que habia venido un fraile de una tierra nueva muy rica é muy poblada de ciudades é villas, é ques á la banda del Sur, . . . Otrosí, dixo: que es verdad que no embargante que no toca en este puerto, dejaba de seguir su viaje; pero que entró en este puerto por necesidad que llevaba de agua é otros bastimentos é de ciertas personas que venian muy enfermos.
  • Hernando de Sotomayor . . . questando en la Puebla de los Angeles . . . públicamente se decia . . . é que las casas son de piedras sobradadas, é las ciudades cercadas, é gente de razon; . . . é questa dicha tierra es la parte donde vino Dorantes é Cabeza de Vaca, los cuales escaparon de la armada de Narvaez; é que sabe é vido este testigo, que fué mandado al maestre por mandado del Virey é con su mandamiento, que no tocase en parte ninguna, salvo que fuese derechamente á España, con la dicha nao, é quel secretario del Virey hizo un requirimiento al dicho maestre, viniendo por la mar, que no tocase en este puerto ni en otra parte destas islas. . . . [This statement appears in each deposition.]
  • Andrés Garcia, dixo: . . . questando en la ciudad de México, un Francisco de Billegas le dió cartas para dar en esta villa, para dar al Adelantado D. Hernando de Soto, é si no lo hallase, que las llevase á España é las diese al hacedor suyo; é queste testigo tiene un yerno barbero que afeitaba al fraile que vino de la dicha tierra; é quel dicho su yerno, le dixo este testigo, questando afeitando al dicho fraile, le dixo como antes que llegasen á la dicha tierra estaba una sierra, é que pasando la dicha sierra estaba un río, é que habia muchas poblazones de ciudades é villas, é que las ciudades son cercadas é guardadas á las puertas, é muy ricas; é que habia plateros; é que las mugeres traian sartas de oro é los hombres cintos de oro, é que habia albarnios é obejas é vacas é perdices é carnicerias é herreria, é peso é medida; é que un Bocanegra, dixo á este testigo que se quedare, que se habia descobierto un nuevo mundo. . . .
  • [37] The document, as printed in Doc. Inéd. Hist. España, vol. iv, pp. 209–217, is not dated. The date given in the text is taken from the heading or title to the petition, which, if not the original, has at least the authority of Señor Navarrete, the editor of this Coleccion when the earlier volumes were printed. This memorial appears, from the contents, to have been one of the documents submitted in the litigation then going on between the rival claimants for the privilege of exploring the country discovered by Friar Marcos, although the document is not printed with the other papers in the case.
  • [38] Documentos Inéditos Hist. España, vol. iv, p. 211: Memorial que dió el Marqués del Valle en Madrid á 25 de Junio de 1540. . . . “Al tiempo que yo vine de la dicha tierra el dicho Fray Marcos habló conmigo . . . é yo le dí noticia de esta dicha tierra y descubrimiento de ella, porque tenia determinacion de enviarlo en mis navíos en proseguimiento y conquista de la dicha costa y tierra, porque parescia que se le entendia algo de cosas de navegacion: el cual dicho fraile lo comunicó con el dicho visorey, y con su licencia diz que fué por tierra en demanda de la misma costa y tierra que yo habia descubierto, y que era y es de mi conquista; y despues que volvió el dicho fraile ha publicado que diz que llegó á vista de la dicha tierra; lo cual yo niego haber él visto ni descubierto, antes lo que el dicho fraile refiere haber visto, lo ha dicho y dice por sola la relacion que yo le habia hecho de la noticia que tenia de los indios de la dicha tierra de Santa Cruz que yo truje, porque todo lo que el dicho fraile se dice que refiere, es lo mismo que los dichos indios á mí me dijeron; y en haberse en esto adelantado el dicho Fray Marcos fingiendo y refiriendo lo que no sabe ni vió, no hizo cosa nueva, porque otras muchas veces lo ha hecho y lo tiene por costumbre como es notorio en las provincias del Perú y Guatemala, y se dará de ello informacion bastante luego en esta corte, siendo necesario.”
  • [39] The request occurs in the earliest letters from the viceroy, and is repeated in that of December 10, 1537. This privilege was withdrawn from all governors in the colonies by one of the New Laws of 1543. (Icazbalceta, Col. Hist. Mexico, ii, 204.) The ill success of Coronado’s efforts did not weaken Mendoza’s desire to enlarge his territory, for he begs his agent in Spain, Juan de Aguilar, to secure for him a fresh grant of the privilege in a later letter. (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. iii, p. 506; B. Smith, Florida, p. 7.)
  • [40] Ulloa’s Relation is translated from Ramusio in Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 397, ed. 1600.
  • [41] Memorial que dió al Rey el Marques del Valle, en Madrid, 25 de junio, 1540: Printed in Doc. Inéd. España, vol. iv, p. 209. Compare with this account that in H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 425. Mr Bancroft is always a strong advocate of the cause of Cortes.
  • [42] Oviedo, Historia General, vol. iv, p. 19.
  • [43] The capitulacion or agreement with De Soto is printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. xv, pp. 354–363.
  • [44] These documents fill 108 pages in volume XV of the Pacheco y Cardenas Documentos de Indias. At least one other document presented in the case, the Capitulacion . . . que hizo Ayllon, is printed elsewhere in the same Coleccion. This, also, does not include the two long memorials which Cortes succeeded in presenting to the King in person.
  • [45] This much feared conjunction came very near to being realized. A comparison of the various plottings of the routes De Soto and Coronado may have followed and of their respective itineraries shows that the two parties could not have been far apart in the present Oklahoma or Indian territory, or perhaps north of that region. This evidence is confirmed by the story of the Indian woman, related by Castañeda. Dr J. G. Shea, in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii, p. 292, states that Coronado heard of his countryman De Soto, and sent a letter to him. This is almost certainly a mistake, which probably originated in a misinterpretation of a statement made by Jaramillo.
  • [46] See his Carta in Doc. Inéd. España, vol. civ, p. 491.
  • [47] The Titulo, etc, dated 6 Julio, 1529, is in Pacheco y Cardenas, Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos de Indias, vol. iv, pp. 572–574.
  • [48] Fragmento Visita: Mendoza, Icazbalceta’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 90, § 86. “Porque antes que el dicho visorey viniese . . . habia muy poca gente y los corregimientos bastaban para proveellos y sustentallos, y como despues de la venida del dicho visorey creció la gente y se aumentó, y de cada dia vienen gentes pobres á quien se ha de proveer de comer, con la dicha baja y vacaciones se han proveido y remediado, y sin ella hubieran padecido y padecieran gran necesidad, y no se poblara tanto la tierra, y dello se dió noticia á S. M. y lo aprobó y se tuvo por servido en ello. § 194 (p. 117): Despues que el dicho visorey vino á esta Nueva España, continamente ha acogido en su casa á caballeros y otras personas que vienen necesitados de España y de otras partes, dándoles de comer y vestir, caballos y armas con que sirvan á S. M.” . . .
  • [49] Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, part II, cap. i, lib. ii, p. 58 (ed. 1722), tells the story of Alvarado’s experiment. The picture of the life and character of the Spanish conquerors of America, in the eyes of a girl fresh from Europe, is so vivid and suggestive that its omission would be unjustifiable.
  • [50] Tomson’s whole narrative, in Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. iii, p. 447 (ed. 1600), is well worth reading. Considerable additional information in regard to the internal condition of New Spain, at a little later date, may be found in the “Discourses” which follow Tomson’s Narrative, in the same volume of Hakluyt.
  • [51] The proof text for this quotation, as for many of the following statements which are taken from Mota Padilla’s Historia de la Nueva Galicia, may be found in footnotes to the passages which they illustrate in the translation of Castañeda’s narrative. I hope this arrangement will prove most convenient for those who study the documents included in this memoir. I shall not attempt in the introductory narrative to make any further references showing my indebtedness to Mota Padilla’s invaluable work.
  • [52] The Testimonio contains so much that is of interest to the historical student that I have translated it in full herein.
  • [53] Herrera, Historia General, dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. xi, vol. iii, p. 204 (ed. 1730), mentions pigs among the food supply of the army. For the above description, which is not so fanciful as it sounds, see notes from Mota Padilla, etc, accompanying the translation of Castañeda.
  • [54] Castañeda’s statement is supported by Herrera, Historia General, dec. VI, lib. v, cap. ix, vol. iii, p. 121 (ed. 1730), and by Tello, in Icazbalceta’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 370.
  • [55] See the Fragmento de Visita, in Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 95.
  • [56] The laws were signed at Valladolid, June 4 and June 26, 1543, and the copy printed in Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 214, was promulgated in New Spain, March 13, 1544.
  • [57] See Mendoza’s letter to the King, December 10, 1537.
  • [58] The proceso which was served on Cortes is in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. xv, p. 371.
  • [59] The grant, dated at Madrid, November 8, 1539, is given in Tello’s Fragmento (Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 371).
  • [60] Before the end of the month Mendoza wrote a letter to the King, in which he gave a detailed account of the preparations he had made to insure the success of the expedition, and of the departure of the army. This letter is not known to exist.
  • [61] This march from Compostela to Culiacan, according to the letter which Coronado wrote from Granada-Zuñi on August 3, occupied eighty days. The same letter gives April 22 as the date when Coronado left Culiacan, after stopping for several days in that town, and this date is corroborated by another account, the Traslado de las Nuevas. April 22 is only sixty days after February 23, the date of the departure, which is fixed almost beyond question by the legal formalities of the Testimonio of February 21–26. We have only Ramusio’s Italian text of Coronado’s August 3 letter, so that it is easy to suspect that a slip on the part of the translator causes the trouble. But to complicate matters, eighty days previous to April 22 is about the 1st of February. Mota Padilla, who used material of great value in his Historia de la Nueva Galicia, says that the army marched from Compostela “el 1° de Febrero del año de 1540.” Castañeda does not give much help, merely stating that the whole force was assembled at Compostela by “el dia de carnes tollendas,” the carnival preceding Shrove tide, which in 1540 fell on February 10, Easter being March 28. Mendoza, who had spent the New Year’s season at Pasquaro, the seat of the bishopric of Michoacan, did not hasten his journey across the country, and we know only that the whole force had assembled before he arrived at Compostela. At least a fortnight would have been necessary for completing the organization of the force, and for collecting and arranging all the supplies.
  • Another combination of dates makes it hard to decide how rapidly the army marched. Mendoza was at Compostela February 26. He presumably started on his return to Mexico very soon after that date. He went down the coast to Colima, where he was detained by an attack of fever for some days. Thence he proceeded to Jacona, where he wrote a letter to the King, April 17, 1540. March 20 Mendoza received the report of Melchior Diaz, who had spent the preceding winter in the country through which Friar Marcos had traveled, trying to verify the friar’s report. Diaz, and Saldivar his lieutenant, on their return from the north, met the army at Chiametla as it was about to resume its march, after a few days’ delay. Diaz stopped at Chiametla, while Saldivar carried the report to the viceroy, and he must have traveled very rapidly to deliver his packets on March 20, when Mendoza had left Colima, although he probably had not arrived at Jacona.
  • Everything points to the very slow progress of the force, hampered by the long baggage and provision trains. Castañeda says that they reached Culiacan just before Easter, March 28, less than thirty-five days after February 23. Here Coronado stopped for a fortnight’s entertainment and rest, according to Castañeda, who was present. Mota Padilla says that the army stayed here a month, and this agrees with Castañeda’s statement that the main body started a fortnight later than their general.
  • The attempt to arrange an itinerary of the expedition is perplexing, and has not been made easier by modern students. Professor Haynes, in his Early Explorations of New Mexico (Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii, p. 481), following Bandelier’s statement on page 26 of his Documentary History of Zuñi, says that the start from Compostela was made “in the last days of February, 1540.” Mr Bandelier, however, who has given much more time to the study of everything connected with this expedition than has been possible for any other investigator, in his latest work—The Gilded Man, p. 164—adopts the date which is given by Mota Padilla. The best and the safest way out of this tangle in chronology is gained by accepting the three specific dates, February 23—or possibly 24—Easter, and April 22, disregarding every statement about the number of days intervening.
  • [62] Mota Padilla says, “warden of one of the royal storehouses in Mexico,” which may refer to some other position held by Samaniego, or may have arisen from some confusion of names.
  • [63] This is taken from Mota Padilla’s account of the incident, without any attempt to compare or to harmonize it with the story told by Castañeda. Mota Padilla’s version seems much the more reasonable.
  • [64] A note, almost as complicated as that which concerns the date of the army’s departure, might be written regarding the length of the stay at Culiacan. Those who are curious can find the facts in Coronado’s letter from Granada, in Castañeda, and in the footnotes to the translation of the latter.
  • [65] The complete text of Alarcon’s report was translated into Italian by Ramusio (vol. iii, fol. 303, ed. 1556), and the Spanish original is not known to exist. Herrera, however, gives an account which, from the close similarity to Ramusio’s text and from the personality of the style, must have been copied from Alarcon’s own narrative. The Ramusio text does not give the port of departure. Herrera says that the ships sailed from Acapulco. Castañeda implies that the start was made from La Natividad, but his information could hardly have been better than second hand. He may have known what the viceroy intended to do, when he bade the army farewell, two days north of Compostela. Alarcon reports that he put into the port of Santiago de Buena Esperanza, and as the only Santiago on the coast hereabout is south of La Natividad, which is on the coast of the district of Colima, H. H. Bancroft (North Mexican States, vol. i, p. 90) says the fleet probably started from Acapulco. Bancroft does not mention Herrera, who is, I suppose, the conclusive authority. Gen. J. H. Simpson (Smithsonian Report for 1869, p. 315), accepted the start from La Natividad, and then identified this Santiago with the port of Compostela, which was well known under the name of Xalisco. The distance of Acapulco from Colima would explain the considerable lapse of time before Alarcon was ready to start.
  • [66] Coronado’s description of this portion of the route in the letter of August 3 is abbreviated, he says, because it was accompanied by a map. As this is lost, I am following here, as I shall do throughout the Introduction, Bandelier’s identification of the route in his Historical Introduction, p. 10, and in his Final Report, part II, pp. 407–409. The itinerary of Jaramillo, confused and perplexing as it is, is the chief guide for the earlier part of the route. There is no attempt in this introductory narrative to repeat the details of the journey, when these may be obtained, much more satisfactorily, from the translation of the contemporary narratives which form the main portion of this memoir.
  • [67] This “Red House,” in the Nahuatl tongue, has been identified with the Casa Grande ruins in Arizona ever since the revival of interest in Coronado’s journey, which followed the explorations in the southwestern portion of the United States during the second quarter of the present century. Bandelier’s study of the descriptions given by those who saw the “Red House” in 1539 and 1540, however, shows conclusively that the conditions at Casa Grande do not meet the requirements for Chichilticalli. Bandelier objects to Casa Grande because it is white, although he admits that it may once have been covered with the reddish paint of the Indians. This would suit Mota Padilla’s explanation that the place was named from a house there which was daubed over with colored earth—almagre, as the natives called it. This is the Indian term for red ocher. Bandelier thinks that Coronado reached the edge of the wilderness, the White Mountain Apache reservation in Arizona, by way of San Pedro river and Arivaypa creek. This requires the location of Chichilticalli somewhere in the vicinity of the present Fort Grant, Arizona.
  • [68] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. iii, p. 375, ed. 1600.
  • [69] Hawikuh, near Ojo Caliente, was the first village captured by the Spaniards, as Bandelier has shown in his Contributions, p. 166, and Documentary History of Zuñi, p. 29. The definite location of this village is an important point, and the problem of its site was one over which a great deal of argument had been wasted before Mr Bandelier published the results of his critical study of the sources, which he was enabled to interpret by the aid of a careful exploration of the southwestern country, undertaken under the auspices of the Archæological Institute of America. It was under the impetus of the friendly guidance and careful scrutiny of results by Professor Henry W. Haynes and the other members of the Institute that Mr Bandelier has done his best work. It is unfortunate that he did not use the letter which Coronado wrote from Granada-Hawikuh, August 3, 1540, which is the only official account of the march from Culiacan to Zuñi. The fact that Bandelier’s results stand the tests supplied by this letter is the best proof of the exactness and accuracy of his work. (This note was written before the appearance of Mr Bandelier’s Gilded Man, in which he states that Kiakima, instead of Hawikuh, is the Granada of Coronado. Mr F. W. Hodge, in an exhaustive paper on The First Discovered City of Cibola (American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1895), has proved conclusively that Mr Bandelier’s earlier position was the correct one.)
  • [70] Marcos returned to Mexico with Juan de Gallego, who left Cibola-Zuñi soon after August 3. Bandelier, in his article on the friars, in the American Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 551, says that “the obvious reason” for Marcos’s return “was the feeble health of the friar. Hardship and physical suffering had nearly paralyzed the body of the already aged man. He never recovered his vigor, and died at Mexico, after having in vain sought relief in the delightful climate of Jalapa, in the year 1558”—seventeen years later.
  • [71] Alvarado’s official report is probably the paper known as the Relacion de lo que. . . . Alvarado y Fray Joan de Padilla descubrieron en demanda de la mar del Sur, which is translated herein. The title, evidently the work of some later editor, is a misnomer so far as the Mar del Sur is concerned, for this—the Pacific ocean—was west, and Alvarado’s explorations were toward the east. This short report is of considerable value, but it is known only through a copy, lacking the list of villages which should have accompanied it. Muñoz judged that it was a contemporary official copy, which did not commend itself to that great collector and student of Spanish Americana. There is nothing about the document to show the century or the region to which it relates, so that one of Hubert H. Bancroft’s scribes was misled into making a short abstract of it for his Central America, vol. ii, p. 185, as giving an account of an otherwise unknown expedition starting from another Granada, on the northern shore of Lake Nicaragua.
  • [72] Castañeda says that this Indian accompanied Alvarado on the first visit to the buffalo plains, and this may be true without disturbing the statement above.
  • [73] He was called “The Turk” because the Spaniards thought that he looked like one. Bandelier, in American Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 555, thinks this was due to the manner in which he wore his hair, characteristic of certain branches of the Pawnee.
  • [74] This probability is greatly strengthened by Mota Padilla’s statement in relation to the Turk and Quivira, quoted in connection with Castañeda’s narrative.
  • [75] The Spaniards had already observed two distinct branches of these pure nomads, whom they knew as Querechos and Teyas. Bandelier, in his Final Report, vol. i. p. 179, identified the Querechos with the Apaches of the plains, but later investigation by Mr James Mooney shows that Querecho is an old Comanche name of the Tonkawa of western central Texas (Hodge, Early Navajo and Apache, Am. Anthropologist, Washington, July, 1895, vol. iii, p. 235). I am unable to find any single tribal group among the Indians whom we know which can be identified with the Teyas, unless, as Mr Hodge has suggested, they may have been the Comanche, who roamed the plains from Yellowstone Park to Durango, Mexico.
  • [76] I am inclined, also, to believe Jaramillo’s statement that the day’s marches on the journey to Quivira were short ones. But when he writes that the journey occupied “more than thirty days, or almost thirty days’ journey, although not long day’s marches,”—seguimos nuestro viaje . . . más de treinta dias ú casi treinta dias de camino, aunque no de jornadas grandes—and again, that they decided to return “because it was already nearly the beginning of winter, . . . and lest the winter might prevent the return,”—nos paresció á todos, que pues que hera ya casi la boca del inbierno, porque si me acuerdo bien, jera media y más de Agosto, y por ser pocos para inbernar allí, . . . y porque el invierno no nos cerrase los caminos de nieves y rios que no nos dexesen pasar (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. xiv, pp. 312, 314)—we experience some of the difficulties which make it hard to analyse the captain’s recollections critically and satisfactorily.
  • [77] Final Report, vol. i, p. 170.
  • [78] Ibid., vol. i, p. 178.
  • [79] Bandelier’s best discussion of the route is in his article on Fray Juan de Padilla, in the American Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 551. The Gilded Man also contains an outline of the probable route. An element in his calculation, to which he gives much prominence, is the tendency of one who is lost to wander always toward the right. This is strongly emphasized in the Gilded Man; but it can, I think, hardly merit the importance which he gives to it. The emphasis appears, however, much more in Bandelier’s words than in his results. I can not see that there is anything to show that the Indian guides ever really lost their reckoning.
  • [80] Bandelier accounts for sixty-seven days of short marches and occasional delays between the separation of the force on Canadian river and the arrival at Quivira. It may be that the seventy-seven days of desert marching which Coronado mentions in his letter of October 20, 1541, refers to this part of the journey, instead of to the whole of the journey from the bridge (near Mora on the Canadian) to Quivira. But the number sixty-seven originated in a blunder of Ternaux-Compans, who substituted it for seventy-seven, in translating this letter. The mistake evidently influenced Bandelier to extend the journey over more time than it really took. But this need not affect his results materially, if we extend the amount of ground covered by each day’s march and omit numerous halts, which were very unlikely, considering the condition of his party and the desire to solve the mystery of Quivira. If the Spaniards crossed the Arkansas somewhere below Fort Dodge, and followed it until the river turns toward the southeast, Quivira can hardly have been east of the middle part of the state of Kansas. It was much more probably somewhere between the main forks of Kansas river, in the central part of that state. Bandelier seems to have abandoned his documents as he approached the goal, and to have transported Coronado across several branches of Kansas river, in order to fill out his sixty-seven days—which should have been seventy-seven—and perhaps to reach the region fixed on by previous conceptions of the limit of exploration. He may have realized that the difficulty in his explanation of the route was that it required a reduction of about one-fourth of the distance covered by the army in the eastward march, as plotted by General Simpson. This can be accounted for by the wandering path which the army followed.
  • [81] See the note at the end of the translation.
  • [82] The Spanish (judicial) league was equivalent to 2.63 statute miles.
  • [83] Castañeda implies that Friar Antonio Victoria, who broke his leg near Culiacan, accompanied the main force on its march to Cibola. This is the last heard of him, and it is much more probable that he remained in New Galicia.
  • [84] Vetancurt, in the Menologia, gives the date of the martyrdom of Fray Juan de Padilla as November 30, 1544, and I see no reason to prefer the more general statements of Jaramillo, Castañeda, and Mota Padilla, which seem to imply that it took place in 1542. Docampo and the other companions of the friar brought the news to Mexico. They must have returned some time previous to 1552, for Gomara mentions their arrival in Tampico, on the Mexican gulf, in his Conquista de Mexico published in that year. Herrera and Gomara say that the fugitives had been captured by Indians and detained as slaves for ten months. These historians state also that a dog accompanied the fugitives. Further mention of dogs in connection with the Coronado expedition is in the stories of one accompanying Estevan which Alarcon heard along Colorado river, also in the account of the death of Melchior Diaz, and in the reference by Castañeda to the use of these animals as beasts of burden by certain plains tribes.
  • Mendiota and Vetancurt say that, of the two donados, Sebastian died soon after his return, and the other lived long as a missionary among the Zacatecas.
  • [85] The maps of the New World drawn and published between 1542 and 1600, reproductions of several of which accompany this memoir, give a better idea of the real value of the geographical discoveries made by Coronado than any bare statement could give. In 1540, European cartographers knew nothing about the country north of New Spain. Cortes had given them the name—Nueva España or Hispania Nova—and this, with the name of the continent, served to designate the inland region stretching toward the north and west. Such was the device which Mercator adopted when he drew his double cordiform map in 1538 (plates XLV, XLVI). Six years later, 1544, Sebastian Cabot published his elaborate map of the New World (see plate XL). He had heard of the explorations made by and for Cortes toward the head of the Gulf of California, very likely from the lips of the conqueror himself. He confined New Spain to its proper limits, and in the interior he pictured Indians and wild beasts. In 1548 the maps of America in Ptolemy’s Geography for the first time show the results of Coronado’s discoveries (see plate XLI). During the remainder of the century Granada, Cibola, Quivira, and the other places whose names occur in the various reports of the expedition, appear on the maps. Their location, relative to each other and to the different parts of the country, constantly changes. Quivira moves along the fortieth parallel from Espiritu Santo river to the Pacific coast. Tiguex and Totonteac are on any one of half a dozen rivers flowing into the Gulf of Mexico, the Espiritu Santo, or the South sea. Acuco and Cicuye are sometimes placed west of Cibola, and so a contemporary map maker may be the cause of the mistaken title to the report of Alvarado’s expedition to the Rio Grande. But many as were the mistakes, they are insignificant in comparison with the great fact that the people of Europe had learned that there was an inhabited country north of Mexico, and that the world was, by so much, larger than before.
  • [86] See Castañeda’s account of the finding of similar message by the party under Diaz.
  • [87] The account of this trip in Herrera (dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. xv, ed. 1728) is as follows: “Haviendo llegado à ciertas Montañas, adonde el Rio se estrechaba mucho, supo, que vn Encantador andaba preguntando por donde havia de pasar, y haviendo entendido, que por el Rio, puso desde vna Ribera à la otra algunas Cañas, que debian de ser hechiçadas; pero las Barcas pasaron sin daño; y haviendo llegado mui arriba, preguntando por cosas de la Tierra, para entender, si descubriria alguna noticia de Francisco Vazquez de Cornado. . . . Viendo Alarcon, que no hallaba lo que deseaba, i que havia subido por aquel Rio 85 Leguas, determinò de bolver.” . . .
  • [88] Mota Padilla (p. 158, § 1). “Los Indios, para resistir el frio, llevan en las manos un troncon ardiendo que les calienta el pecho, y del mismo modo la espalda; siendo esto tan comun en todos los indios, que por eso los nuestros pusieron á este rio el nombre del rio del Tison, cerca de él vieron un árbol en el cual estaban escritas unas letras, que decian: al pié está una carta: y con efecto; la hallaron en una olla, bien envuelta, porque no se humedeciese, y su contenido era: que el año de 40 llegó alli Francisco de Alarcon con tres navíos, y entrando por la barra de aquel rio, enviado por el virey D. Antonio de Mendoza, en busca de Francisco Vazquez Coronado; y que habiendo estado alli muchos dias sin noticia alguna le fué preciso salir porque los navíos se comian de broma.”
  • [89] The accusation was made by others at the time. H. H. Bancroft repeats the charge in his Mexico, but it should always be remembered that Mr Bancroft, or his compilers, in everything connected with the conqueror, repeat whatever it may have pleased Cortes to write, without criticism or question.
  • [90] The report or memorandum was written by Juan Paez, or more probably by the pilot Ferrel. It has been translated in the reports of the United States Geological Survey West of the One Hundredth Meridian. (Appendix to part i, vol. vii, Archæology, pp. 293–314.) The translation is accompanied by notes identifying the places named, on which it is safe enough to rely, and by other notes of somewhat doubtful value.
• NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTORY MATERIAL, pp. 339–412
  • [91] This text is, as far as possible, a copy of the Relacion in the Lenox Library. No attempt has been made to add marks of punctuation, to accent, or to alter what may have been slips of the copyist’s pen.
  • [92] The Primera Parte begins a new leaf in the original.
  • [93] This is a marginal correction of what is clearly a slip of the pen in the text.
  • [94] The Segunda Parte begins a new page in the manuscript.
  • [95] The heading of the third part is written on the same page with the preceding text of the second part, there being no break between the end of the second part and the heading which follows it. The following page is left blank.
  • [96] There were several representatives of the family of Castañeda among the Spaniards in America as early as the middle of the sixteenth century, but the only possible mention of this Pedro, of the Biscayan town of Najera, which I have seen outside of the present document, is the following item from a Relacion de los pesos de oro quo están señalados por indios vacos á los conquistadores de Nueva España y á sus hijos, cuyos nombres se expresan (año 1554), in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, xiv, 206: “A los nueve hijos de Pero Franco, conquistador, é su mujer, que son: María de Acosta, madre de todos, Pero Francisco de Castañeda, Juana de Castañeda, Inés de Castañeda, Francisco de Castañeda, Lorenzo Franco, Marta de Castañeda, Anton de Vargas y Juana de Castañeda, les están señalados de entretenimiento en cada un año duzientos y setenta pesos. CCLXX.”
  • [97] Mendoza died in Lima, July 21, 1552.
  • [98] Ternaux renders this: “C’est ainsi que l’homme qui se place derrière la barrière qui dans les courses des taureaux, sépare le spectateur des combattants, voit bien mieux la position dans laquelle il se trouvait lorsqu’il combattait, qu’alors même qu’il était dans la carrière.”
  • [99] President, or head, of the Audiencia, the administrative and judicial board which governed the province.
  • [100] The Segunda Relacion Anónima de la Jornada que hizo Nuño de Guzman, 1529, in Icazbelceta’s Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, vol. ii, p. 303, also implies that the name of the “Seven Cities” had already been given to the country which he was trying to discover.
  • [101] Marqués del Valle de Oaxaca y Capitan General de la Nueva España y de la Costa del Sur.
  • [102] Guzman had presided over the trial of Cortes, who was in Spain at the time, for the murder of his first wife seven years previously (October, 1522). See Zaragoza’s edition of Suarez de Peralta’s Tratado, p. 315.
  • [103] The name was changed in 1540.
  • [104] The best discussion of the stories of the Seven Caves and the Seven Cities is in Bandelier’s Contributions, p. 9, ff.
  • [105] A judge appointed to investigate the accounts and administration of a royal official.
  • [106] A full account of the licentiate de la Torre and his administration is given by Mota Padilla (ed. Icazbalceta, pp. 103–106). He was appointed juez March 17, 1536, and died during 1538.
  • [107] They appeared in New Spain in April, 1536, before Coronado’s appointment. Castañeda may be right in the rest of his statement.
  • [108] This account has been translated by Buckingham Smith. See Bibliography for the full title.
  • [109] Bandelier (Contributions, p. 104) says this was Topia, in Durango, a locality since noted for its rich mines.
  • [110] Mota Padilla, xxii, 2, p. 111: “Determinó el virey lograr la ocasion de la mucha gente noble que habia en México, que como corcho sobre el agua reposado, se andaba sin tener qué hacer nī en qué ocuparse, todos atenidos á que el virey les hiciese algunas mercedes, y á que los vecinos de México les sustentasen á sus mesas; y asi, le fué fácil aprestar mas de trescientos hombres, los mas de á caballo, porque ya se criaban muchos; dióles á treinta pesos y prometioles repartimientos en la tierra que se poblase, y mas cuando se afirmaba haber un cerro de plata y otras minas.”
  • [111] See Mendoza’s letter to the King, regarding Samaniego’s position.
  • [112] Mota Padilla, xxii, iii. p. 112, mentions among those who had commands on the expedition D. Diego de Guevara and Diego Lopez de Cardenas. The second error may be due to the presence of another Diego Lopez in the party.
  • [113] The correct date is 1540. Castañeda carries the error throughout the narrative.
  • [114] See the instructions given by Mendoza to Alarcon, in Buckingham Smith’s Florida, p. 1. The last of them reads: “Llevareys ciertas cossas que doña Beatriz de Strada embia para el Capitan General su marido, y mandareys que en ello y en lo que mas llevaredes para algunos de los soldados que con él estan que os ayan recomendado amigos ó parientes sayos haya buen recaudo.”
  • [115] See the writings of Tello and Mota Padilla concerning Oñate. Much of the early prosperity of New Galicia—what there was of it—seems to have been due to Oñate’s skillful management.
  • [116] The following sections from the Fragmento de la Visita hecha á don Antonio de Mendoza, printed in Icazbalceta’s Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, ii, 72, add something to the details of the departure of the expedition:
  • “199. Item, si saben &c. que la gente que salió de la villa de S. Miguel de Culuacan, que es el postrer lugar de Galicia de la Nueva España, para ir en descubrimiento de la tierra nueva de Cibola con el capitan general Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, fueron hasta doscientos y cincuenta españoles de á caballo, los cuales así para sus personas, como para su carruaje, armas, y bastimentos, y municiones, y otras cosas necesaries para el dicho viaje, llevaron mas de mill caballos y acémilas, y así lo dirán los testigos, porque lo vieron y hallaron presentes, y fueron al dicho viaje: digan lo que saben &c.
  • “200. Item, . . . que asimismo con la dicha gente española salieron de la dicha villa de S. Miguel de Culuacan hasta trescientos indios, poco mas ó menos, los cuales fueron de su voluntad á servir en la dicha jornada, y el dicho visorey les mandó socorrer, y se les socorrió con dineros y provisiones, y á los que eran casados y dejaban acá sus mujeres les proveyó de lo necesario para su sustentamiento, y esto es público y notorio. . . .
  • “201. Item, . . . que el dicho visorey proveyó para la gente que fué al dicho descubrimiento, demas de los socorros que les hizo en dineros, y caballos, y armas y otras cosas, les dió mucha cantidad de ganados vacunos y ovejunos, sin otra mucha cantidad de ganados que llevaban los capitanes y soldados, que bastaron para proveorse todo el tiempo que estuvieron al dicho descubrimiento; y asimismo el dicho visorey les dió mucha cantidad de rescates que llevaba á cargo el fator de S.M., para que con ellos comprasen maiz y las otras cosas de bastimentos de la tierra por do pasasen, porque no se hiciese molestia á los indios: . . .
  • “202. Item, . . . que el dicho visorey mandó y encargó al dicho capitan general tuvieso especial cuidado que los indios que desta tierra iban á servir en el dicho descubrimiento, fuesen bien tratados y proveidos de lo que hubiesen menester, y los que se quisiesen volver no fuesen detenidos, antes los enviase ricos y contentos, y el dicho general así lo hizo y cumplió, . . .
  • “203. Item, si saben que por razon de los dichos caballos y carruaje que llevaron los capitanes y españoles, los indios fueron reservados de llevar cargas de los capitanes y españoles, y si algunos llevaron, seria de su comida, y ropa y bastimentos, como otros españoles lo hacian, que cargahan sus caballos y sus personas de bastimentos, . . .
  • “204. Item, . . . que de todos los dichos indios que fueron á servir en la dicha jornada, murieron tan solamente hasta veinte ó treinta personas, y si mas murieran, los testigos lo vieran y supieran: . . .
  • “205. Item, . . . que todos los tamemes que los indios dieron, . . . se les pagó muy á su contento á los indios, por mandado del dicho visorey:” . . .
  • The evidence of the Informacion, which was taken at Compostela just after the army departed, is so suggestive that I have translated the most valuable portions in full at the end of this memoir.
  • Mota Padilla, xxii, 3, p. 112: . . . “habiendo llegado la comitiva á Compostela hizo el gobernador reseña de la gente y halló doscientos y sesenta hombres de á caballo con lanzas, espadas y otras armas manuales, y algunos con cotas, celadas y barbotes, unas de hierro y otras de cuero de vaca crudio, y los caballos con faldones de manta de la tierra; sesenta infantes, ballesteros y arcabuceros, y otros con espadas y rodelas: dividió la gente en ocho compañias. . . . Repartida, pues, la gente de esta suerte, con mas de mil caballos sin acémilas, y otros de carga con seis pedreros, pólvora y municion, y mas de mil indios amigos é indias de servicio, vaqueros y pastores de ganado mayor y menor.”
  • [117] The account which Mota Padilla gives, cap. xxii, sec. 4, p. 112, is much clearer and more specific than the somewhat confused text of Castañeda. He says: “Á Chametla . . . hallaron la tierra alzada, de suerte que fué preciso entrar á la sierra en busca de maiz, y por cabo el maese de campo, Lopez de Samaniego; internáronse en la espesura de un monte, en donde un soldado que inadvertidamente se apartó, fué aprehendido por los indios, dió voces, á las que, como vigilante, acudió el maese de campo, y libró del peligro al soldado, y pareciéndole estar seguro, alzó la vista á tiempo que de entre unos matorrales se le disparó una flecha, que entrándole por un ojo, le atravesó el cerebro. . . . Samaniego (era) uno de los mas esforzados capitanes y amado de todos; enterróse en una ramada, de donde despues sus huesos fueron trasladados á Compostela.”
  • [118] Compare the Spanish text.—The report of Diaz is incorporated in the letter from Mendoza to the King, translated herein. This letter seems to imply that Diaz stayed at Chichilticalli; but if such was his intention when writing the report to Mendoza, he must have changed his mind and returned with Saldivar as far as Chiametla.
  • [119] Compare the Spanish text for this whole paragraph. Ternaux renders this clause “feignant d’être très-effrayé.”
  • [120] Bandelier, in his Gilded Man, identifies this with Zuñi river. The Rio Vermejo of Jaramillo is the Little Colorado or Colorado Chiquito.
  • [121] Mota Padilla, p. 113: “They reached Tzibola, which was a village divided into two parts, which were encircled in such a way as to make the village round, and the houses adjoining three and four stories high, with doors opening on a great court or plaza, leaving one or two doors in the wall, so as to go in and out. In the middle of the plaza there is a hatchway or trapdoor, by which they go down to a subterranean hall, the roof of which was of large pine beams, and a little hearth in the floor, and the walls plastered. The Indian men stayed there days and nights playing (or gaming) and the women brought them food; and this was the way the Indians of the neighboring villages lived.”
  • [122] The war cry or “loud invocation addressed to Saint James before engaging in battle with the Infidels.”—Captain John Stevens’ Dictionary.
  • [123] Compare the translation of the Traslado de las Nuevas herein. There are some striking resemblances between that account and Castañeda’s narrative.
  • [124] Gomara, Hist. Indias, cap. ccxiii, ed. 1554: “Llegando a Sibola requirieron a los del pueblo que los recibiessen de paz; ca no yuan a les hazer mal, sino muy gran bien, y pronecho, y que les diessen comida, ca lleuauan falta de ella. Ellos respondieron que no querian, pues yuan armados, y en son de les dar guerra: que tal semblante mostrauan. Assi que cōhatieron el pueblo los nuestros, defendieron lo gran rato ochocientos hombres, que dentro estanan: descalabraron a Francisco Vazquez, capitan general del exercito. y a otros muchos Españoles: mas al cabo se salieron huyendo. Entraron los nuestros y nombraron la Granada, por amor del virrey,
  • es natural dela de España. Es Sibola de hasta doziētas casas de tierra y madera tosca, altas quatro y cinco sobrados, y las puertas como escotillones de nao, suben a ellos con escaleras de palo, que quitan de noche y en tiempos de guerra. Tiene delante cada casa una cueua, donde como en estafa, se recogen los inuiernos, que son largas, y de muchas nienes. Aunque no esta mas de 3712 grados de la Equinocial: que sino fuesse por las montañas, seria del temple de Sevilla. Las famosas siete ciudades de fray Marcos de Niça, que estan en espacio de seys leguas, ternan obra de 4,000 hombres. Las riquezas de su reyno es no tener que comer, ni que vestir, durādo la nieve siete meses.”
  • [125] Oviedo, Historia, vol. iii, lib. XXXV, cap. vi, p. 610 (ed. 1853), says of Cabeza de Vaca and his companions: “Pues passadas las sierras ques dicho, llegaron estos quatro chripstianos . . . á tres pueblos que estaban juntos é pequeños, en que avia hasta veynte casas en ellos, las quales eran como las passadas é juntas, . . . á este pueblo, ó mejor diçiendo pueblos juntos, nombraron los chripstianos la Villa de los Coraçones, porque les dieron alli más de seysçientos coraçones de venados escalados é secos.” Cabeza de Vaca describes this place in his Naufragios, p. 172 of Smith’s translation.
  • [126] It is possible that the persistent use of the form Señora, Madame, for the place Sonora, may be due to the copyists, although it is as likely that the Spanish settlers made the change in their common parlance.
  • [127] This should be September. See the next chapter; also the Itinerary.
  • [128] Bandelier, in his Final Report, vol. i, p. 108, suggests the following from the Relacion of Padre Sedelmair, S.J., 1746, which he quotes from the manuscript: “Sus rancherías, por grandes de gentío que sean, se reducen á una ó dos casas, con techo de terrado y zacate, armadas sobre muchos horcones por pilares con viguelos de unos á otros, y bajas, tan capaces que caben en cada una mas de cien personas, con tres divisiones, la primera una enramada del tamaño de la casa y baja para dormir en el verano, luego la segunda division como sala, y la tercera como alcoba, donde por el abrigo meten los viejos y viejas, muchachitos y muchachitas, escepto los pimas que viven entre ellos, que cada familia tiene su choza aparte.” These were evidently the ancestors of the Yuman Indians of Arizona.
  • [129] Fletcher, in The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, p. 131, (ed. 1854) tells a similar story of some Indians whom Drake visited on the coast of California: “Yet are the men commonly so strong of body, that that which 2 or 3 of our men could hardly beare, one of them would take vpon his backe, and without grudging, carrie it easily away, vp hill and downe hill an English mile together.” Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 158, describes an attempt to catch one of these Indians: “Quiso el capitan [Melchior Diaz] remitir á un indio, porque el virey viese su corpulencia y hallando á un mancebo, trataron de apresarlo; mas hizo tal resistencia, que entre quatro españoles no pudieron amarrarlo, y daba tales gritos, que los obligaron á dejarlo, por no indisponer los ánimos de aquellos indios.”
  • [130] Father Sedelmair, in his Relacion, mentions this custom of the Indians. (See Bandelier, Final Report, vol. i, p. 108): “Su frazada en tiempo de frio es un tizon encendido que aplicándole á la boca del estómago caminan por las mañanas, y calentando ya el sol como á las ocho tiran los tizones, que por muchos que hayan tirado por los caminos, pueden ser guias de los caminantes; de suerte que todos estos rios pueden llarmarse rios del Tizon, nombre que algunas mapas ponen á uno solo.”
  • [131] Cortes.
  • [132] Mota Padilla, sec. xxxii, p. 158, says: Melchior Dias paso el rio del Tison “en unos cestos grandes que los indios tienen aderezados con un betum que no les pasa el agua, y asidos de él cuatro ó seis indios, lo llevan nadando, . . . á lo que ayudaron tambien las indias.”
  • [133] The Zunis make a similar sort of preserves from the fruit of the tuna and the yucca. See Cushing in The Millstone, Indianapolis, July, 1884, pp. 108–109.
  • [134] Compare the Spanish text for this whole description. Mota Padilla, sec. xxii, 6, p. 113, says: “Chichilticali (que quiere decir casa colorada, por una que estaba en él embarrada con tierra colorada, que llaman almagre); aquí se hallaron pinos con grandes piñas de piñones muy buenos; y mas adelante, en la cima de unas peñas, se hallaron cabezas de carneros de grandes cuernos, y algunos dijeron haber visto tres ó cuatro carneros de aquellos, y que eran muy ligeros (de estos animales se han visto en el Catay, que es la Tartaria.)”
  • [135] Compare chapter 13. These two groups of pueblos were not the same.
  • [136] Compare the lines which the Hopi or Maki Indians still mark with sacred meal during their festivals, as described by Dr Fewkes in his “Few Summer Ceremonials,” in vol. ii of the Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology.
  • [137] Compare the Spanish text.
  • [138] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux translates it: “Les bords sont tellement élevés qu’ils croyaient être à trois ou quatre lieues en l’air.”
  • [139] The report of Alvarado, translated herein, is probably the official account of what he accomplished.
  • [140] In regard to the famous rock fortress of Acoma see Bandelier’s Introduction, p. 14, and his Final Report, vol. i, p. 133. The Spaniards called it by a name resembling that which they heard applied to it in Zuñi-Cibola. The true Zuñi name of Acoma, on the authority of Mr F. W. Hodge, is Hákukia; that of the Acoma people, Hákukwe.
  • [141] An error for Tiguex, at or near the present Bernalillo. Simpson located this near the mouth of the river Puerco, southeast of Acoma, but I follow Bandelier, according to whom Alvarado pursued a northeasterly direction from Acoma. See his Introduction, p. 30, and Final Report, vol. i, p. 129.
  • [142] Pecos. Besides his Final Report, vol. i, p. 127, see Bandelier’s Report on the Pecos Ruins.
  • [143] The account which Mota Padilla (cap. xxxii, 5, p. 161) gives of the Turk and his stories is very significant: Alvarado “halló un indio en aquellos llanos quien le dijo, mas por señas que por voces, ser de una provincia que distaba treinta soles, la cual se llamaba Copala, y al indio se le puso por nombre el Turco, por ser muy moreno, apersonado y de buena disposicion; y les dijo tantas cosas de aquella provincia, que los puso en admiracion, y en especial que habia tanta cantidad de oro, que no solo podian cargar los caballos, sino carros; que habia una laguna en la que navegaban canoas, y que las del cacique tenian argollas de oro; y para que se explicase, le mostraban plata, y decia que no, sino como un anillo que vió de oro; decia que á su cacique lo sacaban en andas á las guerras, y que cuando queria, les quitaban los bozales á unos lebreles que despedazaban á los enemigos; que tenian una casa muy grande, adonde todos acudian á servirle; que en las puertas tenian mantas de algodon.”
  • Gomara, Indias, cap. ccxiiii, adds some details: “Viendo la poca gente, y muestra de riqueza, dieron los soldados muy pocas gracias a los frayles, que conellos yuan, y que loauan aquella tierra de Sibola: y por no boluer a Mexico sin hazer algo, ni las manos vazias, acordaron de passar adelante, que les dezian ser mejor tierra. Assi que fueron a Acuco, lugar sobre vn fortissimo peñol, y desde alii fue don Garci lopez de Cardenas con su compañia de cauallos a la mar, y Francisco Vazquez con los de mas a Tiguex, que esta ribera de vn gran rio. Alli tuuieron nueua de Axa, y Quiuira: donde dezian, que estana vn Rey, dicho por nombre Tatarrax, barbudo, canos, y rico, que ceñia vn bracamarte, que rezaua en horas, que adoraua vna cruz de oro, y vna ymagen de muger, Señora Del cielo. Mucho alegro, y sostuuo esta nueua al exercito, aunque algunos la tuuieron por falsa, y echadiza de frayles. Determinaron yr alla con intencion de inuernar en tierra tan rica como se sonaua.”
  • [144] Coronado probably reached the Rio Grande near the present Isleta. Jaramillo applies this name to Acoma, and perhaps he is more correct, if we ought to read it Tutahaio, since the Tiguas (the inhabitants of Isleta, Sandia, Taos, and Picuris pueblos) call Acoma Tuthea-uây, according to Bandelier, Gilded Man, p. 211.
  • [145] This was Matsaki, at the northwestern base of Thunder mountain, about 18 miles from Hawikuh, where the advance force had encamped.
  • [146] The Spanish manuscript is very confusing throughout this chapter. As usual, Ternaux passes over most of the passages which have given trouble, omitting what he could not guess.
  • [147] Dutch Jack, perhaps.
  • [148] The instructions which Mendoza gave to Alarcon show how carefully the viceroy tried to guard against any such trouble with the natives. Buckingham Smith’s Florida, p. 4: “Iten: si poblaredes en alguna parte, no sea entre los yndios, sino apartado dellos, y mandareys que ningun español ni otra persona de las vuestras vaya al lugar ni á las cassas de los yndios sino fuere con expressa licencia vuestra, y al que lo contrario hiziere castigalle eys muy asperamente, y licencia aveys de dalla las vezes que fuere necessario para alguna cossa que convenga y á personas de quien vos esteys confiado que no hará cossa mal hecha, y estad muy advertido en guardar esta orden, porque es cossa que conviene mas de lo que vos podeys pensor.”
  • [149] Espejo, Relacion del Viaje, 1584 (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. xv, p. 175), says that at Puala (Tiguex) pueblo, “hallamos relacion muy verdadera; que estubo en esta provincia Francisco Vazquez Coronado y le mataron en ella nueve soldados y cuarenta caballos, y que por este respeto habia asolado la gente de un pueblo desta provincia, y destos nos dieron razon los naturales destos pueblos por señas que entendimos.”
  • [150] Ternaux says Diego Lopez Melgosa, and when Melgosa’s name appears again he has it Pablo Lopez Melgosa.
  • [151] Evidently the underground, or partially underground, ceremonial chambers or kivas.
  • [152] Compare the Spanish text.
  • [153] Gomara, cap. ccxiiii, gives the following account of these events: “Fueronse los Indios vna noche y amanecieron muertos treynta cauallos, que puso temor al exercito. Caminando, quemaron vn lugar, y en otro que a cometieron, les mataron ciertos Españoles, y hirieron cinquenta cauallos, y metieron dentro los vezinos a Francisco de Onãdo, herido, o muerto, para comer, y sacrificar, a lo que pensaron, o quiça para mejor ver, que hombres oran los Españoles, ca no se hallo por alli rastro de sacrificio humano. Pusieron cerco los nuestros al lugar, pero no lo pudieron tomar en mas de quarenta, y cinco dias. Bouian niene los cercaños por falta de agua, y viendose perdidos, hizieron vna hoguera, echaron en ella sus mãtas, plumajes, Turquesas, y cosas preciadas, porque no las gozassen aquellos estrangeres. Salieron en esquadron, con los niños, y mugeres en medio, para abrir camino por fuerça, y saluarse: mas pocos escaparon de las espadas, y canallos, y de vn rio
  • cerca estaua. Murieron en la pelea siete Españoles y quedaron heridos ochẽta, y muchos cauallos, por
  • veays quanto vale la determinacion en la necessidad. Muchos Indios se boluieron al pueblo, con la gente menuda, y se defendieron hasta que se les puso fuego. Elose tanto aquel rio estãdo en siete y treynta grados de la Equinocial, que sufria passar encima hombres a cauallo, y cauallos con carga. Dura la nieve medio año. Ay en a
  • lla ribera melones, y algodon blanco, y colorado, de que hazen muy mas anchas mantas, que en otras partes de Indias.”
  • Mota Padilla, xxxii, 6, p. 161: “Esta accion en tuvo en España por mala, y con razon, porque fué una crueldad considerable; y habiendo el maese de campo, Garcia Lopez pasado á España á heredar un mayorazgo, estuvo preso en una fortaleza por este cargo.”
  • [154] Wooden warclubs shaped like potato-mashers.
  • [155] Mota Padilla, xxxii, 7, p. 161, describes this encounter: “D. García pasó al pueblo mayor á requerir al principal cacique, que se llamaba D. Juan Loman, aunque no estaba bautizado, y se dejó ver por los muros sin querer bajar de paz, y á instancias de D. García, ofreció salirle á hablar, como dejase el caballo y espada, porque tenia mucho miedo; y en esta conformidad, desmontó D. García del caballo, entrególe con la espada á sus soldados, á quienes hizo retirar, y acercándose á los muros, luego que Juan Loman se afrontó, se abrazó de él, y al punto, entre seis indios que habia dejado apercibidos, lo llevaron en peso y lo entraran en el pueblo si la puerta no es pequeña, por lo que en ella hizo hincapié, y pudo resistir hasta que llegaron soldados de á caballo, que le defendieron. Quisieron los indios hacer alguna crueldad con dicho D. García, por lo que intentaron llevarlo vivo, que si los indios salen con macanas ó porras que usaban, le quitan la vida.”
  • [156] But see the Spanish. Ternaux translates it: “Les Indiens parvinrent à s’emparer de (d’Obando) et l’emmenèrent vivant dans leur village, . . . car c’était un homme distingué qui, par sa vertu et son affabilité, s’était fait aimer de tout le monde.”
  • [157] Ternaux substituted the name of Don Garci-Lopez for that of Don Lope throughout this passage.
  • [158] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux: “Ils prizent le parti d’abandonner le village pendant la nuit: ils se mirent done en route: les femmes marchaient au milieu d’eux. Quand ils furent arrivés à un endroit où campait don Rodrigo Maldonado, les sentinelles donnèrent l’alarme.”
  • [159] There is much additional information of the siege and capture of Tiguex in the account given by Mota Padilla, xxxii, 8, p. 161: “Habiéndose puesto el cerco, estuvieron los indios rebeldes á los requerimientos, por lo que se intentó abrir brecha, y rota la argamasa superficial, se advirtió que el centro del muro era de palizada, troncos y mimbrea bien hincados en la tierra, por lo que resistian los golpes que daban con unas malas barras, en cuyo tiempo hacian de las azoteas mucho daño en los nuestros con las piedras y con la flechas por las troneras; y quoriendo un soldado tapar con lodo una tronera de donde se hacia mucho daño, por un ojo le entraron una flecha, de que cayó muerto: llamábase Francisco Pobares; y á otro que se llamaba Juan Paniagua, muy buen cristiano y persona noble, le dieron otro flechazo en el párpado de un ojo, y publicaba que á la devocion del rosario, que siempre rezaba, debió la vida; otre soldado, llamado Francisco de Ovando, se entró de bruzas por una portañuela, y apenas hubo asomado la cabeza, cuando le asieron y le tiraron para adentro, quitándole la vida: púsose una escala por donde á todo trance subieron algunos; pero con arte, los indios tenian muchas piezas á cielo descubierto, para que se no comunicasen; y como á cortas distancias habia torrecillas con muchas saeteras y troneras, hacian mucho daño, de suerte que hirieron mas de sesenta, de los que murieron tres: un fulano Carbajal, hermano de Hernando Trejo, quien fué despuesteniente de gobernador por Francisco de Ibarra, en Chametla: tambien muriõ un vizcaino, llamado Alonso de Castañeda, y un fulano Benitez; y esto fué por culpa de ellos, pues ya que habia pocas armas de fuego con que ofender, pudieron haber pegado fuego á los muros, pues eran de troncones y palizadas con solo el embarrado de tierra.
  • “9. Viendo el gobernador el poco efecto de su invasion, mandó se tocase á recoger, con ánimo de rendirlos por falta de agua, ya que no por hambre, porque sabia tenian buenas trojes de maiz. Trataron de curar los heridos, aunque se enconaron, y se cicatrizaban; y segun se supo, era la causa el que en unas vasijas de mimbre encerraban los indios vívoras, y con las flechas las tocaban para que mordiesen las puntas y quedasen venenosas; y habiéndose mantenido algun tiempo, cuando se esperaba padeciesen falta de agua, comenzó á nevar, con cuya nieve se socorrieron y mantuvieron dos meses, en los que intentaron los nuestros muchos desatinos: el uno fué formar unos ingenios con unos maderos, que llamaban vaivenes, y son los antiguos arietes con que se batian las fortalezas en tiempo que no se conocia la pólvora; mas no acertaron: despues, por falta de artillería, intentaron hacer unos cañones de madera bien liados de cordeles á modo de cohetes; mas tampoco sirvió; y no arbitraron el arrimar leña á los muros y prenderles fuego: á mi ver entiendo que la crueldad con que quitaron la vida á los ciento y treinta gandules, los hizo indignos del triunfo, y así, en una noche los sitiados salieron y se pusieron en fuga, dejando á los nuestros burlados y sin cosa de provecho que lograsen por despojos de la plaza sitiada y se salieron los indios con su valeroso hecho.
  • “10. Por la parte que salieron estaban de centinelas dos soldados poco apercibidos, de los cuales el uno no pareció, y el otro fué hallado con el corazon atravesado con una flecha; y traido el cuerpo, le pusieron junto á la lumbrada comun del campo; y cuando volvieron los soldados, que intentaron el alcance de los indios, al desmontar uno de ellos del caballo, le pisó la boca al miserable, y se atribuyó su fatal muerte á haber sido renegador y blasfemo. Luego que amaneció, se trató de reconocer el pueblo, y entrando, se halló abastecido pero sin agua, y se reconoció un pozo profundo en la plaza que aquellos indios abrieron en busca de agua, y por no encontrarla, se resolvieron á la fuga, que consiguieron.” . . .
  • [160] Ternaux translated this, “à la fin de 1542.” Professor Haynes corrected the error in a note in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii, p. 491, saying that “it is evident that the siege must have been concluded early in 1541.”
  • [161] Should be Alcaraz.
  • [162] Mota Padilla’s account of the death of Diaz is translated in the Introduction.
  • [163] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux: “Le général le rétablit dans sa dignité, examina le pays, et retourna au camp.”
  • [164] Or Cervantes, as Ternaux spells it.
  • [165] Coronado says, in his letter of October 20, that he started April 23.
  • [166] The Rio Pecos. The bridge, however, was doubtless built across the upper waters of the Canadian.
  • [167] There is an elaborate account of the sign language of the Indians, by Garrick Mallery, in the first annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1879–80.
  • [168] Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 3, p. 165, says: “Hasta allí caminaron los nuestros, guiados por el Turco para el Oriente, con mucha inclinacion al Norte, y desde entônces los guió vía recta al Oriente; y habiendo andado tres jornadas, hubo de hacer alto el gobernador para conferir sobre si seria acertado dejarse llevar de aquel indio, habiendo mudado de rumbo, en cuyo intermedio un soldado, ó por travesura, ó por hacer carne, se apartó, y aunque lo esperaron, no se supo mas de él; y á dos jornadas que anduvieron, guiados todavía del indio, pasaron una barranca profunda, que fué la primera quiebra que vieron de la tierra desde Tigües.” Compare the route of the expedition in the Introduction, and also in the translation of Jaramillo.
  • [169] Compare the Spanish. Temaux: “Mais cette fois on n’avait pas voulu le croire; les Querechos ayant rapporté la même chose que le Turc.”
  • [170] Ternaux read this Coloma. The reference is clearly to the district of Colima in western Mexico, where one of the earliest Spanish settlements was made.
  • [171] The Spanish text is very confused. Ternaux says: “Les chevaux rompirent leurs liens et s’échappèrent tous à l’exception de deux ou trois qui furent retenus par des nègres qui avaient pris des casques et des boucliers pour se mettre à l’abri. Le vent en enleva d’autres et les colla contre les parois du ravin.”
  • [172] Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 3, p. 165: “A la primera barranca. . . . á las tres de la tarde hicieron alto, y repentinamente un recio viento les llevó una nube tan cargada, que causó horror el granizo, que despedia tan gruesos como nueces, huevos de gallina y de ánsares, de suerte que era necesario arrodelarse para la resistencia; los caballos dieron estampida y se pusieron en fuga, y no se pudieran hallar si la barranca no los detiene; las tiendas que se habian armado quedaron rotas, y quebradas todas las ollas, cazuelas, comales y demas vasijas; y afligidos con tan varios sucesos, determinaron en aquel dia que fué el de Ascension del Señor de 541, que el ejército se volviese á Tigües á reparar, como que era tierra abastecida de todo.”
  • [173] Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xi, xii, vol. iii, p. 206, ed. 1728: “La relacion que este Indio hacia, de la manera con que se governaban en vna Provincia mas adelante, llamada Harae, i juzgandose, que era imposible que alli dexase de haver algunos Christianos perdidos del Armada de Panfilo de Narvuez, Francisco Vazquez acordò de escrivir vna Carta, i la embiò con el Indio fiel de aquellos dos, porque el que havia de quedar, siempre le llevaron de Retaguarda, porque el bueno no le viese. . . . Embiada la Carta, dando cuenta de la jornada que hacia el Exercito, i adonde havia llegado, pidiendo aviso, i relacion de aquella Tierra, i llamando aquellos Christianos, si por caso los huviese, ò que avisasen de lo que havian menester para salir de cautiverio.”
  • [174] A manera de alixares. The margin reads Alexeres, which I can not find in the atlases. The word means threshing floor, whence Ternaux: “autres cabanes semblables à des bruyères (alixares).”
  • [175] Bandelier suggests that the name may have originated in the Indian exclamation, Texia! Texia!—friends! friends!—with which they first greeted the Spaniards.
  • [176] Ternaux: “il y avait des vignes, des mûriers et des rosiers (rosales), dont le fruit que l’on trouve en France, sert en guise de verjus; il y en avait de mûr.”
  • [177] Captain John Stevens’s New Dictionary says the sanbenito was “the badge put upon converted Jews brought out by the Inquisition, being in the nature of a scapula or a broad piece of cloth hanging before and behind, with a large Saint Andrews cross on it, red and yellow. The name corrupted from Saco Benito, answerable to the sackcloth worn by penitents in the primitive church.” Robert Tomson, in his Voyage into Nova Hispania, 1555, in Hakluyt, iii, 536, describes his imprisonment by the Holy Office in the city of Mexico: “We were brought into the Church, euery one with a S. Benito vpon his backe, which is a halfe a yard of yellow cloth, with a hole to put in a mans head in the middest, and cast ouer a mans head: both flaps hang one before, and another behinde, and in the middest of euery flap, a S. Andrewes crosse, made of red cloth, sowed on vpon the same, and that is called S. Benito.”
  • [178] The Tiguex country is often referred to as the region where the settlements were. Ternaux says “depuis Tiguex jusqu’au dernier village.”
  • [179] Compare the Spanish text.
  • [180] Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol. iii, p. 206 (ed. 1728): “Los treinta Caballos fueron en busca de la Tierra poblada, i hallaron buenos Pueblos, fundados junto à Buenos Arroíos, que van à dàr al Rio Grande, que pasaron. Anduvieron cinco, ò seis dias por estos Pueblos, llegaron à lo vltimo de Quivira, que decian los Indios ser mucho, i hallaron vn Rio de mas Agua, i poblacion que los otros; i preguntando que si adelante havia otra cosa, dixeron, que de Quivira no havia sino Harae, i que era de la misma manera en Poblaciones, i tamaño. . . . Embiòse à llamar al Señor, el qual era vn Hombre grande, y de grandes miembros, de buena proporcion, llevò docientos Hombres desnudos, i mal cubiertas sus carnes, llevaban Arcos, i Flechas, i Plumas en las cabeças.” Compare Jaramillo’s statement and Coronado’s letter, as discussed in the Introduction.
  • [181] Ternaux: “les rives, qui sont convertes d’une plante dont le fruit ressemble au raisin muscat.”
  • [182] Compare the Spanish text; Ternaux omits this sentence.
  • [183] Castañeda’s date is, as usual, a year later than the actual one.
  • [184] Yuge-ning-ge, as Bandelier spells it, is the aboriginal name of a former Tewa village, the site of which is occupied by the hamlet of Chamita, opposite San Juan. The others are near by.
  • [185] Taos, or Te-uat-ha. See Bandelier’s Final Report, vol. i, p. 123, for the identification of these places.
  • [186] This rendering, doubtless correct, is due to Ternaux. The Guadiana, however, reappears above ground some time before it begins to mark the boundary of the Spanish province of Estremadura. The Castañeda family had its seat in quite the other end of the peninsula.
  • [187] Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 4., p. 165: “Al cabo de dos meses, poco mas ó ménos, volvió con su gente el general á Tigües, y dieron razon que habiendo caminado mas de cien leguas. . . . Quivira se halló ser un pueblo de hasta cien casas.”
  • [188] The Newfoundland region.
  • [189] Ternaux’s rendering. Compare the Spanish text.
  • [190] Compare the Spanish. Several words in the manuscript are not very clear. Ternaux omits them, as usual.
  • [191] Omitted by Ternaux, who (p. 151) calls these the Pacasas.
  • [192] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux (p. 152) renders: “Ils ont soin de bâtir leurs villages de manière a ce qu’ils soient séparés les uns des autres par des ravins impossibles à franchir,” which is perhaps the meaning of the Spanish.
  • [193] Ternaux, p. 156: “couvertes en nattes de glaīeul.” The Spanish manuscript is very obscure.
  • [194] An account of these people is given in the Trivmphos, lib. 1, cap. ii, p. 6, Andres Perez de Ribas, S. J. “Estas [casas] hazian, vnas de varas de monte hincadas en tierra, entretexidas, y atadas con vejneos, que son vnas ramas como de çarçaparrilla, muy fuertes, y que duran mucho tiēpo. Las parades que haziā con essa barazon las afortanan con vna torta de barro, para que no las penetrasse el Sol, ni los vientos, cubriendo la casa con madera, y encima tierra, ó barro, con que hazian açotea, y con esso se contentauan. Otros hazian sus casas de petates
  • es genero de esteras texidas de caña taxada.” Bandelier found the Opata Indians living in houses made with “a slight foundation of cobblestones which supported a framework of posts standing in a thin wall of rough stones and mud, while a slanting roof of yucca or palm leaves covered the whole.”—Final Report, pt. i, p. 58.
  • [195] The meaning of this sentence in the Spanish is not wholly clear. Ternaux, p. 156: “Cette manière de bâtir . . . change dans cet endroit probablement, parce qu’il n’y a plus d’arbres sans épines.”
  • [196] The Opuntia tuna or prickly pear.
  • [197] Prosopis juliflora.
  • [198] Cereus thurberii.
  • [199] Sonora.
  • [200] Oviedo, Historia, vol. iii, p. 610 (ed. 1853): “Toda esta gente, dende las primeras casas del mahiz, andan los hombres muy deshonestos, sin se cobrir cosa alguna de sus personas; é las mugeres muy honestas, con unas sayas de cueros de venados hasta los piés, é con falda que detrás les arrastra alguna cosa, é abiertas por delante hasta el suelo y enlaçadas con unas correas. É traen debaxo, por donde están abiertas, una mantilla de algodon é otra ençima, é unas gorgueras de algodon, que les cubren todos los pechos.”
  • [201] Ternaux, pp. 157–158: “une multitude de tribus à part, réunis en petites nations de sept ou huit, dix ou douze villages, ce sont: Upatrico, Mochila, Guagarispa, El Vallecillo, et d’autres qui son près des montagues.”
  • [202] Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 111, quotes from the Relaciones of Zárate-Salmeron, of some Arizona Indians: “Tambien tienen para su sustento Mescali que es conserva de raiz de maguey.” The strong liquor is made from the root of the Mexican or American agave.
  • [203] These were doubtless cantaloupes. The southwestern Indians still slice and dry them in a manner similar to that here described.
  • [204] The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zuñi and Hopi, keep eagles for their feathers, which are highly prized because of their reputed sacred character.
  • [205] Chichiltic-calli, a red object or house, according to Molina’s Vocabulario Mexicano, 1555. Bandelier, Historical Introduction, p. 11, gives references to the ancient and modern descriptions. The location is discussed on page 387 of the present memoir.
  • [206] Ternaux (p. 162) succeeded no better than I have in the attempt to identify this fish.
  • [207] Ternaux, p. 162: “A l’entrée du pays inhabité on rencontre une espèce de lion de couleur fauve.” Compare the Spanish text. These were evidently the mountain lion and the wild cat.
  • [208] Albert S. Gatschet, in his Zwölf Sprachen, p. 106, says that this word is now to be found only in the dialect of the pueblo of Isleta, under the form sibúlodá, buffalo.
  • [209] Matsaki, the ruins of which are at the northwestern base of Thunder mountain. See Bandelier’s Final Report, pt. i, p. 133, and Hodge, First Discovered City of Cibola.
  • [210] The mantles of rabbit hair are still worn at Moki, but those of turkey plumes are out of use altogether. See Bandelier’s Final Report, pt. i, pp. 37 and 158. They used also the fiber of the yucca and agave for making clothes.
  • [211] J. G. Owens, Hopi Natal Ceremonies, in Journal of American Archæology and Ethnology, vol. ii, p. 165 n., says: “The dress of the Hopi [Moki, or Tusayan] women consists of a black blanket about 3-1/2 feet square, folded around the body from the left side. It passes under the left arm and over the right shoulder, being sewed together on the right side, except a hole about 3 inches long near the upper end through which the arm is thrust. This is belted in at the waist by a sash about 3 inches wide. Sometimes, though not frequently, a shirt is worn under this garment, and a piece of muslin, tied together by two adjacent corners, is usually near by, to be thrown over the shoulders. Most of the women have moccasins, which they put on at certain times.”
  • Gomara, ccxiii, describes the natives of Sibola: “Hazen con todo esso vnas mantillas de pieles de conejos, y liebres, y de venados, que algodon muy poco alcançan: calçan çapatos de cuero, y de inuierno vnas como botas hasta las rodillas. Las mugeres van vestidas de Metl hasta en pies, andan ceñidas, trençan los cabellos, y rodeanselos ala cabeça por sobre las orejas. La tierra es arenosa, y de poco fruto, oreo
  • por pereza dellos, pues donde siembran, lleua mayz, frisoles, calabaças, y frutas, y aun se crian en ella gallipauos, que no se hazen en todos cabos.”
  • In his Relacion de Viaje, p. 173, Espejo says of Zuñi: “en esta provincia se visten algunos de los naturales, de mantas de algodon y cueros de las vacas, y de gamuzas aderezadas; y las mantas de algodon las traen puestas al uso mexicano, eceto que debajo de partes vergonzosas traen unos paños de algodon pintados, y algunos dellos traen camisas, y las mugeres traen naguas de algodon y muchas dellas bordadas con hilo de colores, y encima una manta como la traen los indios mexicanos, y atada con un paño de manos como tohalla labrada, y se lo atan por la cintura con sus borlas, y las naguas son que sirven de faldas de camisa á raiz de las carnes, y esto cada una lo trae con la mas ventaja que puede; y todos, asi hombres como mujeres, andan calzados con zapatos y hotas, las suelas de cuero de vacas, y lo de encima de cuero de venado aderezado; las mugeres traen el cabello muy peinado y bien puesto y con sus moldes que traen en la cabeza uno de una parte y otro de otra, á donde ponon el cabello con curiosidad sin traer nengun tocado en la cabeza.”
  • Mota Padilla, xxxii, 4, p. 160: “Los indios son de buenas estaturas, las indias bien dispuestas: traen unas mantas blancas, que las cubren desde los hombros hasta los piés y por estar cerradas, tienen por donde sacar los brazos; asimismo, usan traer sobre las dichas otras mantas que se ponen sobre el hombro izquierdo, y el un cabo tercian por debajo del brazo derecho como capa: estiman en mucho los cabellos; y así, los traen muy peinados, y en una jícara de agua, se miran como en un espejo; pártense el cabello en dos trenzas, liadas con cintas de algodon de colores, y en cada lado de la cabeza forman dos ruedas ó circulos, que dentro de ellos rematan, y dejan la punta del cabello levantado como plumajes y en unas tablitas de hasta tres dedos, fijan con pegamentos unas piedras verdes que llaman chalchihuites, de que se dice hay minas, como tambien se dice las hubo cerca de Sombrerete, en un real de minas que se nombra Chalchihuites, por esta razon; . . . con dichas piedras forman sortijas que con unos palillos fijan sobre el cabello como ramillete: son las indias limpias, y se precian de no parecer mal.”
  • [212] Ternaux, p. 164: “les épis partent presque tous du pied, et chaque épi a sept ou huit cents grains, ce que l’on n’avait pas encore vu aux Indes.” The meaning of the Spanish is by no means clear, and there are several words in the manuscript which have been omitted in the translation.
  • [213] Ternaux, p. 164: “ni de conseils de vieillards.”
  • [214] Papa in the Zuñi language signifies “elder brother,” and may allude either to age or to rank.
  • [215] Dr J. Walter Fewkes, in his Few Summer Ceremonials at the Tusayan Pueblos, p. 7, describes the Dā’wā-wýmp-ki-yas, a small number of priests of the sun. Among other duties, they pray to the rising sun, whose course they are said to watch, and they prepare offerings to it.
  • Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 5, p. 160, says that at Cibola, “no se vió templo alguno, ni se les conoció ídolo, por lo que se tuvo entendido adoraban al sol y á la luna, lo que se confirmó, porque una noche que hubo un eclipse, alzaron todos mucha gritería.”
  • [216] Ternaux, p. 165: “Les étuves sont rares dans ce pays. Ils regardent comme un sacrilége que les femmes entrent deux à la fois dans un endroit.”
  • In his Few Summer Ceremonials at Tusayan, p. 6, Dr Fewkes says that “with the exception of their own dances, women do not take part in the secret kibva [estufa] ceremonials; but it can not be said that they are debarred entrance as assistants in making the paraphernalia of the dances, or when they are called upon to represent dramatizations of traditions in which women figure.”
  • [217] Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing, in the Compte-rendu of the Congrès International des Americanistes, Berlin, 1888, pp. 171–172, speaking of the excavations of “Los Muertos” in southern Arizona, says: “All the skeletons, especially of adults [in the intramural burials], were, with but few exceptions, disposed with the heads to the east and slightly elevated as though resting on pillows, so as to face the west; and the hands were usually placed at the sides or crossed over the breast. With nearly all were paraphernalia, household utensils, articles of adornment, etc. This paraphernalia quite invariably partook of a sacerdotal character.” In the pyral mounds outside the communal dwellings, “each burial consisted of a vessel, large or small, according to the age of the person whose thoroughly cremated remains it was designed to receive, together, ordinarily, with traces of the more valued and smaller articles of personal property sacrificed at the time of cremation. Over each such vessel was placed either an inverted bowl or a cover (roughly rounded by chipping) of potsherds, which latter, in most cases, showed traces of having been firmly cemented, by means of mud plaster, to the vessels they covered. Again, around each such burial were found always from two or three to ten or a dozen broken vessels, often, indeed, a complete set; namely, eating and drinking bowls, water-jar and bottle, pitcher, spheroidal food receptacle, ladles large and small, and cooking-pot. Sometimes, however, one or another of these vessels actually designed for sacrifice with the dead, was itself used as the receptacle of his or her remains. In every such case the vessel had been either punctured at the bottom or on one side, or else violently cracked—from Zuñi customs, in the process of ‘killing’ it.” The remains of other articles were around, burned in the same fire.
  • Since the above note was extracted, excavations have been conducted by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes at the prehistoric Hopī pueblo of Sikyatki, an exhaustive account of which will be published in a forthcoming report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Sikyatki is located at the base of the First Mesa of Tusayan, about 3 miles from Hano. The house structures were situated on an elongated elevation, the western extremity of the village forming a sort of acropolis. On the northern, western, and southern slopes of the height, outside the village proper, cemeteries were found, and in these most of the excavations were conducted. Many graves were uncovered at a depth varying from 1 foot to 10 feet, but the skeletons were in such condition as to be practically beyond recovery. Accompanying these remains were hundreds of food and water vessels in great variety of form and decoration, and in quality of texture far better than any earthenware previously recovered from a pueblo people. With the remains of the priests there were found, in addition to the usual utensils, terra cotta and stone pipes, beads, prayer-sticks, quartz crystals, arrowpoints, stone and shell fetiches, sacred paint, and other paraphernalia similar to that used by the Hopi of today. The house walls were constructed of small, flat stones brought from the neighboring mesa, laid in adobe mortar and plastered with the same material. The rooms were invariably small, averaging perhaps 8 feet square, and the walls were quite thin. No human remains were found in the houses, nor were any evidences of cremation observed.
  • Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 5, p. 160, describes a funeral which was witnessed by the soldiers of Coronado’s army: “en una ocasion vieron los españoles, que habiendo muerto un indio, armaron una grande balsa ó luminaria de leña, sobre que pusieron el cuerpo cubierto con una manta, y luego todos los del pueblo, hombres y mujeres, fueron poniendo sobre la cama de leña, pinole, calabazas, frijoles, atole, maiz tostado, y de lo demas que usaban comer, y dieron fuego por todas partes, de suerte que en breve todo se convirtió en cenizas con el cuerpo.”
  • [218] The pueblo of Picuris.
  • [219] Bandelier gives a general account of the internal condition of the Pueblo Indians, with references to the older Spanish writers, in his Final Report, pt. i, p. 135.
  • [220] Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 141, quotes from Benavides, Memorial, p. 43, the following account of how the churches and convents in the pueblo region were built: “los hā hecho tan solamēte las mugeres, y los muchachos, y muchachas de la dotrina; porque entre estos naciones se vsa hazer las mugeres las paredes, y los hombres hilan y texen sus mantas, y van á la guerra, y a la caza, y si obligamos a algū hombre á hazer pared, se corre dello, y las mugeres se rien.”
  • Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 159: “estos pueblos [de Tigües y Tzibola] estaban murados . . . si bien se diferenciaban en que los pueblos de Tzibola son fabricados de pizarras unidas con argamasa de tierra; y los de Tigües son de una tierra güijosa, aunque muy fuerte; sus fábricas tienen las puertas para adentro del pueblo, y la entrada de estos muros son puertas pequeñas y se sube por unas escalerillas angostas, y se entra de ellas á una sala de terraplen, y por otra escalera se baja al plan de la poblacion.”
  • Several days before Friar Marcos reached Chichilticalli, the natives, who were telling him about Cibola, described the way in which these lofty houses were built: “para dármelo á entender, tomaban tierra y ceniza, y echábanle agua, y señalábanme como ponian la piedra y como subīan el edificio arriba, poniendo aquello y piedra hasta ponello en lo alto; preguntábales á los hombres de aquella tierra si tenian alas para subir aquellos sobrados; reianse y señalábanme el escalera, tambien como la podria yo señalar, y tomaban un palo y ponianlo sobre la cabeza y decian que aquel altura hay de sobrado á sobrado.” Relacion de Fray Marcos in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. iii, p. 339.
  • Lewis H. Morgan, in his Ruins of a Stone Pueblo, Peabody Museum Reports, vol. xii, p. 541, says: “Adobe is a kind of pulverized clay with a bond of considerable strength by mechanical cohesion. In southern Colorado, in Arizona, and New Mexico there are immense tracts covered with what is called adobe soil. It varies somewhat in the degree of its excellence. The kind of which they make their pottery has the largest per cent of alumina, and its presence is indicated by the salt weed which grows in this particular soil. This kind also makes the best adobe mortar. The Indians use it freely in laying their walls, as freely as our masons use lime mortar; and although it never acquires the hardness of cement, it disintegrates slowly . . . This adobe mortar is adapted only to the dry climate of southern Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico, where the precipitation is less than 5 inches per annum . . . To the presence of this adobe soil, found in such abundance in the regions named, and to the sandstone of the bluffs, where masses are often found in fragments, we must attribute the great progress made by these Indians in house building.”
  • [221] Bandelier discusses the estufas in his Final Report, pt. i, p. 144 ff., giving quotations from the Spanish writers, with his usual wealth of footnotes. Dr Fewkes, in his Zuñi Summer Ceremonials, says: “These rooms are semisubterranean (in Zuñi), situated on the first or ground floor, never, so far as I have seen, on the second or higher stories. They are rectangular or square rooms, built of stone, with openings just large enough to admit the head serving as windows, and still preserve the old form of entrance by ladders through a sky hole in the roof. Within, the estufas have bare walls and are unfurnished, but have a raised ledge about the walls, serving as seats.”
  • [222] The Spanish is almost illegible. Ternaux (pp. 169–170) merely says: “Au milien estun foyer allumé.”
  • [223] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 160: “En los casamientos [á Tigües] hay costumbre, que cuando un mozo da en servir á una doncella, la espera en la parte donde va á acarrear agua, y coge el cántaro, con cuya demostracion manifiesta á los deudos de ella, la voluntad de casarse: no tienen estos indios mas que una muger.”
  • Villagra, Historia de la Nueva Mexico, canto xv, fol. 135:
  • Y tienen una cosa aquestas gentes,
  • Que en saliendo las mozas de donzellas,
  • Son á todos comunes, sin escusa,
  • Con tal que se lo paguen, y sin paga,
  • Es una vil bageza, tal delito,
  • Mas luego que se casan viuen castas,
  • Contenta cada qual con su marido,
  • Cuia costumbre, con la grande fuerça,
  • Que por naturaleza ya tenian,
  • Teniendo por cortissimo nosotros,
  • Seguiamos tambien aquel camino,
  • Iuntaron muchas mantas bien pintadas,
  • Para alcançar las damas Castellanas,
  • Que mucho apetecieron y quisieron.
  • It is hoped that a translation of this poem, valuable to the historian and to the ethnologist, if not to the student of literature, may be published in the not distant future.
  • [224] This appears to be the sense of a sentence which Ternaux omits.
  • [225] The American turkey cocks.
  • [226] A custom still common at Zuñi and other pueblos. Before the introduction of manufactured dyes the Hopi used urine as a mordant.
  • [227] Mr. Owens, in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. ii, p. 163 n., describes these mealing troughs: “In every house will be found a trough about 6 feet long, 2 feet wide, and 8 inches deep, divided into three or more compartments. In the older houses the sides and partitions are made of stone slabs, but in some of the newer ones they are made of boards. Within each compartment is a stone (trap rock preferred) about 18 inches long and a foot wide, set in a bed of adobe and inclined at an angle of about 35°. This is not quite in the center of the compartment, but is set about 3 inches nearer the right side than the left, and its higher edge is against the edge of the trough. This constitutes the nether stone of the mill. The upper stone is about 14 inches long, 3 inches wide, and varies in thickness according to the fineness of the meal desired. The larger stone is called a máta, and the smaller one a matáki. The woman places the corn in the trough, then kneels behind it and grasps the matáki in both hands. This she slides, by a motion from the back, back and forth over the máta. At intervals she releases her hold with her left hand and with it places the material to be ground upon the upper end of the máta. She usually sings in time to her grinding motion.”
  • There is a more extended account of these troughs in Mindeleff’s Pueblo Architecture, in the Eighth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 208. This excellent monograph, with its wealth of illustrations, is an invaluable introduction to any study of the southwestern village Indians.
  • Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 3, p. 159: “tienen las indias sus cocinas con mucho aseo, y en el moler el maiz se diferencian de las demas poblaciones [á Tigües], porque en una piedra mas áspera martajan el maiz, y pasa á la segunda y tercera, de donde le sacan en polvo como harina; no usan tortillas que son el pan de las indias y lo fabrican con primor, porque en unas ollas ponen á darle al maiz un cocimiento con una poca de cal, de donde lo sacan ya con el nombre de mixtamal.”
  • [228] See W. H. Holmes, Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology; also his Illustrated Catalogue of a portion of the collections made during the field season of 1881, in the Third Annual Report. See p. 519 n., regarding pottery found at Sikyatki.
  • [229] Bandelier, in his Visit to Pecos, p. 114, n., states that the former name of the pueblo was Aquiu, and suggests the possibility of Castañeda having originally written Acuyó. The Relacion del Sucoso, translated herein, has Acuique. As may be seen by examining the Spanish text, the Lenox manuscript copy of Castañeda spells the name of this village sometimes Cicuyo and sometimes Cicuye.
  • [230] Compare Bandelier’s translation of this description, from Ternaux’s text, in his Gilded Man, p. 206. See the accompanying illustrations, especially of Zuñi, which give an excellent idea of these terraces or “corridors” with their attached balconies.
  • [231] The spring was “still trickling out beneath a massive ledge of rocks on the west sill” when Bandelier sketched it in 1880.
  • [232] The former Tano pueblo of Galisteo, a mile and a half northeast of the present town of the same name, in Santa Fé county.
  • [233] According to Mota Padilla, this was called Coquite.
  • [234] These Indians were seen by Coronado during his journey across the plains. As Mr Hodge has suggested, they may have been the Comanches, who on many occasions are known to have made inroads on the pueblo of Pecos.
  • [235] Ternaux’s rendering of the uncertain word teules in the Spanish text. Molina, in the Vocabulario Mexicana (1555), fol. 30, has “brauo hombre . . . tlauele.” Gomara speaks of the chichimecas in the quotation in the footnote on page 529. The term was applied to all wild tribes.
  • [236] Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 34: “With the exception of Acoma, there is not a single pueblo standing where it was at the time of Coronado, or even sixty years later, when Juan de Oñate accomplished the peaceable reduction of the New Mexican village Indians.” Compare with the discussion in this part of his Final Report, Mr Bandolier’s attempt to identify the various clusters of villages, in his Historical Introduction, pp. 22–24.
  • [237] For the location of this group of pueblos see page 492, note.
  • [238] The Queres district, now represented by Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Sia (Castañeda’s Chia), and Cochiti. Acoma and Laguna, to the westward, belong to the same linguistic group. Laguna, however, is a modern pueblo.
  • [239] One of these was the Tano pueblo of Galisteo, as noted on page 523.
  • [240] The Jemes pueblo clusters in San Diego and Guadalupe canyons. See pl. LXX.
  • [241] The Tewa pueblo of Yugeuingge, where the village of Chamita, above Santa Fé, now stands.
  • [242] Taos.
  • [243] The Keres or Queres pueblo of Sia.
  • [244] As Ternaux observes, Castañeda mentions seventy-one. Sia may not have been the only village which he counted twice.
  • [245] The trend of the river in the section of the old pueblo settlements is really westward.
  • [246] Compare the Spanish text.
  • [247] The Tusayan Indians belong to the same linguistic stock as the Ute, Comanche, Shoshoni, Bannock, and others. The original habitat of the main body of these tribes was in the far north, although certain clans of the Tusayan people are of southern origin. See Powell, Indian Linguistic Families, 7th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 108.
  • [248] The Spaniards under Coronado. The translation does not pretend to correct the rhetoric or the grammar of the text.
  • [249] Ternaux, p. 184: “D’après la route qu’ils ont suivie, ils ont dú venir de l’extrémité de l’Inde orientale, et d’une partie très-inconnue qui, d’après la configuration des côtes, serait située très-avant dans l’intérieur des terres, entre la Chine et la Norwège.”
  • [250] See the Carta escrita por Santisteban á Mendoza, which tells nearly everything that is known of the voyage of Villalobos. We can only surmise what Castañeda may have known about it.
  • [251] The Spanish text fully justifies Castañeda’s statement that he was not skilled in the arts of rhetoric and geography.
  • [252] Compare the Spanish text. I here follow Ternaux’s rendering.
  • [253] In a note Ternaux, p. 185, says: “Le [dernier] mot est illisible, mais comme l’auteur parle de certain émail que les Espagnols trouvèrent, . . . j’ai cru pouvoir hasarder cette interprétation.” The word is legible enough, but the letters do not make any word for which I can find a meaning.
  • [254] More than once Castañeda seems to be addressing those about him where he is writing in Culiacan.
  • [255] Ternaux omits all this, evidently failing completely in the attempt to understand this description of the rolling western prairies.
  • [256] Compare the Spanish. This also is omitted by Ternaux.
  • [257] Espejo, Relacion, p. 180: “los serranos acuden á servir á los de las poblaciones, y los de las poblaciones les llaman á estos, querechos; tratan y contratan con los de las poblaciones, llevandoles sal y caza, venados, conejos y liebres y gamuzas aderezadas y otros géneros de cosas, á trucque de mantas de algodon y otras cosas con que les satisfacen la paga el gobierno.”
  • [258] Compare the Spanish.
  • [259] The well known travois of the plains tribes.
  • [260] Benavides: Memorial (1630), p. 74: “Y las tiendas las llenan cargadas en requas de perros aparejados cō sus en xalmillas, y son los perros medianos, y suelē lleuar quiniētos perros en vna requa vno delante de otro, y la gente lleua cargada su mercaduria, que trueca por ropa de algodon, y por otras cosas de
  • carecen.”
  • [261] Pemmican
  • [262] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 2, p. 165: “Habiendo andado cuatro jornadas por estos llanos, con grandes neblinas, advirtieron los soldados rastro como de picas de lanzas arrastradas por el suelo, y llevados por la curiosidad, le siguieron hasta dar con cincuenta gandules, que con sus familias, seguian unas manadas de dichas vacas, y en unos perrillos no corpulentos, cargaban unas varas y pieles, con las que formaban sus tiendas ó toritos, en donde se entraban para resistir el sol ó el agua. Los indios son de buena estatura, y no se supo si eran haraganes ó tenian pueblos; presumióse los tendrian, porque ninguna de las indias llevaba niño pequeño; andaban vestidas con unos faldellines de cuero de venado de la cintura para abajo, y del mismo cuero unos capisayos ó vizcainas, con que se cubren; traen unas medias calzas de cuero adobado y sandalias de cuero crudo: ellos andan desnudos, y cuando mas les affige el frio, se cubren con cueros adobados; no usan, ni los hombres ni las mujeres, cabello largo, sino trasquilados, y de media cabeza para la frente rapados á navaja; usan por armas las flechas, y con los sesos de las mismas vacas benefician y adoban los cueros: llámanse cibolos, y tienen mas impetu para embestir que los toros, aunque no tanta fortaleza; y en las fiestas reales que se celebraron en la ciudad de México por la jura de nuestro rey D. Luis I, hizo el conde de San Mateo de Valparaiso se llevase una cibola para que se torease, y por solo verla se despobló México, por hallar lugar en la plaza, que le fué muy útil al tabla jero aquel dia.”
  • [263] Compare the Spanish. Omitted by Ternaux.
  • [264] Mr Savage, in the Transactions of the Nebraska Historical Society, vol. i, p. 198, shows how closely the descriptions of Castañeda, Jaramillo, and the others on the expedition, harmonize with the flora and fauna of his State.
  • [265] Ternaux, p. 194, read this Capetlan.
  • [266] Temaus, ibid., miscopied it Guyas.
  • [267] Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol. iii, p. 207 (ed. 1730): “Toda esta Tierra [Quivira] tiene mejor aparencia, que ninguna de las mejores de Europa, porque no es mui doblada, sino de Lomas, Llanos, i Rios de hermosa vista, i buena para Ganados, pues la experiencia lo mostraba. Hallaronse Ciruelas de Castilla, entre coloradas, i verdes, de mui gentil sabor; entre las Vacas se hallò Lino, que produce la Tierra, mui perfecto, que como el Ganado no lo come, se queda por alli con sus cabeçuelas, i flor azul; i en algunos Arroios, se ballaron Vbas de buen gusto, Moras, Nueces, i otras Frutas; las Casas, que estos Indios tenian eran de Paja, muchas de ellas redondas, que la Paja llegaba hasta el suelo, i encima vna como Capitla, ò Garita, de donde se asomaban.”
  • Gomara, cap. ccxiiii: “Esta Quinira en quarenta grados, es tierra templada, de buenas aguas, de muchas yeruas, ciruelas, moras, nuezes, melones, y vuas, que maduran bien: no ay algodon, y visten cueros de vacas, y venados. Vieron por la costa naos, que trayan arcatrazes de oro, y de plata en las proas, cō mercaderias, y pensaron ser del Catayo, y China, por
  • señalauan auer navegado treynta dias. Fray Iuan de Padilla se quedo en Tiguex, con otro frayle Francisco, y torno a Quinira, con hasta doze Indios de Mechuacan, y con Andres do Campo Portugues, hortelano de Francisco de Solis. Lleuo caualgaduras, y azemilas con prouision. Leuo ouejas, y gallinas de Castilla, y ornamentos para dezir missa. Los de Quiuira mataron a los frayles, y escapose el Portugues, con algunos Mechuacanes. El qual, aun que se libro entonces de la muerte, no se libro de catinerio, porque luego le prendieron: mas de alli a diez meses, que fue esclauo, huyo con dos perros. Santiguaua por el camino con vna cruz, aque le ofrecian mucho, y do quiera que llegaua, le dauan limosna, aluergue, y de comer. Vino a tierra de Chichimecas, y aporto a Panuco.”
  • [268] The Mississippi and Missouri rivers.
  • [269] This is probably a reminiscence of Cabeza de Vaca’s narrative.
  • [270] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 4, p. 166, gives his reasons for the failure of the expedition: “It was most likely the chastisement of God that riches were not found on this expedition, because, when this ought to have been the secondary object of the expedition, and the conversion of all those heathen their first aim, they bartered with fate and struggled after the secondary; and thus the misfortune is not so much that all those labors were without fruit, but the worst is that such a number of souls have remained in their blindness.”
  • [271] Or perhaps as Ternaux, p. 202, rendered it, “courir la bague.”
  • [272] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 6, p. 166: “así el [gobernador] como los demas capitanes del ejército, debían estar tan ciegos de la pasion de la codicia de riquezas, que no trataban de radicarse poblando en aquel paraje que veian tan abastecido, ni de reducir á los indios é instruirlos en algo de la fé, que es la que debian propagar: solo trataron de engordar sus caballos para lo que se ofreciese pasado el invierno; y andando adiestrando el gobernador uno que tenia muy brioso, se le fué la silla, y dando la boca en el suelo, quedó sin sentido, y aunque despues se recobró, el juicio le quedó diminuto, con lo cual trataron todos de desistir de la empresa.” Gomara, cap. ccxiiii: “Cayo en Tiguex del cauallo Francisco Vazquez, y con el golpe salio de sentido, y deuaneuua: lo qual vnos tuuierō por dolor, y otros por fingido, ca estanan mal con el, porque no poblaua.”
  • [273] Or, During the time that he was confined to his bed, . . . .
  • [274] Compare the Spanish. Ternaux, p. 203: “Le chirurgien qui le pansait et qui lui servait en méme temps d’espion, l’avait averti du mécontentement des soldats.”
  • [275] Compare the Spanish.
  • [276] Compare the Spanish text.
  • [277] Ternaux, p. 209: “à une heure très-avancée.”
  • [278] Compare the spelling of this name on page 460 of the Spanish text.
  • [279] The correct date is, of course, 1542.
  • [280] A Franciscan. He was a “frayle de misa.”
  • [281] General W. W. H. Davis, in his Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, p. 231, gives the following extract, translated from an old Spanish MS. at Santa Fé: “When Coronado returned to Mexico, he left behind him, among the Indians of Cibola, the father fray Francisco Juan de Padilla, the father fray Juan de la Cruz, and a Portuguese named Andres del Campo. Soon after the Spaniards departed, Padilla and the Portuguese set off in search of the country of the Grand Quivira, where the former understood there were innumerable souls to be saved. After traveling several days, they reached a large settlement in the Quivira country. The Indians came out to receive them in battle array, when the friar, knowing their intentions, told the Portuguese and his attendants to take to flight, while he would await their coming, in order that they might vent their fury on him as they ran. The former took to flight, and, placing themselves on a height within view, saw what happened to the friar. Padilla awaited their coming upon his knees, and when they arrived where he was they immediately put him to death. The same happened to Juan de la Cruz, who was left behind at Cibola, which people killed him. The Portuguese and his attendants made their escape, and ultimately arrived safely in Mexico, where he told what had occurred.” In reply to a request for further information regarding this manuscript, General Davis stated that when he revisited Santa Fé, a few years ago, he learned that one of his successors in the post of governor of the territory, having despaired of disposing of the immense mass of old documents and records deposited in his office, by the slow process of using them to kindle fires, had sold the entire lot—an invaluable collection of material bearing on the history of the southwest and its early European and native inhabitants—as junk.
  • Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 7, p. 167, gives an extended account of the friars: “Pero porque el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla cuando acompañó á D. Francisco Vazquez Coronado hasta el pueblo de Quivira, puso en él una cruz, protestando no desampararla aunque le costase la vida, por tener entendido hacer fruto en aquellos indios y en los comarcanos, determinó volverse, y no bastaron las instancias del gobernador y demas capitanes para que desistiese por entónces del pensamiento. El padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda rogó tambien le dejasen volver con el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla hasta el pueblo de Coquite, en donde le parecia podrian servir de domesticar algo á aquellos indios por parecerle se hallaban con alguna disposicion; y que pues él era viejo, emplearia la corta vida que le quedase en procurar la salvacion de las almas de aquellos miserables. A su imitacion tambien el padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz, religioso lego (como lo era Fr. Luis de Ubeda) pretendió quedarse en aquellas provincias de Tigües, y porque se discurrió que con el tiempo se conseguiria la poblacion de aquellas tierras, condescendió el gobernador á los deseos de aquellos apostólicos varones, y les dejaron proveidos de lo que por entónces pareció necesario; y tambien quiso quedarse un soldado, de nacion portugues, llamado Andres del Campo, con ánimo de servir al padre Padilla, y tambien dos indizuelos donados nombrados Lúcas y Sebastian, naturales de Michoacan; y otros dos indizuelos que en el ejército hacian oficios de sacristanes, y otro muchacho mestizo: dejáronle á dicho padre Padilla ornamentos y provision para que celebrase el santo sacrificio de la misa, y algunos bienecillos que pudiese dar á los indios para atraerlos á su voluntad.
  • “8. . . . Quedaron estos benditos religiosos como corderos entre lobos; y viéndose solos, trató el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla, con los de Tigües, el fin que le movia á quedarse entre ellos, que no era otro que el detratar de la salvacion de sus almas; que ya los soldados se habian ido, que no les serian molestos, que él pasaba á otras poblaciones y les dejaba al padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz para que les fuese instruyendo en lo que debian saber para ser cristianos é hijos de la Santa Iglesia, como necesario para salvar sus almas, que les tratasen bien, y que él procuraria volver á consolarles: despídese con gran ternura, dejando, como prelado, lleno de bendiciones, á Fr. Juan de la Cruz, y los indios de Tigües señalaron una escuadra de sus soldados que guiasen a dichos padres Fr. Juan de Padilla y Fr. Luis de Ubeda hasta el pueblo de Coquite, en donde les recibieron con demostraciones de alegría, y haciendo la misma recomendacion por el padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda, le dejó, y guiado de otros naturales del mismo pueblo, salió para Quivira con Andres del Campo, donados indizuelos y el muchacho mestizo: llegó á Quivira y se postró al pié de la cruz, que halló en donde la habia colocado; y con limpieza, toda la circunferencia, como lo habia encargado, de que se alegró, y luego comenzó á hacer los oficios de padre maestro y apóstol de aquellas gentes; y hallándolas dóciles y con buen ánimo, se inflamó su corazon, y le pareció corto número de almas para Dios las de aquel pueblo, y trató de ensanchar los senos de nuestra madre la Santa Iglesia, para que acogiese á cuantos se le decia haber en mayores distancias.
  • “9. Salió de Quivira, acompañado de su corta comitiva, contra la voluntad de los indios de aquel pueblo, que le amaban como á su padre, mas á una jornada le salieron indios de guerra, y conociendo mal ánimo de aquellos bárbaros, le rogó al portugues, que pues iba á caballo huyese, y que en su conserva llevase aquellos donados y muchachos, que como tales podrian correr y escaparse: hiciéronlo así por no hallarse capaces de otro modo para la defensa, y el bendito padre, hincado de rodillas ofreció la vida, que por reducir almas á Dios tenia sacrificada, logrando los ardientes deseos de su corazon, la felicidad de ser muerto flechado por aquellos indios bárbaros, quienes le arrojaron en un hoyo, cubriendo el cuerpo con innumerables piedras. Y vuelto el portugues con los indizuelos á Quivira, dieren la noticia, la que sintieron mucho aquellos naturales, por el amor que tenian á dicho padre, y mas lo sintieran si hubieran tenido pleno conocimiento de la falta que les hacia; no sabe el dia de su muerte, aunque sí se tiene por cierto haber sido en el año de 542: y en algunos papeles que dejó escritos D. Pedro de Tovar en la villa de Culiacan, se dice que los indios habian salido á matar á este bendito padre, por robar los ornamentos, y que habia memoria de que en su muerte se vieron grandes prodigios, como fué inundarse la tierra, verse globos de fuego, cometas y oscurecerse el sol.
  • “10. . . . Del padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz, la noticia que se tiene es, que despues de haber trabajado en la instruccion de los indios en Tigües y en Coquite, murió flechado de indios, porque no todos abrazaron su doctrina y consejos, con los que trataba detestasen sus bárbaras costumbres, aunque por lo general era muy estimado de los caciques y demas naturales, que habian visto la veneracion con que el general, capitanes y soldados lo trataban. El padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda se mantenia en una choza por celda ó cueva, en donde le ministraban los indios, con un poco de atole, tortillas y frijoles, el limitado sustento, y no se supo de su muerte; si quedó entre cuantos le conocieron la memoria de su pefecta vida.”
  • When the reports of these martyrdoms reached New Spain, a number of Franciscans were fired with the zeal of entering the country and carrying on the work thus begun. Several received official permission, and went to the pueblo country. One of them was killed at Tiguex, where most of them settled. A few went on to Cicuye or Pecos, where they found a cross which Padilla had set up. Proceeding to Quivira, the natives there counseled them not to proceed farther. The Indians gave them an account of the death of Fray Padilla, and said that if he had taken their advice he would not have been killed.
  • [282] Antonio de Espejo, in the Relacion of his visit to New Mexico in 1582 (Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentes de Indias, vol. xv, p. 180), states that at Zuñi-Cibola, “hallamos tres indios cristianos que se digeron llamar Andrés de Cuyacan y Gaspar de México y Anton de Guadalajara, que digeron haber entrado con Francisco Vazquez, y reformándolos en la lengua mexicana que ya casi la tenian olvidada; destos supimos que habia llegado allí el dicho Francisco Vazquez Coronado.”
  • [283] There were two settlements in Sonora bearing this name, one occupied by the Eudeve and the other by the Tegui division of the Opata. The former village is the one referred to by Castañeda.
  • [284] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 5, p. 166, says that at Sonora . . . “murió un fulano Temiño, hermano de Baltasar Bañuelos, uno de los quatro mineros de Zacatecas; Luis Hernandez, Domingo Fernandez y otros.”
  • [285] Rudo Ensayo, p. 64: “Mago, en lengua Opata [of Sonora], es un arbol pequeño, mui lozano de verde, y hermoso á la vista; pero contiene una leche mortal que á corta incision de su corteza brota, con la que los Naturales suelen untar sus flechas; y por esto la llaman hierba de la flecha, pero ya pocos lo usan. Sirbe tambien dicha leche para abrir tumores rebeldes, aunque no lo aconsejara, por su calidad venenoso.” This indicates a euphorbiacea. Bandelier (Final Report, pt. i, p. 77) believes that no credit is to be given to the notion that the poison used by the Indians may have been snake poison. The Seri are the only Indians of northern Mexico who in recent times have been reported to use poisoned arrows.
  • [286] Ternaux, p. 223: “On parvint ainsi à Petatlan, qui dépend de la province de Culiacan. A cette époque, ce village était soumis. Mais quoique depuis il y ait eu plusieurs soulèvements, on y resta quelques jours pour se refaire.” Compare the Spanish.
  • [287] Gomara, cap. ccxiiii: “Quando llego a Mexico traya el cabello muy largo, y la barua trençada, y contaua estrañezas de las tierras, rios, y montañas,
  • a trauesso. Mucho peso a don Antonio de Mendoça, que se boluiessen, porque auia gastado mas de sesenta mil pesos de oro en la empresa, y aun deuia muchos dellos, y no trayan cosa ninguna de alla, ni muestra de plata, ni de oro, ni de otra riqueza. Muchos quisieron quedarse alla, mas Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, que rico, y rezien casado era con hermosa muger, no quiso, diziendo, que no se podrian sustentar, ni defender, en tan pobre tierra, y tan lexos del socorro. Caminaron mas de nouecientas leguas de largo esta jornada.”
  • [288] Ternaux, p. 228: “il n’y ait pas de succès à espérer sans peine; mais il vaut mieux que ceux qui voudront tenter l’entreprise, soient informés d’avance des peines et des fatigues qu’ont éprouvées leurs prédécesseurs.”
  • [289] The letters of Mendoza during the early part of his administration in Mexico repeatedly call attention to the lack of arms and ammunition among the Spaniards in the New World.
  • [290] Ternaux, p. 236: “l’on trouva sur le bord oriental d’un des lacs salés qui sont vers le sud, un endroit qui avait environ une demi-portée de mousquet de longueur, et qui était entièrement couvert d’os de bisons jusqu’à la hauteur de deux toises sur trois de large, ce qui est surprenant dans un pays désert, et où personne n’aurait pu rassembler ces os.”
  • [291] Compare the Spanish. Ternaux, p. 237: “Ils ont sur la partie antérieure du corps un poil frisé semblable à la laine de moutons, il est tres-fin sur la croupe, et lisse comme la crinière du lion.”
  • [292] The kersey, or coarse woolen cloth out of which the habits of the Franciscan friars were made. Hence the name, grey friars.
  • [293] The earliest description of the American buffalo by a European is in Cabeza de Vaca’s Naufragios, fol. xxvii verso (ed 1555): “Alcançā aqui vacas y yo las he visto tres vezes, y comido dellas: y paresceme que seran del tamaño de las de España: tienē los cuernos pequeños como moriscas, y el pelo muy largo merino como vna bernia, vnas son pardillas y otras negras: y a mi parescer tienen mejor y mas gruessa carne que de las de aca. De las que no son grandes hazen los indios mātas para cubrirse, y de las mayores hazen capatos y rodelas: estas vienen de hazia el norte . . . mas de quatrociētas leguas: y en todo este camino por los valles por donde ellas vienē baxan las gentes que por allí habitan y se mantienen dellas, y meten en la tierra grande contidad de cueros.”
  • Fray Marcos heard about these animals when he was in southern Arizona, on his way toward Cibola-Zuñi: “Aquí . . . me truxeron un cuero, tanto y medio mayor que de una gran vaca, y me dixeron ques de un animal, que tiene solo un cuerno en la frente y queste cuerno es corbo hacia los pechos, y que de allí sale una punta derecha, en la cual dicen que tiene tanta fuerza, que ninguna cosa, por recia que sea, dexa de romper, si topa con ella; y dicen que hay muchos animales destos en aquella tierra; la color del cuero es á manera de cabron y el pelo tan largo como el dedo.”—Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. iii, p. 311.
  • Gomara, cap. ccxv, gives the following description to accompany his picture of these cows (plate LV, herein): “Son aquellos bueyes del tamaño, y color, que nuestros toros, pero no de tan grandes cuernos. Tienen vna gran giba sobre la cruz, y mas pelo de medio adelante, que de medio atras, y es lana. Tienen como clines sobre el espinazo, y mucho pelo, y muy largo de las rodillas abaxo. Cuelgan es por la frente grandes guedejas, y parece que tienen baruas, segun los muchos pelos del garguero, y varrillas. Tienen la cola muy larga los machos, y con vn flueco grande al cabo: assique algo tienen de leon, y algo de camello. Hieren con los cuernos, corren, alcançan, y matan vn cauallo, quando ellos se embrauecen, y enojan: finalmente es animal feo y fiero de rostro, y cuerpo. Huyē de los cauallos por su mala catadura, o por nunca los auer visto. No tienen sus dueños otra riqueza, ni hazienda, dellos comen, beuen, visten, calçan, y hazen muchas cosas de los cueros, casas, calçado, vestido y sogas: delos huessos, punçones: de los nernios, y pelos, hilo: de los cuernos, buches, y bexigas, vasos: de las boñigas, lumbre: y de las terneras, odres, en que traen y tienen agua: hazen en fin tantas cosas dellos quantas han menester, o quantas las bastan para su biuienda. Ay tambien otros animales, tan grandes como cauallos, que por tener cuernos, y lana fina, los llaman carneros, y dizen, que cada cuerno pesa dos arrouas. Ay tambien grandes perros, que lidian con vn toro, y que lleuan dos arrouas de carga sobre salmas. quando vã a caça, o quando se mudan con el ganado, y hato.”
  • Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, p. 164, says: “son estas vacas menores que las nuestras; su lana menuda y mas fina que la merina; por encima un poco morena, y entre sí un pardillo agraciado, á la parte de atras es la lana mas menuda; y de allí para la cabeza, crian unos guedejones grandes no tan fines; tienen cuernos pequeños, y en todo lo demas son de la hechura de las nuestras, aunque mas cenceñas: los toros son mayores, y sus pieles se curten dejándoles la lana, y sirven, por su suavidad, de mullidas camas; no se vió becerrilla alguna, y puede atribuirse, ó á los muchos lobos que hay entre ellas, ó á tener otros parajes mas seguros en que queden las vacas con sus crias, y deben de mudarse por temporadas, ó porque falten las aguas de aquellas lagunas, ó porque conforme el sol se retira, les dañe la mutacion del temperamento, y por eso se advierten en aquellos llanos, trillados caminos ó veredas por donde entran y salen, y al mismo movimiento de las vacas, se mueven cuadrillas de indios. . . . y se dijo ser desabrida la carne de la hembra, y es providencia del Altisimo, para que los indios maten los machos y reserven las hembras para el multiplico.”
  • [294] Scattered through the papers of Dr J. Walter Fewkes on the Zuñi and Tusayan Indians will be found many descriptions of the páhos or prayer sticks and other forms used as offerings at the shrines, together with exact accounts of the manner of making the offerings.
  • [295] The northeastern province of New Spain.
  • [296] The conception of the great inland plain stretching between the great lakes at the head of the St Lawrence and the Gulf of Mexico came to cosmographers very slowly. Almost all of the early maps show a disposition to carry the mountains which follow the Atlantic coast along the Gulf coast as far as Texas, a result, doubtless, of the fact that all the expeditions which started inland from Florida found mountains. Coronado’s journey to Quivira added but little to the detailed geographical knowledge of America. The name reached Europe, and it is found on the maps, along the fortieth parallel, almost every where from the Pacific coast to the neighborhood of a western tributary to the St Lawrence system. See the maps reproduced herein. Castañeda could have aided them considerably, but the map makers did not know of his book.
  • [297] Captain John Stevens’ Dictionary says that this is “a northern province of North America, rich in silver mines, but ill provided with water, grain, and other substances; yet by reason of the mines there are seven or eight Spanish towns in it.” Zacatecas is now one of the central states of the Mexican confederation, being south of Coahuila and southeast of Durango.
  • [298] Ternaux, p. 242, miscopied it Quachichiles.
  • [299] Ternaux, p. 243, reads: “puis pendant six cent cinquante vers le nord, . . . De sorte qu’après avoir fait plus de huit cent cinquante lienes.” . . . The substitution of six for two may possibly give a number which is nearer the actual distance traversed, but the fact is quite unimportant. The impression which the trip left on Castañeda is what should interest the historian or the reader.
  • [300] The dictionary of Dominguez says: “Isla de negros; ó isla del Almirantazgo, en el grande Océano equinoccial; grande isla de la América del Norte, sobre la costa oeste.” Apparently the location of this island gradually drifted westward with the increase of geographical knowledge, until it was finally located in the Philippine group.
  • [301] From the Spanish text in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. ii, p. 356. The letter mentioned in the opening sentence is not known to exist.
  • [302] Presumably the fortress of which Samaniego was warden.
  • [303] Buckingham Smith’s Florida gives many documents relating to the damage done by French brigantines to the Spanish West Indies during 1540–41.
  • [304] In his paper on the Human Bones of the Hemenway Collection (Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, VI, p. 156 et seq.), Dr Washington Matthews discusses the possible former existence of a variety of the llama in certain parts of the southwest.
  • [305] The headbands are doubtless here referred to.
  • [306] The Spanish text for the foregoing paragraph is as follows: “Salidos deste despoblado grande, están siete lugares y habrá una jornada pequeña del uno al otro, á los quales todos juntos llaman Civola; tienen las casas de piedra y barro, toscamente labradas, son desta manera hechas: una pared larga y desta pared á un cabo y á otro salen unas cámaras atajadas de veinte piés en cuadra, segund señalan, las cuales están maderadas de vigas por labrar; las más casas se mandan por las azoteas con sus escaleras á las calles; son las casas de tres y de cuatro altos; afirman haber pocas de dos altos, los altos son demás de estado y medio en alto, ecebto el primero ques bajo, que no terná sino algo más que un estado; mandánse diez ó doce casas juntas por una escalera, de los bajos se sirven y en los más altos habitan: en el más bajo de todos tienen unas saeteras hechas al soslayo como en fortalezas en España. Dicen los indios que cuando les vienen á dar guerra, que se meten en sus casas todos y de allí pelean, y que cuando ellos van á hacer guerra, que llevan rodelas y unas cueras vestidas que son de vacas de colores, y que pelean con flechas y con unas macetas de piedra y con otras armas de palo que no he podido entender. Comen carne humana y los que prenden en la guerra tiénenlos por esclavos. Hay muchas gallinas en la tierra, mansas, tienen mucho maiz y frisoles y melones, tienen en sus casas unos animales bedijudos como grandes podencos de Castilla, los quales tresquilan, y del pelo hacen cabelleras de colores que se ponen, como esa que envio á V.S., y tambien en la ropa que hacen echan de lo mismo. Los hombres son de pequeña estatura; las mujeres son blancas y de buenos gestos, andan vestidas con unas camisas que les llegan hasta los piés, y los cabellos parténselos á manera de lados con ciertas vueltas, que les quedan las orejas de fuera, en las cuales se cuelgan muchas turquesas y al cuello y en las muñecas de los brazos. El vestido de los hombres son mantas y encima cueros de vaca, como el que V.S. veria que llevó Cabeza de Vaca y Dorantes; en las cabezas se ponen unas tocas; traen en verano zapatos de cuero pintados ó de color, y en el invierno borceguíes altos.
  • “De la misma manera, no me saben dar razon de metal ninguno, ni dicen que lo tengan; turquesas tienen en cantidad, aunque no tantas como el padre provincial dice; tienen unas pedrezuelas de christal como esa que envio á V.S., de las cuales V.S. habia visto hartas en esa Nueva España; labran las tierras á uso de la Nueva España; cárganse en la cabeza como en México; los hombres tejen la ropa ó hilan el algodon; comen sal de una laguna questá á dos jornadas de la provincia de Civola. Los indios hacen sus bailes y cantos con unas flantas que tienen sus puntos do ponen los dedos, hacen muchos sones, cantan juntamente con los que tañen, y los que cantan dan palmas á nuestro modo. Aún indio de los que llevó Estéban el Negro, questuvo allá cautivo, le vi tañer, que selo mostraron allá, y otros cantaban como digo, aunque no muy desenvueltos; dicen que se juntan cinco ó seis á tañer, y que son las flautas unas mayores que otras.”
  • [307] The same salt lake from which the Zuñis obtain their salt supply today.
  • [308] Compare with this hearsay description of something almost unknown to the Spaniards, the thoroughly scientific descriptions of the Hopi dances and ceremonials recorded by Dr J. Walter Fewkes.
  • [309] The peaches, watermelons, cantaloupes, and grapes, now so extensively cultivated by the Pueblos, were introduced early in the seventeenth century by the Spanish missionaries.
  • [310] At first glance it seems somewhat strange that although Zuñi is considerably more than 100 miles south of Totonteac, or Tusayan, the people of the former villages did not cultivate cotton, but in this I am reminded by Mr Hodge that part of the Tusayan people are undoubtedly of southern origin and that in all probability they introduced cotton into that group of villages. The Pimas raised cotton as late as 1850. None of the Pueblos now cultivate the plant, the introduction of cheap fabrics by traders having doubtless brought the industry to an end. See page 574.
  • [311] “Y otras simillas como chia” is the Spanish text.
  • [312] Doubtless the pueblo of Marata (Makyata) mentioned by Marcos de Niza. This village was situated near the salt lake and had been destroyed by the Zuñis some years before Niza visited New Mexico.
  • [313] Translated from the Italian version, in Ramusio’s Viaggi, vol. iii, fol. 359 (ed. 1556). There is another English translation in Hakluyt’s Voyages, vol. iii, p. 373 (ed. 1600). Hakluyt’s translation is reprinted in Old South Leaflet, general series, No. 20. Mr Irving Babbitt, of the French department in Harvard University, has assisted in correcting some of the errors and omissions in Hakluyt’s version. The proper names, excepting such as are properly translated, are spelled as in the Italian text.
  • [314] This statement is probably not correct. It may be due to a blunder by Ramusio in translating from the original text. See note on page 382. Eighty days (see pp. 564, 572) would be nearly the time which Coronado probably spent on the journey from Culiacan to Cibola, and this interpretation would render the rest of the sentence much more intelligible.
  • [315] The valley into which Friar Marcos did not dare to enter. See the Historical Introduction, p. 362.
  • [316] Doubtless the Yaquimi or Yaqui river.
  • [317] These were doubtless the Seri, of Yuman stock, who occupied a strip of the Gulf coast between latitude 28° and 29° and the islands Angel de la Guardia and Tiburon. The latter island, as well as the coast of the adjacent mainland, is still inhabited by this tribe.
  • [318] As Indian news goes, there is no reason why this may not have been one of Ulloa’s ships, which sailed along this coast during the previous summer. It can hardly have been a ship of Alarcon’s fleet.
  • [319] Ramusio: “mi ritrouano lunge dal mare quindici giornate.” Hakluyt (ed. 1600): “I found my selfe tenne dayes iourney from the Sea.”
  • [320] It is possible that this is a blunder, in Ramusio’s text, for “His Majesty.” The Marquis, in New Spain, is always Cortes, for whom neither Mendoza nor Coronado had any especial regard.
  • [321] Hakluyt: . . . “very excellent good houses of three or foure or fiue lofts high, wherein are good lodgings and faire chambers with lathers in stead of staires.”
  • [322] The kivas or ceremonial chambers.
  • [323] See the footnote on page 564 in regard to the similarity of names. The note was written without reference to the above passage.
  • [324] Many garnets are found on the ant-hills throughout the region, especially in the Navajo country.
  • [325] The natives doubtless told the truth. Eagle and turkey feathers are still highly prized by them for use in their ceremonies.
  • [326] It should be noted that Coronado clearly distinguishes between hills or mesas and mountains. Zuñi valley is hemmed in by heights varying from 500 to 1,000 feet.
  • [327] This accords perfectly with the condition of the vegetation in Zuñi valley at the present time.
  • [328] See the translation of Castañeda’s narrative, p. 487.
  • [329] Doubtless a slip of Ramusio’s pen for cows, i. e., buffalos.
  • [330] Coronado doubtless misinterpreted what the natives intended to communicate. The “hot lake” was in all probability the salt lake alluded to on page 550, near which Marata was situated. Totonteac was of course Tusayan, or “Tucano.”
  • [331] This is a form of the Zuñi name for Acoma—Hakukia.
  • [332] As clear a description of the form of tribal government among the Pueblo Indians as is anywhere to be found is in Bandelier’s story, The Delight Makers. Mr Bandelier has been most successful in his effort to picture the actions and spirit of Indian life.
  • [333] Dr J. Walter Fewkes has conclusively shown that the snake dance, probably the most dramatic of Indian ceremonials, is essentially a prayer for rain. Coming as it does just as the natural rainy season approaches, the prayer is almost invariably answered.
  • [334] Possibly those used in weaving.
  • [335] This whole sentence is omitted by Hakluyt. The conquerors, in the literature of New Spain, are almost always those who shared with Cortes in the labors and the glory of the Spanish conquest of Mexico.
  • [336] Translated from Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. xix, p. 529. This document is anonymous, but it is evidently a copy of a letter from some trusted companion, written from Granada-Hawikuh, about the time of Coronado’s letter of August 3, 1540. In the title to the document as printed, the date is given as 1531, but there can be no doubt that it is an account of Coronado’s Journey.
  • [337] The printed Spanish text reads: “que como venian abriendo y descobriendo, cada dia, camino, los arcabucos y rios, y malos pasos, se llevaban en parte.” . . .
  • [338] A part of Granada, near the Alhambra. There is a curious similarity in the names Albaicin and Hawikuh, the latter being the native name of Coronado’s Granada.
  • [339] Uttering the war cry of Santiago.
  • [340] The printed manuscript is V. M., which signifies Your Majesty.
  • [341] Doubtless Thunder mountain.
  • [342] The source of this document is stated in the bibliographic note, p. 413. This appears to be a transcript from letters written, probably at Tiguex on the Rio Grande, during the late summer or early fall of 1541.
  • [343] The Spanish text of this document is printed in Buckingham Smith’s Florida, p. 147, from a copy made by Muñoz, and also in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. xiv, p. 318, from a copy found in the Archives of the Indies at Seville. The important variations in the texts are noted in the footnotes. See page 398 in regard to the value of this anonymous document. No date is given in the document, but there can be no doubt that it refers to Coronado’s expedition. In the heading to the document in the Pacheco y Cardenas Coleccion, the date is given as 1531, and it is placed under that year in the chronologic index of the Coleccion. This translation, as well as that of the letter to Charles V, which follows, has already been printed in American History Leaflet, No. 13.
  • [344] The spelling of Cibola and Culiacan is that of the Pacheco y Cardenas copy. Buckingham Smith prints Civola and Culuacan.
  • [345] Buckingham Smith prints Tovar and Tuçan.
  • [346] See the letter of August 3, 1540, p. 562.
  • [347] The Acoma people call their pueblo Áko, while the name for themselves is Akómë, signifying “people of the white rock.” The Zuñi name of Acoma, as previously stated, is Hákukia; of the Acoma people, Hákukia. Hacus was applied by Niza to Hawikuh, not to Acoma—Hodge.
  • [348] The Rio Grande.
  • [349] Evidently Taos, the native name of which is Tūatá, the Picuris name being Tuopá, according to Hodge.
  • [350] The Spanish text (p. 323) is: “Tiene diez é ocho barrios; cada uno tiene tanto sitio como dos solares, las casas muy juntas.”
  • [351] Identical with Castañeda’s Cicuyc or Cicuye—the pueblo of Pecos.
  • [352] Southeast, in Buckingham Smith’s Muñoz copy.
  • [353] Tuxeque, in the Muñoz copy.
  • [354] Or mines, as Muñoz guesses.
  • [355] And jerked beef dried in the sun, in the Muñoz copy only.
  • [356] The text of this letter is printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. iii, p. 363, from a copy made by Muñoz, and also in the same collection, vol. xiii, p. 261, from a copy in the Archives of the Indies at Seville. There is a French translation in Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 355. See the footnote to the preceding document.
  • [357] Coronado had apparently forgotten the atrocities committed by the Spaniards at Tiguex.
  • [358] The text of this narrative is found in Buckingham Smith’s Florida, p. 154, from a copy made by Muñoz, and in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. xiv, p. 304, from the copy in the Archives of the Indies. A French translation is given in Ternaux-Compans’ Cibola volume, p. 364.
  • [359] The Spanish text reads: “Habrá como dos jornadas (;) en este pueblo de los Corazones. (es) Es un arroyo de riego y de tierra caliente, y tienen sus viviendas de unos ranchos que despues de armados los palos, casi á manera de hornos, aunque muy mayores, los cubren con unos petates. Tienen maiz y frisoles y calabazas para su comer, que creo que no le falta. Vistense de cueros de venados, y aquí por ser este puesto al parecer cosa decente, se mandó poblar aquí una villa de los españoles que iban traseros donde vivieron hasta casi que la jornada peresció. Aquí hay yerba y seguro (segund) lo que della se vió, y la operacion que hace es la más mala que se puede hallar, y de lo que tuvimos entendido ser, era de la leche de un árbol pequeño, á manera de lantisco en cuasci, (, E Nasce) en pizarrillas y tierra estéril.” This quotation follows the Pacheco y Cardenas text. The important variations of Buckingham Smith’s copy are inclosed within parentheses. The spelling of the two, in such matters as the use of b and v, x and j, and the punctuation, differ greatly.
  • [360] See Bandelier’s Gilded Man, p. 175. This is Castañeda’s “Guagarispa” as mistakenly interpreted by Ternaux-Compans, the present Arispe, or, in the Indian dialect, Huc-aritz-pa. The words “Ispa, que” are not in the Pacheco y Cardenas copy.
  • [361] The Spanish text is either “ino mui salada de yerva” (B. Smith), or “y no muy solada de yerva” (Pacheco y Cardenas). Doubtless the reference is to the alkali soil and vegetation.
  • [362] The Spanish text (p. 308) is: “el vestido de los indios es de cueros de venados, estremadísimo el adobo, alcanzan ya algunos cueros de vacas adobado con quo se cobijan, que son á manera de bernias y de mucho abrigo; tienen mantas de algodon cuadradas; unas mayores que otras, como de vara y media en largo; las indias las traen puestas por el hombro á manera de gitanas y ceñidas una vuelta sobre otra por su cintura con una cinta del mismo algodon; estando en este pueblo primero de Cibola, el rostro el Nordeste; un poquito ménos está á la mano izquierda de él, cinco jornadas, una provincia que se dice Tucayan.”
  • [363] Acoma. See note on page 492.
  • [364] Sia.
  • [365] Identical with Taos—the Braba of Castañeda and the Yuraba of the Relacion del Suceso.
  • [366] Pecos. In Pacheco y Cardenas this is spelled Tienique.
  • [367] All references to hot rooms or estufas are of course to be construed to mean the kivas or ceremonial chambers.
  • [368] Tiguex is here doubtless referred to.
  • [369] One of the villages whose names Jaramillo did not know was probably the Ximena (Galisteo) of Castañeda.
  • [370] In Buckingham Smith’s copy occurs the phrase, “que decian ellos para significarnoslo Teucarea.” This is not in Pacheco y Cardenas.
  • [371] The Spanish text (p. 315) of this description of the Kansas-Nebraska plains is: “Esta tierra tiene muy linda la apariencia, tal que no la he visto yo mejor . . . porque no es tierra muy doblada sino de lo más (de lomas) y llanos, y rios de muy linda apariencia y aguas, que cierto me contento y tengo presuncion que será muy fructífera y de todos frutos. En los ganados ya está la esperencia (inspiriencia) en la mano por la muchedumbre que hay, que estanta cuanto quieran pensar: jallamos cirguelas de Castilla, un género dellas que nī son del todo coloradas, sino entre coloradas y algo negras y verdes. (,) El árbol y el fruto es cierto de Castilla, de muy gentil sabor; jallamos entre las vacas, lino, que produce la tierra, é brecitas (hebrecitas) arredradas unas de otras, que como el ganado no las come se quedan por allí con sus cabezuelas y flor azul, y aunque pequeño muy perfecto, natural del de nuestra España (perfecto; zumaque natural . . . ). En algunos arroyos, uvas de razonable sabor para no beneficiadas: las casas que estos indios tenian, eran de paxa y muchas dellas redondas, y la paxa llegaba hasta el suelo como pared que no tenia la proporcion y manera de las de acá; por de fuera y encima desto, tenian una manera como capilla ó garita, con una entrada donde se asomaban los indios sentados ó echados.”
  • [372] The pueblos of the Rio Grande.
  • [373] This is the spelling of Panuco in both texts.
  • [374] The text of this report is printed in Buckingham Smith’s Florida, p. 65, from the Muñoz copy, and in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. iii, p. 511. See note on page 391. A translation of this document was printed in the Boston Transcript for October 14, 1893.
  • [375] Acuco or Acoma. The route taken by Alvarado was not the same as that followed by Coronado, who went by way of Matsaki. Alvarado’s course was the old Acoma trail which led directly eastward from Hawikuh or Ojo Caliente.
  • [376] Day of the nativity of the Blessed Virgin, September 8. This was the Tiguex or present Rio Grande.
  • [377] Translated freely and abridged from the depositions as printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. xiv, p. 373. See note on page 377. The statements of the preceding witnesses are usually repeated, in effect, in the testimony of those who follow.
  • [378] Judge of the highest court of the province.
  • [379] Thursday.
• NOTES TO THE NARRATIVE OF CASTAÑEDA, pp. 413–598

• INDEX
  • ACAPULCO, port on coast of New Spain … [385]
  • —, rendezvous for Alvarado's fleet … [409]
  • —, departure of Alarcon from … [403]
  • —, departure of Ulloa from … [369]
  • ACAXES indians of Culiacan … [514]
  • ACHA pueblos … [519]
  • ACOCHIS, indian name for gold … [493], [512]
  • ACOMA, Jaramillo's name for … [587]
  • —, Tigua name for … [492]
  • —, Zuñi name for … [490]
  • —, Alvarado's description of … [594]
  • —, Castañeda's description of … [491]
  • —, description of by companions of Coronado … [569], [575]
  • —, reputation of, in Sonora … [357]
  • —, visit of Arellano to … [494]
  • —, visit of Spaniards to … [390]
  • —, worship of cross at … [544]
  • —, see ACUCO, ACUS.
  • ACORNS, use of, by indians as food … [517]
  • ACOSTA, MARIA DE, wife of Pedro Castañeda … [470]
  • ACUCO, location of … [519], [524]
  • —, visit of Alvarado to … [490]
  • —, cartographic history of … [403]
  • —, see ACOMA, ACUS.
  • ACUCU, Coronado's comments on name of … [560]
  • ACUIQUE, name for Cicuye … [523]
  • ACUS, identified with Acoma … [357]
  • —, Coronado's account of … [560]
  • —, see ACOMA, ACUCO.
  • ADOBE, description of … [520], [562], [569]
  • —, making of, described … [356]
  • AGAVE, liquor made from … [516]
  • — fiber, use of, for garments … [517]
  • AGUAIAUALE, seaport of Culiacan … [385]
  • AGUAS CALIENTES, pueblo of … [525]
  • AGUILAR, JUAN DE, Mendoza's agent in Spain … [368]
  • AHACUS, identified with Hawikuh … [358]
  • ÁKO, native name for Acoma … [575]
  • AKÓNË, native name for people of Acoma … [575]
  • ALARCON, D. DE, confusion of, with Alcaraz … [501]
  • ALARCON, H. DE, expedition by sea, under … [385],[478]
  • —, Colorado river discovered by … [403], [574]
  • —, Estevan's death reported to … [360]
  • —, message of, found by Diaz … [407], [486]
  • —, Coronado's fears for … [555]
  • ALBAICIN, similarity of, with Hawikuh … [564]
  • ALCARAZ, DIEGO DE, lieutenant of Diaz … [485], [501]
  • —, incompetence of … [502]
  • —, death of … [533]
  • ALEMAN, JUAN, inhabitant of Mexico … [495]
  • ALEXERES, uncertain meaning of … [507]
  • ALKALI soil, references to … [586]
  • ALLIGATORS, danger from, in rivers of New Galicia … [539]
  • ALMAGRO, struggles of, in Peru against Pizarro … [376]
  • ALMAGUER, ANTONIO DE, secretary in New Spain … [598]
  • ALMIDEZ CHERINO, PERO, royal veedor for New Spain … [596], [598]
  • ALMIRANTAZGO, island of … [545]
  • ALOE, Mexican, use of, for clothing by pueblo indians … [569]
  • ALVARADO, HERNANDO DE, appointment of … [477]
  • —, Coronado protected by, at Cibola … [483]
  • —, expedition of, to Rio Grande … [390], [490], [575]
  • —, report of discoveries by … [594]
  • —, Pecos chiefs imprisoned by … [493]
  • —, visit of, to Braba … [511]
  • —, wounded by indians … [557]
  • ALVARADO, PEDRO DE, lieutenant of Cortes, conqueror of Guatemala … [352]
  • —, failure of expedition to Peru … [352]
  • —, unites with Mendoza for exploration … [353]
  • —, arguments before Council for the Indies … [372]
  • —, efforts to provide wives for colonists … [374]
  • —, arrival of, in New Spain … [408]
  • —, expedition of, to Peru … [474]
  • —, feats of … [540]
  • —, death of, a Nochistlan … [410]
  • AMATEPEQUE, revolt in, quelled by Coronado … [380]
  • AMBUSH, use of, by Spaniards … [500]
  • AMMUNITION, lack of, in New Spain … [540]
  • ANACAPA ISLAND, visit of Ferrel to … [412]
  • ANDREW TARASCAN remains in pueblo country … [592]
  • ANGEL DE LA GUARDIA, island of … [554]
  • ANIMALS of pueblo region … [518]
  • — taken by Coronado for food supply … [553]
  • ANTONIO DE CICDAD-RODRIGO, Franciscan provincial in Mexico … [354]
  • ANTONIO BE SANTA MARIA, Franciscan friar … [474]
  • ANTONIO VICTORIA, friar, leg of, broken … [482]
  • APALACHE BAY explored by Narvaez … [346]
  • ÂQUIU, name for Cienye … [523]
  • ARACHE, province of great plains … [529], [588]
  • ARAE, indian village on great plains … [577]
  • ARAHEI, province of, on great plains … [588]
  • ARCHE, province near Quivira … [503]
  • ARELLANO, TRISTAN DE, lieutenant to Coronado … [508]
  • —, appointment of, as captain … [477]
  • —, command of, in Coronado's army … [391], [481], [572], [577], [581]
  • —, at Corazones … [485]
  • —, arrival of, at Cibola and Tiguex … [492], [494], [510]
  • ARISPA, settlement of … [515]
  • —, visit of Coronado to … [585]
  • ARIVAYPA CREEK in Arizona … [387]
  • ARIZONA, adobe of … [520]
  • ARIZPE, see ARISPA.
  • ARKANSAS RIVER followed by Coronado … [397]
  • ARROWPOINTS, in graves at Sikyatki … [519]
  • ARTILLERY, substitutes for, devised by Spaniards … [500]
  • —, use of, at Chiametla … [481]
  • —, use of, by Indians … [524]
  • —, use of, in exploring expeditions … [546]
  • ATAHUALPA killed by Pizarro … [354]
  • AUDIENCIA, definition of … [472]
  • —, functions of the … [350]
  • AUDIENCIA, expeditions into new territory forbidden by … [369]
  • AVILA, PEDRO DE, ringleader in rebellion at Suya … [533]
  • AXA, province in great plains … [492]
  • AZTEC warriors allies of Spaniards in Mixton war … [410]
  • BABBITT, IRVING, acknowledgments to … [552]
  • BACALLAOS, name applied to Newfoundland, … , [526]
  • BACHELORS forbidden to hold land in America … [374]
  • BALCONIES, description of, in pueblo houses … [523]
  • BALSAS, RIO DE LAS, crossed by Coronado on rafts … [586]
  • BANCROFT, H.H., on Cabeza de Vaca's route … [348]
  • —, mistake in dating Alvarado's report … [391]
  • BANDELIER, A.F., researches in southwestern history … [339]
  • —, discussion of indian legends … [345]
  • —, on Cabeza de Vaca's route … [347]
  • —, on Friar Juan de la Asuncion … [353]
  • —, on route of Friar Marcos … [358]
  • —, defense of veracity of Friar Marcos … [363]
  • —, on date of Coronado's departure … [382]
  • —, on Coronado's route from Culiacan … [386]
  • —, identification of Chichilticalli by … [387], [516]
  • —, identification of Hawikuh-Granada by … [489]
  • —, identification of pueblos by … [511], [524]
  • —, Querechos identified with Apaches by … [396]
  • —, identification of Rio Vermejo by … [482]
  • —, identification of Vacapa by … [355]
  • —, use of sources of Coronado expedition by … [414]
  • —, considers the Turk indian probably a Pawnee … [394]
  • —, on Arizona indian liquor … [516]
  • —, on Opata poison … [538]
  • —, on indian government and estufas … [520]
  • —, on pueblo indian life and government … [561]
  • —, on name of Cicuye … [523]
  • —, on name Teya or Texia … [507]
  • —, on name Tutahaco … [492]
  • —, on Indian giants … [485]
  • —, on Acoma … [490]
  • —, on Ispa and Guagarispa … [585]
  • —, on location of Quivira … [397]
  • —, on location of Tiguex and Cicuye … [491]
  • —, on Matsaki … [517]
  • —, on Petlatlan … [515]
  • —, on the Seven Cities … [473]
  • —, on Topira … [478]
  • —, on Yuqueyunque … [510]
  • BANNOCK, linguistic affinity of the … [525]
  • BANUELOS, B., miner of Zacatecas … [538]
  • BARBELS, native American fish … [517]
  • BARK used in mat making … 259
  • BARRANCA, RIO DE LA, crossed by Coronado … [586]
  • BARRIONUEVO, FRANCISCO DE, companion of Coronado … [479]
  • —, explorations of … [510]
  • —, adventure of, at Tiguex … [496]
  • BATUCA, Opata settlement in Sonora … [537]
  • BEADS found in graves at Sikyatki … [519]
  • BEANS, stores of, kept by Indians … [584]
  • —, wild, found by Coronado … [507]
  • BEAR in pueblo region … [518], [560]
  • BEJARANO, SERVAN, testimony of … [598]
  • BENAVIDES, A. DE, on methods of building pueblos … [520]
  • —, on use of dogs by plains indians … [527]
  • BENITEZ, death of … [500]
  • BERMEJO, See VERMEJO.
  • BERNALILLO, location of Tiguex at … [391], [491]
  • BIBLIOGRAPHY of Coronado expedition … [599]
  • BIGOTES, captain of Cicuye indians … [490]
  • —, see WHISKERS.
  • BILLEGAS, FRANCISCO DE, agent for De Soto in Mexico … [366]
  • —, correspondence of, with De Soto … [370]
  • BIRDS of pueblo region … [521]
  • BISON first seen by Coronado's force … [391]
  • —, description of … [527], [541], [543]
  • — described by Cicuye indians … [490]
  • — described by Colorado river indians … [405]
  • — described by companion of Coronado … [570]
  • — described by Coronado … [580]
  • — described by Jaramillo … [587]
  • —, Alvarado's journey among … [576]
  • —, Coronado's army supplied with meat of … [577], [581]
  • — killed by plains indians … [504]
  • BISON, pile of bones of … [542]
  • —, skins of, found by Coronado at Cibola … [560]
  • —, stampede of … [505]
  • BITUMEN used by indians in making rafts … [407]
  • BLANKETS of native American cotton … [517]
  • BLIZZARD experienced by Coronado … [506]
  • BOCANEGRA, HERNAND PEREZ DE, See PEREZ.
  • BOSTON TRANSCRIPT, translation of Alvarado's report in … [594]
  • BOURKE, J.G., on Apache medicine-men … [360]
  • BOYOMO, river and settlement of … [515]
  • BRABA, pueblo of … [525]
  • —, description of, by Alvarado … [505]
  • —, village of, visited by Spaniards … [511]
  • BRACELETS of Turk indian … [493]
  • BREAD of pueblo indians … [522]
  • —, use of, among Colorado river indians … [485]
  • BRIDGE built by Spaniards across Canadian river … [397], [504]
  • —, Indian, across Rio Grande … [511]
  • BRIGANTINES, French, on the coast of New Spain … [547]
  • BUENAGUIA, Alarcon's name for Colorado river … [406], [574]
  • BUFFALO, see BISON.
  • BUFFALO SKINS given to Coronado … [505]
  • — obtained through trade by Sonora indians … [357]
  • BURGOS, JUAN DE, estates of, forfeited for bachelorhood … [379]
  • BURIAL among pueblo indians … [518]
  • — by Tiguex indians … [595]
  • BURIEL, a variety of cloth … [543]
  • BURNING of indian captives condemned by Spaniards … [393]
  • — of indians at stake by Spaniards … [407]
  • CABEZA DE VACA, ALVAR NUÑEZ, arrival of, in New Spain … [345], [474]
  • —, royal treasurer on Narvaez' expedition … [347]
  • —, narrative of Narvaez' expedition by … [349]
  • —, narrative of, translated by Ternaux … [349]
  • —, tells Alvarado of his discoveries … [352]
  • —, indian traditions regarding … [539]
  • —, efforts to verify reports of … [354]
  • —, description of bison by … [543], [548]
  • —, uses gourds of indian medicine-men … [360]
  • —, traces of, found by Coronado … [505], [506]
  • —, in Corazones valley … [484], [585]
  • CABOT, SEBASTIAN, map of, cited … [403]
  • CABRILLO, J.R., voyage of, along California coast … [411]
  • CALIFORNIA, coast of, explored by Ferrel … [412]
  • —, exploration of gulf of … [369], [514]
  • —, peninsula of, mistaken for an island … [404], [486]
  • —, natives of peninsula of … [514]
  • CAMPO, ANDRES DO, Portuguese companion of Padilla … [400]
  • —, remains in Quivira … [529], [535]
  • —, return of, to New Spain … [401], [544]
  • CANADIAN RIVER, journey of Alvarado along … [391], [576]
  • —, crossed by Coronado … [397], [504]
  • CANTELOUPES, introduction of, into pueblo country … [550]
  • —, indian use of, as food … [516]
  • CANYON OF THE COLORADO visited by Spaniards … [390], [489]
  • CAPETLAN, see CAPOTHAN.
  • CAPOTHAN, province in New Spain … [529]
  • CAPOTLAN or CAPOTEAN, indians from, accompany Padilla … [592]
  • CARBAJAL, death of Spaniard named … [500]
  • CARDENAS, DIEGO LOPEZ DE, name of, given by Mota Padilla … [477]
  • CARDENAS, GARCIA LOPEZ, succeeds Samaniego as field-master … [388]
  • —, appointment of, as captain … [477]
  • —, confusion of, with Urrea … [489]
  • —, visits Colorado river … [390], [489], [574]
  • —, indian village attacked by … [496]
  • —, Coronado protected by, at Cibola … [483], [557], [573]
  • —, treachery of indians toward … [498]
  • —, indians interviewed by … [497]
  • —, interview of, with indians … [555], [556]
  • —, at Tiguex … [492]
  • —, preparations for winter quarters by … [576]
  • —, accident to … [505], [577]
  • —, death of brother of … [530]
  • CARDENAS, GARCIA LOPEZ, recalled to Spain … [399], [578], [583]
  • CARDONA, ANOTNIO SERRANO DE, See SERRANO.
  • CARTOGRAPHIC results of Coronado expedition … [403]
  • CASA DE CONTRATACION, description of … [351]
  • CASA GRANDE, attempts to identify with Chichilticalli … [387]
  • CASTAÑEDA, ALONSO DE, death, of … [500]
  • CASTAÑEDA, PEDRO DE, narrative of Coronado expedition by … [413], [417]
  • —, manuscript of, in Lenox library … [339], [413]
  • —, story of an indian trader … [345]
  • —, explanation of troubles between Friar Marcos and Estevan … [355]
  • —, story of Estevan's death … [360]
  • —, says Friar Marcos' promotion was arranged by Mendoza … [364]
  • —, accusations against Friar Marcos … [366]
  • —, mistake regarding departure of Alarcon … [385]
  • —, stories of revolt of Rio Grande indians … [393]
  • —, credibility of his version of the Turk's stories of Quivira … [394]
  • —, Spanish family name … [511]
  • —, difficulties in manuscript of … [513], [514]
  • —, peculiarities of style of … [525], [526]
  • CASTILLO, ALONSO DEL, same as Maldonado … [348]
  • CATTLE, imported into New Spain … [375]
  • CAVALLOS, BAHIA DE LOS, site of Narvaez' camp … [347]
  • CEDROS, ARROYO DE LOS, crossed by Coronado … [584]
  • CENTIZPAC, a river in New Galicia … [382]
  • CEREMONIAL meal, use of, on Moki trails … [488]
  • CEREMONIES of pueblo indians … [544], [550], [573]
  • —, pueblo, studied by Fewkes … [359]
  • — of Tiguex indians … [595]
  • CERECS THURBERH, see PITAHAYA.
  • CERVANTES, a Spanish soldier … [503]
  • CEVOLA, see CIBOLA.
  • CHAMETLA, see CHIAMETLA.
  • CHAMITA, on site of Yuqueyunque … [510], [525]
  • CHANNING, EDWARD, acknowledgments to … [339]
  • CHERINO, PERO ALMIDEZ, see ALMIDEZ.
  • CHIA, indian village mentioned by Jaramillo … [587]
  • —, mention of road to … [594]
  • —, cannon deposited in villages of … [503]
  • —, see SIA.
  • CHIAMETLA, appointment of Trejo in … [500]
  • —, death of Samaniego at … [480], [547]
  • —, desertion of … [383]
  • CHICHILTICALLI, description of … [516]
  • — described by Jaramillo … [584]
  • — described by Mota Padilla … [487]
  • —, limit of Diaz' exploration … 303
  • —, first sight of, by Coronado … [482]
  • — visited by Coronado … [387]
  • —, Coronado's description of … [554]
  • —, visit of Diaz to … [480]
  • —, visit of Friar Marcos to … [475]
  • CHICHIMECAS, Mexican word for braves … [524]
  • —, Mexican indians … [529]
  • CHINA, coast of, connected with America … [513], [526]
  • CIBOLA described by indians of Sonora … [356]
  • —, extent of range of … [358]
  • —, stories of, inspired by Friar Marcos … [364]
  • — captured by Coronado lvii, [388], [556], [565], [573]
  • —, Castañeda's description of … [482]
  • —, Diaz' description of houses at … [548]
  • —, Coronado's description of … [558]
  • —, description of … [517], [565], [569], [573]
  • —, description of houses at … [520]
  • —, cartographic history of … [403]
  • —, see ZUÑI.
  • CICUIC, see CICUYE, PECOS.
  • CICUIQUE, see CICUYE.
  • CICUYE, synonymous with Pecos … [391]
  • —, description of … [523], [525]
  • — described by companions of Coronado … [570], [575]
  • — described by Jaramillo … [587]
  • —, indians from, visit Coronado … [490]
  • —, Alvarado's visit to … [491]
  • —, visit of Coronado to … [502]
  • —, treachery of indians at … [509]
  • —, siege of, by Spaniards … [511]
  • —, cartographic history of … [403]
  • —, river of, crossed by Spaniards … [504], [510]
  • CINALOA RIVER crossed by Coronado … [584]
  • — north of New Galicia … [386], [515]
  • CLIMATE of Cibola, Coronado's account of … [559]
  • CLOTHING of the Hopi … [517]
  • — of indians at Quivira … [582]
  • — of indians at Sonora … [515]
  • — of indians taken by Spaniards … [495]
  • — of plains indians … [507]
  • — of pueblo indians … [404], [517], [549], [562], [563], [569], [573], [586], [595]
  • CLUBS, indian … [498]
  • COAHUILA, a Mexican state … [545]
  • COCHIN, letter from, to Mendoza … [412]
  • COCHITI, pueblo of … [525]
  • COCO, Alvarado's name for Acoma … [594]
  • COLIMA, town in western New Spain … [385]
  • —, illness of Mendoza at … [551]
  • —, ravines of … [505]
  • COLONISTS of New Spain, characteristics of … [373]
  • COLONIZATION of New Spain … [374]
  • COLORADO, adobe of … [520]
  • COLORADO RIVER, discovery of … [403], [574]
  • —, visit of Diaz to … [406], [485]
  • —, visit of Cardonas to … [390], [489]
  • COLUMBIA RIVER, drift of, seen by Ferrel … [412]
  • COMANCHE, identification of, with Teya … [524]
  • —, linguistic affinity of the … [525]
  • COMBS, use of, in weaving … [562]
  • COMPOSTELA, establishment of … [473]
  • —, rendezvous of Coronado's army at … [362]
  • —, review of Coronado's force in … [596]
  • —, departure of Coronado from … [377], [478]
  • COMUPATRICO, settlement of … [515]
  • CONA, settlement of plains Indians … [507]
  • CONQUISTADORES, meaning of term in New Spain … [563]
  • COPALA, name of province in great plains … [492]
  • COPPER found by Coronado at Quivira … [397], [509], [577], [582]
  • — recognized by Colorado river indians … [405]
  • — bell found among Texas Indians … [350]
  • — mines, ancient, in Michigan … [345]
  • COQUITE, pueblo of … [523]
  • CORAZONES, settlement of, by Arellano … [572]
  • —, river and settlement of … [515]
  • —, description of, by Jaramillo … [585]
  • —, food supply in … [553]
  • —, kindness of Indians of … [534], [537]
  • —, or valley of Hearts, in Sonora … [392]
  • —, Coronado's army in valley of … [484]
  • CORN, description of native American … [518]
  • —, stores of, kept by Indians … [584]
  • —, method of grinding, at pueblos … [522], [559]
  • —, see MAIZE.
  • CORONADO, FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ, commission of, as governor of New Galicia … [351]
  • —, escorts Friar Marcos to Culiacan … [355]
  • —, returns to Mexico with Friar Marcos … [362], [381]
  • —, accompanied Mendoza to Mexico … [376]
  • —, request by, for investigation of personnel of force … [377]
  • —, marriage and history … [379], [474]
  • —, quells revolt of miners at Amatepeque … [380]
  • —, rumors of his appointment as governor … [380]
  • —, wounded at Cibola … [573], [565], [388], [483], [557]
  • —, departure of, for Quivira … [395], [577]
  • —, return of, to Mexico … [401]
  • —, end of career of … [402]
  • —, appointment of … [474], [476]
  • —, departure of, from Compostela … [478]
  • —, Tutahaco visited by … [492]
  • —, letter written by, to survivors of Narvaez' expedition … [507], [590]
  • —, separation of, from main army … [508]
  • —, cause of illness of … [531], [538], [579]
  • —, departure of, from Culiacan … [552]
  • —, regrets of, for failure of expedition … [583]
  • —, petition from, to Mendoza … [596]
  • CORONADO EXPEDITION, memoir on … [329]–[613]
  • CORTES, HERNANDO, defeats Narvaez … [346]
  • —, Marquis del valle de Oxitipar … [350]
  • —, settlement at Santa Cruz … [351]
  • —, declares Friar Marcos' report to be a lie … [367]
  • —, troubles of, with Mendoza … [368], [409]
  • —, expedition under Ulloa to head of gulf of California … [369]
  • —, arguments before the Council for the Indies … [371]
  • —, efforts to populate New Spain … [373]
  • —, importation of cattle by … [374]
  • —, name Nueva España given by … [403]
  • —, rivalry of, with Guzman … [473]
  • CORTES, HERNANDO, trial for murder of wife of … [473]
  • —, feats of … [540]
  • —, probably mistaken reference to, in Ramusio … [556]
  • COTTON at Acoma, Coronado's account of … [569]
  • —, cultivation of, on Rio Grande … [575]
  • — found at Cibola by Coronado … [558]
  • —, use of, by pueblo indians … [569]
  • — blankets, native American … [517]
  • — cloth at Tusayan … [489]
  • COUNCIL FOR THE INDIES, investigates charges against Cabeza de Vaca … [349]
  • COWS, see BISON.
  • CRANES in pueblo region … [521]
  • CREMATION among pueblo indians … [518]
  • CROSS, sign of, among pueblo indians … [518]
  • —, veneration for, among indians … [544], [548], [555]
  • — raised by Coronado in Quivira … [591]
  • CROW INDIANS, arrows of the … 279
  • CROWS in pueblo region … [521]
  • CRUZ, BAHIA DE LA, explored by Narvaez … [346]
  • CULIACAN, SAN MIGUEL DE … [547]
  • —, foundation of, by Guzman … [473]
  • —, description of … [513]
  • —, arrival of Cabeza de Vaca at … [474]
  • —, Coronado entertained at … [384]
  • —, Coronado's departure from … [552]
  • —, return of Coronado to … [538]
  • CULUACAN, see CULIACAN.
  • CURRANTS, wild, found by Coronado … [510]
  • CUSHING, F.H., on Acus, Totonteac, and Marata … [357]
  • —, on indian burials … [518]
  • —, on indian fruit preserves … [487]
  • CUYACAN, ANDRES DE, indian ally of Coronado … [535]
  • DANCES of the Tahus … [613]
  • DANIEL, Franciscan friar and lay brother … [474], [556]
  • DAVIS, W.W.H., on destruction of New Mexican documents … [535]
  • DĀ´ WĀ·WÝMP-KI-YAS, Tusayan sun priests … [518]
  • DEER at Cibola … [560]
  • —, description of, by Colorado river indians … [405]
  • — in pueblo region … [518]
  • — of great plains … [528]
  • DESCALONA, LOUIS, labors of, at Pecos … [401]
  • DE SOTO, see SOTO.
  • DIALECTS among plains indians … [582]
  • DIAZ, MELCHIOR, position of … [477]
  • —, ordered to verify Friar Marcos' reports … [363]
  • —, Niza's report investigated by … [547], [553], [572]
  • —, on Niza's discoveries … [383]
  • —, in command of San Hieronimo … [392]
  • —, command of, at Corazones … [484]
  • —, exploration by … [406], [480], [485], [574]
  • —, death of … [407], [501]
  • DIVORCE among pueblo indians … [521]
  • —, see MARRIAGE.
  • DO CAMPO, see CAMPO.
  • DOGS, mention of, in connection with Coronado expedition … [401], [405], [407]
  • —, use of, by plains indians … [504], [507], [527], [570], [579]
  • DOMINGUEZ, quotations from dictionary of … [545]
  • DONADO, ecclesiastical use of term … [400]
  • DORANTES, ANDRES, survivor of Narvaez expedition … [348]
  • —, remains in Mexico to conduct explorations … [349]
  • —, travels of … [474]
  • —, traces of, found by Coronado … [505], [506]
  • DORANTES, FRANCISCO, mistake for Andres … [348]
  • —, see CABEZA DE VACA.
  • DRAKE, FRANCIS, on indian giants … [485]
  • DRUM at Pecos … [491]
  • DRUNKENNESS, absence of, at Cibola [518]
  • — among the Tahus … [574]
  • DURANGO, a Mexican state … [545]
  • —, province of New Spain … [353]
  • —, mines in … [476]
  • EAGLES, tame, kept by indians … [516]
  • EAMES, WILBERFOECE, acknowledgments to … [339]
  • EARTHENWARE of indians mentioned by Castañeda … [511]
  • —, see POTTERY.
  • EARTHQUAKES near mouth of Colorado river … [501]
  • ECLIPSE, effect of, at Cibola … [518]
  • ENCACONADOS, Sonoran use of term … [358]
  • ESPEJO, ANTONIO DE, Mexican indians found at Cibola by … [401], [536]
  • —, on clothing of Zuñi indians … [517]
  • —, on Coronado's attack on Tiguex … [496]
  • —, on plains indians … [527]
  • ESPINOSA, death of … [555], [564], [586]
  • ESPIRITU SANTO river identified with Mississippi … [346]
  • ESTEBANILLO, see ESTEVAN.
  • ESTEVAN, survivor of Narvaez expedition … [348]
  • —, qualifications as a guide … [354]
  • — proceeds to Cibola in advance of Niza … [355]
  • —, travels of … [474]
  • —, death of … [475], [551], [586]
  • —, Coronado's account of the death of … [563]
  • —, death of, described by Colorado river indians … [405]
  • —, native legends of death of … [361]
  • ESTRADA, ALONZO DE, royal treasurer for New Spain … [379]
  • —, parentage of … [474]
  • ESTRADA, BEATRICE DE, wife of Coronado … [379], [478]
  • ESTREMADURA, Spanish province … [511]
  • ESTUFAS, descriptions of … [520]
  • —, description of, by Jaramillo … [587]
  • —, reference to … [569]
  • — at Cibola … [518]
  • —, very large, at Braba … [511]
  • —, see KIVA
  • EUDEVE, branch of Opata Indians … [537]
  • EUPHOEBIACEA, name of Opata poison … [538]
  • FEATHERS, Indian trade in … [472]
  • —, use of, by pueblo indians … [544], [559], [570]
  • —, use of, for garments … [517]
  • FERDINAND, KING, family of … [474]
  • FERNANDEZ, DOMINGO, Spanish soldier, death of … [538]
  • FERREL, B. DE, pilot and successor of Cabrillo … [411]
  • FETICHES, found in graves at Sikyatki … [519]
  • FEWKES, J. WALTER, excavations by … [519]
  • —, researches at Tusayan and Zuñi … [339], [359]
  • —, on estufas … [520]
  • —, on Hopi ceremonials … [544],[550]
  • —, on snake dance … [561]
  • —, on sun priests and kiva ceremonies … [518]
  • FIGUEROA, GOMEZ SUAREZ DE, companion of Coronado … [477]
  • FIREBRAND, use of, by Indians in traveling … [485]
  • FIREBRAND RIVER, see COLORADO, TIZON.
  • FLAX, river of … [554], [555]
  • —, wild, on great plains … [528], [591]
  • FLETCHER, FRANCIS, on indian giants … [485]
  • FLORIDA explored by De Soto … [370]
  • — explored by Narvaez … [340], [474]
  • —, reputed bad character of country of … [545]
  • FLOWERS, use of, in pueblo ceremonials … [544]
  • FLUTES at Pecos … [491]
  • FOOD of Acoma Indians … [491]
  • —, supply of, in Acoma … [594]
  • — of pueblo Indians … [506], [527], [549], [559], [569], [586], [593]
  • — supply of Tiguex Indians … [595]
  • — supply of Spanish army … [562]
  • — of Tusayan Indians … [489]
  • FOWLS, domestic, among the pueblos … [516], [521],[559]
  • FRANCISCANS, election of Niza by … [476]
  • —, dress of … [543]
  • — in New Spain … [474]
  • FRIO, RIO, crossed by Coronado … [586]
  • FRUIT, introduction of, into pueblo country … [550]
  • —, wild, of great plains … [528]
  • FUNERAL witnessed by Coronado … [519]
  • GALERAS, JUAN, exploration of Colorado river canyons by … [489]
  • GALICIA, NEW KINGDOM OF, in New Spain … [473]
  • GALINDO, LUIS, chief justice for New Galicia … [351]
  • GALISTEO, pueblo of … [523], [525]
  • —, mention of, by Jaramillo … [587]
  • GALLEGO, JUAN, companion of Coronado … [477]
  • —, messenger from Coronado to Mendoza … [392],[394]
  • —, messenger from Mexico to Coronado … [533], [534]
  • —, in Corazones … [484]
  • —, meets Coronado on his return … [537]
  • —, feats of … [540]
  • GAME in pueblo region … [518], [521], [560]
  • GARCIA, ANDRES, on effect of Marcos' report … [365]
  • GARCIA ICAZBALCETA see ICAZBALCETA.
  • GARNETS found at Cibola by Coronado … [559]
  • GATSCHET, A.S., on name of Cibola … [517]
  • GEESE in pueblo region … [521]
  • GEOGRAPHICAL results of Coronado expedition … [403]
  • GIANTS, discovery of tribe of … [392]
  • —, indian, finding of, by Maldonado … [484]
  • —, indian, visit of Diaz among … [485]
  • GILA RIVER, possible early visit to … [353]
  • GOATS, mountain, in pueblo country … [550], [560]
  • —, mountain, seen by Spaniards … [516]
  • GOLD, discovery of, Suya … [533]
  • — found by Coronado at Cibola … [503]
  • —, reports of, from Quivira … [503], [501], [512]
  • — found at Quivira by Coronado … [582]
  • —, use of, in indian trade … [472]
  • GOMARA, F.L. de, on Chichimecas … [524]
  • —, on clothing of pueblo Indians … [517]
  • —, description of bison by … [513]
  • —, on illness of Coronado … [531]
  • —, on return of Coronado … [539]
  • —, on capture of Cibola … [483]
  • —, on stories told by Turk indian … [492]
  • —, on Quivira and Padilla … [529]
  • GOOSE, see GEESE.
  • GORBALAN, FRANCISCO, companion of Coronado … [477]
  • GOURD used by Estevan as sign of authority … [360]
  • —, use of, for carrying water … [490]
  • GOVERNMENT of pueblo indians … [356], [518], [561]
  • — of Sonora indians … [513]
  • GRANADA, Coronado's name for Hawikuh … [389], [558], [564]
  • —, see HAWIKUH, CIBOLA.
  • GRAND CANYON, see COLORADO RIVER.
  • GRAPES, introduction of, into pueblo country … [550]
  • —, wild, found by Coronado … [507], [510], [528], [582], [591]
  • GREAT PLAINS, description of [527]
  • —, description of, by companion of Coronado … [570]
  • —, Coronado's description of … [580]
  • —, dangers of traveling on … [578]
  • GREY FRIARS, name of … [513]
  • GUACHICHULES, Mexican native province … [515]
  • GUADALAJARA, citizens of, in Coronado's army … [598]
  • —, defense of, in Mixton war … [408], [410]
  • —, election of magistrates at … [381]
  • GUADALAJARA, ANTON DE, native ally of Coronado … [536]
  • GUADALAXARA, name of, changed in 1540 … [473]
  • GUADALUPE CANYON, pueblos in … [525]
  • GUADIAINA, Spanish river … [511]
  • GUAES, province near Quivira … [503], [529]
  • GUAGARISPA, settlement of … [515]
  • —, see ARISPA, ISPA.
  • GUAS, province of great plains … [503], [529]
  • GUATEMALA explored by Alvarado [352]
  • —, wives for settlers imported into … [374]
  • GUATULCO, port of New Spain … [369]
  • GUATUZACA, indian mythological personage … [405]
  • GUEVARA, DIEGO DE, name of, cited by Mota Padilla … [477]
  • —, indian village captured by … [500]
  • GUEVARA, JUAN DE, appointment of son of … [477]
  • GUEVARA, PEDRO DE, appointment of, as captain … [477]
  • GUTIERRES, DIEGO, appointment of, as captain … [477]
  • GUYAS, see GUAS.
  • GUZMAN, NUÑO DE, president of Mexican audiencia … [350]
  • —, position of, in New Spain … [472]
  • —, conquest of New Galicia by … [351]
  • —, arguments of, before Council for the Indies … [372]
  • —, Culiacan settled by … [513]
  • —, expedition of, to Seven Cities … [473]
  • —, result of abuses of … [408]
  • —, imprisoned in Mexico … [351]
  • HACUS, use of name by Niza … [575]
  • HAILSTONES, effect of, in Coronado's camp … [506]
  • HAIR-DRESS of pueblo women … [517]
  • HAKLUYT, R., translation of Coronado's letter by … [552]
  • —, omissions in translation by … [563]
  • —, quotation from … [554], [558], [560]
  • —, Zuñi name for Acoma … [490], [560], [575]
  • —, Zuñi name for Acoma people … [490], [575]
  • HANO, a Tusayan village … [510]
  • HARAHEY, chief of, visits Coronado … [590]
  • HARAL, see HAXA.
  • HARALE, description of, told to Coronado … [576]
  • HAWIKUH former importance of … [358]
  • —, scene of Estevan's death … [361]
  • —, similarity of, with Albaicin … [564]
  • —, Spanish namo for … [389]
  • HAXA or HAYA, province near Mississippi river … [504], [505], [507]
  • HAYNES, HENRY W., acknowledgments to … [339]
  • —, error of Castañeda corrected by … [501]
  • —, on date of Coronado's departure … [382]
  • —, on identification of Cibola … [389]
  • HEADBANDS of pueblo indians referred to … [549]
  • HEARTS, of animals, use of, as food … [484]
  • HEARTS VALLEY, named by Cabeza de Vaca … [392]
  • —, See CORAZONES.
  • HEMENWAY, AUGUSTUS, acknowledgments to … [339]
  • HEMENWAY EXPEDITION, bones in collection of … [549]
  • HEMES pueblos … [519], [525]
  • —, visit of Barrionuevo to … [510]
  • —, see JEMEZ.
  • HENIQUEN FIBER used by pueblo indians … [573]
  • HERBALISTS, see MEDICINE-MEN.
  • HERNANDEZ, Luis, Spanish soldier, death of … [538]
  • HERRERA, A. DE, on Coronado's visit to Quivira … [509]
  • —, on explorations by Diaz … [406]
  • —, quotation from … [507]
  • HODGE, F.W., acknowledgments to … [339], [599]
  • —, identification of cities of Cibola … [361], [389]
  • —, identification of plains indians … [396]
  • —, on Zuñi name of Acoma … [490]
  • —, on probable identification of Teyas … [524]
  • —, on cotton at Tusayan … [550]
  • —, on pueblo of Matsaki … [517]
  • —, on native names for Taos … [575]
  • HOLMES, W.H., on pueblo pottery … [522]
  • HONDURAS, exploration of, by Alvarado … [352]
  • HOPI, tribal name of indians at Tusayan … [390]
  • —, natal ceremonies of … [517]
  • —, paraphernalia found in graves at Sikyatki … [519]
  • —, tame eagles among … [516]
  • —, use of urine by … [522]
  • —, see MOKI, TUSAYAN.
  • HORSES, epidemic among, in New Mexico … [536]
  • —, utility of, in new countries … [546]
  • HOUSES, of plains indians … [528]
  • —, see ADOBE.
  • HUC-ARITZ-PA., see ARISPA.
  • IBARRA, FRANCISCO DE, mention of … [500]
  • ICAZBALCETA, JOAQUIN GARCIA, acknowledgments to … [339], [413], [568]
  • IDOLATRY among Tahus … [513]
  • IMMIGRATION, early, into New Spain … [374]
  • INCAS, effect of stories of wealth of … [350]
  • INDIA, coast of, connected with America … [513], [526]
  • INFANTADO, DUKE OF, appointment of brother-in-law of … [477]
  • INQUISITION, badge of, described … [507]
  • INTERMARRIAGE, see MARRIAGE.
  • INTERPRETERS, followers of Cabeza de Vaca trained as … [354]
  • ISLAND OF THE MARQUIS, same as Lower California … [351]
  • ISLETA, Coronado's visit to … [492]
  • —, name of Cibola at … [517]
  • ISOPETE, see YSOPETE.
  • ISPA, Indian settlement visited by Coronado … [585]
  • —, see ARISPA.
  • JACONA, Mendoza's letter from … [551]
  • JARAMILLO, JUAN, on the visit to Quivira … [396]
  • —, translation of narrative of … [584]
  • JEMES pueblos … [525]
  • —, see HEMES.
  • JERONIMO DE SANTISTEBAN, letter of, to Mendoza … [412]
  • JUANA, Queen of Spain … [477]
  • JUAN ALEMAN, name given to pueblo indian … [495]
  • —, treachery of … [498]
  • JUAN DE LA ASUNCION, Franciscan friar in New Spain … [353]
  • JUAN DE LA CRUZ, death of, at Tiguex … [401], [535]
  • JUAN RODRIGUES, ISLA DE, Spanish name for San Miguel … [411]
  • JUEZ DE RESIDENCIA, functions of … [474]
  • KANSAS, Castañeda's description of … [528]
  • —, location of Quivira in … [397], [591]
  • —, see QUIVIRA.
  • KANSAS RIVER crossed by Coronado … [397]
  • KERES pueblo, see QUERES.
  • K´IAKIMA, a pueblo of Cibola … [389]
  • —, legend of Estevan's death at … [361]
  • K´IAPKWAINAKWIN, location of … [358]
  • KILLIKINIK, see TOBACCO.
  • KIVA, Coronado's description of … [558]
  • —, described by Colorado river indians … [405]
  • —, see ESTUFA.
  • KNIVES, stone, of plains indians … [528]
  • LACHIMI RIVER mentioned … [553]
  • —, see YAQUI, YAQUIMI.
  • LAGUNA, pueblo of … [525]
  • LA NATIVIDAD, arrival of Alvarado at … [409]
  • LAND assigned to Spanish settlers … [374]
  • LANGUAGE, diversity of, among plains indians … [582]
  • —, difficulties of interpreting indian … [394]
  • LA PAZ, colony at, under Cortes … [352]
  • LARA, ALONSO MANRIQUE DE, companion of Coronado … [477]
  • LENOX LIBRARY, acknowledgment to … [339], [413]
  • LEON, JUAN DE, copy of evidence made by … [598]
  • LEOPARD, see WILDCAT.
  • LEYVA, FRANCISCO DE, on effect of Marcos' report … [366]
  • LINGUISTICS, see LANGUAGE.
  • LINO, RIO DEL, reference to … [554], [555]
  • LIONS, native American … [517]
  • — in pueblo region … [518]
  • —, mountain, found by Coronado at Cibola … [560]
  • LITTLE VALLEY, settlement of … [515]
  • LLAMA, former habitat of … [549]
  • LOPEZ, DIEGO, appointment of, as captain … [477]
  • —, appointment of, as army-master … [508]
  • —, Samaniego succeeded by … [480]
  • —, horse of, killed at Cibola … [557]
  • —, adventure of, at Tiguex … [496]
  • —, visit of, to Haxa … [505]
  • LOPEZ DE CARDENAS, G., see CARDENAS.
  • LOS MUERTOS, excavations at, in Arizona … [518]
  • LOWER CALIFORNIA, early name of … [351]
  • —, colony in, under Cortes … [351]
  • —, Cortes' colony recalled from … [369]
  • LUCAS, native companion of Padilla … [400], [535]
  • LUIS, a Franciscan friar … [556], [565], [579]
  • LUIS DE ESCALONA, settlement of, at Cicuye … [592]
  • LUIS DE UBEDA remains at Cicuye … [401], [534], [535]
  • MACAQUE, a pueblo settlement … [517]
  • —, see MATSAKI.
  • MAGO, Opata word for poisonous plant … [538]
  • MAGUEY, use of, for clothing by indians … [569]
  • MAIZE, description of … [518]
  • —, see CORN.
  • MAKYATA, see MARATA, MATYATA.
  • MALDONADO, ALONSO DEL CASTILLO, survivor of Narvaez, expedition … [348]
  • MALDONADO, RODRIGO, appointment of, as captain … [477]
  • —, oidor in New Spain … [596]
  • —, visit to seacoast by … [484]
  • —, explores Gulf of California … [392]
  • —, travels of … [474]
  • —, camp of, attacked … [499]
  • —, buffalo skins given to, by indians … [505]
  • —, horse of, injures Coronado … [531]
  • MALLERY, GARRICK, Indian sign language … [504]
  • MALLETS, indian … [498]
  • MALUCO, visit to, by Villalobos … [412]
  • MANRICH, A. DE, horse of, killed at Cibola … [557]
  • MANRIQCE DE LARA, ALONSO, see LARA.
  • MAP drawn by Coronado … [392]
  • — showing results of Coronado expedition … [403]
  • MARATA, Coronado's account of … [560]
  • — identified with Matyata … [357]
  • —, mention of, by Diaz … [550]
  • MARCO POLO, quotation from … [571]
  • —, stories of, compared with Castañeda … [345]
  • MARCOS, see NIZA.
  • MARJORAM, native American … [517]
  • —, wild, found by Coronado … [510]
  • —, wild, of great plains … [528]
  • MARKSMANSHIP of indians … [499], [507]
  • MARQUÉS, ISLA DEL, name of, given to Lower California … [486]
  • MARQUIS OF THE VALLEY, title of, given to Cortes … [473]
  • —, see CORTES.
  • MARRIAGE among the Tahus … [513]
  • — at Cibola … [518], [521]
  • — of settlers favored by government … [374]
  • MARTIN, DOMINGO, soldier with Coronado … [597]
  • MÁTA, a pueblo millstone … [522]
  • MATAKI, a pueblo millstone … [522]
  • MATAPA, a settlement in Sonora … [355]
  • MATS used in housebuilding … [514]
  • MATSAKI, Cibola pueblo, description of … [493]
  • —, ruins of pueblo settlement … [517]
  • — visited by Coronado … [594]
  • MATTHEWS, WASHINGTON, on llama in pueblo country … [549]
  • MATYATA, forioer New Mexican pueblo … [357]
  • MEAL, sacred, use of, at Tusayan … [488]
  • MEDICINE-MEN, authority of … [360]
  • MELAZ, JUAN … [560]
  • MELGOSA, PABLO DE, companion of Coronado … [477]
  • —, wounded at Cibola … [557]
  • —, exploration of Colorado river canyons by … [489]
  • —, adventure of, at Tiguex … [496]
  • MELONS, native American … [516]
  • —, stories of, kept by Indians … [584]
  • MENDIETA, G. DE, cited on work of friars in New Mexico … [401]
  • MENDOZA, ANTONIO DE, Cabeza de Vaca entertained by … [348]
  • —, unsuccessful expedition of, under Dorantes … [349]
  • —, effects of administration of … [350]
  • —, plans of, for exploring expeditions … [352]
  • —, instructions from, for Niza … [354]
  • —, report of, on Niza's discoveries … [363]
  • —, petitions by, for right of conquest … [368]
  • —, endeavors to prevent Cortes' expeditions … [369]
  • —, interference with navigation by … [370]
  • —, right of, to explore confirmed … [373]
  • —, importation of cattle by … [375]
  • —, family of … [376]
  • —, appointment of Coronado by … [474]
  • —, friendship of, for Coronado … [476]
  • —, address to soldiers by … [478]
  • —, instructions of, to avoid trouble with Indians … [496]
  • —, complaints of, regarding arms … [540]
  • —, requests for arms by … [378]
  • —, disappointment of, on Coronado's return … [401]
  • —, investigation ordered by … [596]
  • —, agreement with Alvarado … [409]
  • —, illness of … [551]
  • —, death of … [470]
  • MERCATOR, G., map by, cited … [403]
  • MESA, Spanish soldier, cured by quince juice … [538]
  • MESCALI, native American liquor … [516]
  • MESQUITE, native American fruit … [515]
  • MEXICO, CITY OF, in 1556 … [363], [375]
  • MEXICO, CASPAR DE, native ally of Coronado … [536]
  • MICER POGIO, reference to … [571]
  • MICHOACAN, province in New Spain … [473]
  • —, journey of Mendoza across … [478]
  • MIGRATIONS, extent of, of various tribes … [345]
  • MILLS of pueblo women … [522]
  • MINDELEFF, VICTOR, ground plan of Hawikuh by … [363]
  • —, on pueblo mealing troughs … [522]
  • MISSIONARIES, Spanish, early success of, among Indians … [551]
  • —, Spanish, introduction of fruit by … [550]
  • MISSISSIPPI RIVER described by Castañeda … [529]
  • — described to Coronado … [504]
  • —, description of … [493]
  • —, Menomini name of … 218
  • —, mention of … [510]
  • —, Narvaez wrecked at mouth of … [347]
  • MISSOURI RIVER mentioned by Castañeda … [529]
  • MIXTON PEÑOL, capture of … [411]
  • — WAR, causes of … [408]
  • MOCCASINS, use of, by pueblo women … [517]
  • MOCHILA, settlement of … [515]
  • MOCHILAGUA, indian settlement of … [515]
  • MOKI, rabbit-hair mantles at … [517]
  • —, name for pueblo settlements at Tusayan … [390]
  • —, see HOPI, TUSAYAN.
  • MOLINA on name of Chichilticalli … [516]
  • — on meaning of tlauele … [524]
  • MONTCALM, Menomini at fall of … 16
  • MONTEJO, —, feats of, in Tabasco … [540]
  • MONTEZUMA, see MOTECUHZOMA.
  • MOONEY, JAMES, on identification of Querechos … [396]
  • MORA RIVER, tributary of the Canadian … [397]
  • MORGAN, LEWIS H., on adobe … [520]
  • MORTAR, substitute for, among pueblo indians … [520]
  • —, see ADOBE.
  • MOSES, BERNARD, on Casa de Contratacion … [351]
  • MOTA PADILLA, M. DE LA, acknowledgments to … [414]
  • —, historian of New Galicia … [375]
  • —, description of Cibola by … [483]
  • —, on Chichilticalli … [487]
  • —, on Coronado's route from Culiacan … [386]
  • —, on death of Friar Juan … [401]
  • —, on death of Samaniego … [480]
  • —, on discovery of Colorado river … [407]
  • —, on indian giants … [485]
  • —, on stories told by Turk indian … [492]
  • —, on Torre's administration … [474]
  • —, quotations from writings of … [476], [477], [479], [480], [483], [486], [487], [492], [497], [498], [500], [504], [506], [511], [518], [519], [520], [521], [522], [523], [530], [531], [535], [538], [543]
  • MOTECUHZOMA conquered by Cortes … [345]
  • MOTOLINIA, T. DE, correspondence of, with friars accompanying Coronado … [413]
  • MOUNTAIN GOAT, horns of, seen by Coronado … [387]
  • MOUNTAIN LION, see LION.
  • MULBERRIES, wild, found by Coronado … [507], [528], [582]
  • MUÑOZ, —, copy of Alvarado's report by … [594]
  • —, documents copied by … [572], [580], [584]
  • MUSIC of Pecos indians … [491]
  • — of pueblo indians … [522], [550], [594]
  • MUTINY of Spanish settlers at San Hieronimo … [502]
  • NAJERA, birthplace of Castañeda … [470]
  • NARVAEZ, PANFILO DE, ordered to conquer Cortes … [345]
  • —, imprisoned in Mexico … [346]
  • —, authority for explorations granted to … [346]
  • —, expedition of … [349]
  • —, loses vessel on voyage from Spain … [346]
  • —, route of expedition of … [347]
  • —, drowned off mouth of Mississippi … [347]
  • —, loss of expedition of … [474]
  • —, expedition, rumors of survivors of, heard by Coronado … [507], [590]
  • NATIVIDAD, departure of Alarcon from … [478]
  • NAVARRETE, —, cited on date of petition of Cortes … [367]
  • NAVARRO, GARCIA, on effect of Marcos' report … [366]
  • NEBRASKA, description of, by Castañeda … [528]
  • —, location of Quivira in … [397]
  • —, description of Quivira … [591]
  • NEEDLE, use of, among Indians … [562]
  • NEGRO slave, Estevan a purchaser of … [348]
  • NEGROES, island of … [545]
  • —, mention of, in New Spain … [348], [379], [402], [406]
  • — with Coronado … [506], [592]
  • —, death of, accompanying Coronado … [555], [564]
  • NEWFOUNDLAND, Spanish name for … [513]
  • NEW GALICIA, conquest of … [372]
  • —, demoralization of Coronado's army in … [401]
  • —, description of … [513]
  • — explored by Nuño de Guzman … [351]
  • —, uprising in, during Mixton war … [408]
  • NEXPA RIVER followed by Coronado … [585]
  • —, identification of … [387]
  • NICHOLAS, the Venetian, quotation from … [571]
  • NIZA, MARCOS DE, visit of, to Cibola … [353]
  • —, career of, in Peru … [354]
  • —, travels of … [474]
  • —, visit of, to seacoast from San Pedro valley … [359]
  • —, experience of, after Estevan's death … [360]
  • —, visit of, to valley containing gold … [362]
  • —, selection of, as provincial of Franciscans … [364], [476]
  • —, effect of report of, in New Spain … [365]
  • —, reports of, investigated by Diaz … [480], [547], [553]
  • —, satisfies doubts raised by Diaz … [384]
  • —, mistakes of, concerning Cibola … [573]
  • —, description of bison by … [543]
  • —, on indian pueblos … [520]
  • —, sermon by … [482]
  • —, return of, to Mexico … [389], [484]
  • NOCHISTLAN, death of Alvarado at … [410]
  • NUÑEZ, PEDRO, on effect of Marcos' report … [366]
  • OATS, wild, of great plains … [528]
  • OAXACA, MARQUÉS DEL VALLE DE, title of, given to Cortes … [473]
  • OBANDO, FRANCISCO DE, killing of, by indians … [499], [500]
  • —, see OVANDO.
  • OJO CALIENTE visited by Alvarado … [594]
  • —, a Zuñi summer village … [358]
  • OLD SOUTH LEAFLET, translation of Coronado's letter in … [552]
  • OÑATE, CHRISTOBAL DE, acting governor of New Galicia … [351]
  • —, Coronado entertained by … [478]
  • —, testimony of … [598]
  • OÑATE, COUNT OF, appointment of nephew of … [477]
  • OÑATE, JUAN DE, reduction of pueblos by … [524]
  • ONORATO, companion of Friar Marcos … [355]
  • OPATA, a tribe of Sonora … [537]
  • —, houses of the … [515]
  • OPUNTIA TUNA. See TUNA.
  • OREGON, coast of, explored by Cabrillo … [411]
  • ORTIZ, survivor of Narvaez' expedition … [348]
  • OTTER in pueblo region … [518]
  • OVANDO, FRANCISCO DE, treatment of, by indians … [522]
  • —, companion of Coronado … [477]
  • —, see OBANDO.
  • OVIEDO Y VALDEZ, G.F. DE, on Corazones … [484]
  • —, on Indian clothing … [515]
  • OWENS, J.G., on Hopi dress … [517]
  • —, on Hopi mealing troughs … [522]
  • OXITIPAR, district of, in New Spain … [472]
  • PACASAS, Ternaux's name for Pacaxes … [514]
  • PACAXES, indian tribe of Culiacan … [514]
  • PADILLA, JUAN DE, leader of friars with Coronado … [400]
  • —, visit of, to Tusayan … [488]
  • —, accompanies Alvarado … [391]
  • —, report of discoveries by … [594]
  • —, journey of, to Quivira … [571], [579], [592]
  • —, remains in Quivira … [529], [534]
  • PAEZ, JUAN, report of Cabrillo's voyage by … [411]
  • PAHOS, reference to … [573]
  • PAINT found in graves in Sikyatki … [519]
  • PAINTING of pueblo Indians … [558]
  • PALMOS, RIO DE, probable identification of … [346]
  • PANIAGUA, JUAN, miraculous recovery of … [500]
  • PANICO, see PANUCO.
  • PANUCO, reference to … [592]
  • — bay, location of … [346]
  • PAPA, title of, given to priests at Zuñi … [518]
  • PASQUARO, visit of Mendoza to … [478]
  • PATEATLAN, see PETATLAN.
  • PAWNEE mode of hair dressing … [394]
  • PEACE ceremonies at Tiguex … [496]
  • —, form of making, at Acoma … [491]
  • PEACHES, introduction of, into pueblo country … [550]
  • PEARLS on coast of Gulf of California … [350]
  • PECOS, labors of Friar Descalona at … [401]
  • — visited by Spaniards … [391]
  • —, see CICUYE.
  • PECOS RIVER crossed by Spaniards … [504]
  • PEMMICAN used by plains tribes … [528]
  • PENNYROYAL, native American … [517], [528]
  • PEREZ, ALONSO, companion of Coronado … [597]
  • PEREZ, MELCHOR, mention of slave of … [592]
  • PEREZ DE BOCANEGRA, HERNAND, testimony of … [596]
  • PEREZ DE RIBAS, ANDRES, see RIBAS.
  • PERU, Alvarado's expedition to … [352]
  • PETATES, or mats, used for houses … [515]
  • PETATLAN or PETLATLAN, Indian settlement in New Galicia … [355]
  • —, description of … [514], [538]
  • —, description of, by Jaramillo … [584]
  • —, description of indians of … [568], [572]
  • —, indian from, captive and interpreter at Cibola … [563]
  • —, friendly indians at river of … [548]
  • —, river of, in Sinaloa … [348]
  • PETRATLAN, see PETATLAN.
  • PHILIP, King of Spain … [474]
  • PHILIPPINE ISLANDS … [545]
  • PICONES, native American fish … [517]
  • PICURIS, pueblo of … [519]
  • —, name for Acoma among … [492]
  • —, name of Taos among … [575]
  • PIMA, cultivation of cotton by the … [350]
  • —, Friar Marcos among the … [356]
  • PINE NUTS, use of, as food … [517], [518]
  • PIÑON NUTS, use of, as food … [517], [522]
  • PIPES found at Sikyatki … [519]
  • PITAHAYA, native American fruit … [515]
  • PIZARRO, FRANCISCO, purchases Alvarado's expedition … [352]
  • —, struggles of, in Peru … [376]
  • PLAINS, Spanish soldiers lost on … [508]
  • —, descriptions of Indians of … [527], [578], [580]
  • —, see GREAT PLAINS.
  • PLUMS of great plains … [528]
  • POBARES, F., death of … [499], [500]
  • POISON, native, of Sonora … [537], [541]
  • —, use of, by indians … [500], [502]
  • PORCUPINE found by Coronado at Cibola … [560]
  • POTTERY found at Sikyatki … [519]
  • — of pueblo indians … [522]
  • POWELL, J.W., on indian linguistic stocks … [525]
  • PRAIRIE DOGS seen by Coronado on great plains … [510], [528]
  • PRICKLY PEAR, see TUNA.
  • PRIESTS of pueblo indians … [518]
  • —, see MEDICINE-MEN.
  • PROSOPIS JULIFLORA, see MESQUITE.
  • PROSTITUTION among the Tahus … [513]
  • PRUNES, wild, found by Coronado … [507], [582], [591]
  • PTOLEMY, maps in geography of, cited … [403]
  • PUALA, Espejo's name for Tiguex pueblo … [496]
  • PUEBLO, use of term, by Niza … [358]
  • — method of building … [520]
  • — settlements, description of, by Colorado river indians … [404]
  • — settlements, description of, by Sonora indians … [356]
  • PUERCO RIVER, pueblos on … [491]
  • PURIFICACION, defense of, in Mixton war … [409]
  • QUACHICHULES, see GUACHICHULES.
  • QUAREZ, AGONIEZ, wounded at Cibola … [557]
  • QUERECHOS, description of … [527], [578]
  • —, description of, by Coronado … [580]
  • —, description of, by Jaramillo … [587]
  • — identified with Tonkawa … [396]
  • —, manner of life of … [504]
  • QUERES, PUEBLOS of the … [525]
  • QUINCE JUICE, use of, as poison antidote … [537], [541]
  • QUIRIX, Spaniards visit province of … [503], [519], [525]
  • —, see QUERES.
  • QUIVIRA, causes for stories of Turk regarding … [588]
  • —, cartographic history of … [403], [544]
  • —, descriptions of, received by Coronado … [393], [576], [580]
  • —, departure of Coronado for … [503]
  • — visited by Coronado lvii, [508], [396]
  • —, description of … [521], [577]
  • —, description of, by Coronado … [582]
  • —, description of, by Jaramillo … [589]
  • —, mention of … [492]
  • —, death of Friar Padilla at … [401]
  • RABBIT skins, use of, for garments … [517]
  • RAFTS made for Diaz by Colorado river indians … [407]
  • —, use of, in crossing Colorado river … [486]
  • RAIN, worship of, by pueblo indians … [561]
  • RAMIREZ DE VARGAS, LUIS, see VARGAS.
  • RAMUSIO, G.B., translation of Mendoza's letter by … [349]
  • —, translation of Coronado's letter by … [552]
  • —, quotation from … [554], [556]
  • RED RIVER, identification of, with Zuñi river … [482]
  • —, possible southern limit of Coronado's route across plains … [399]
  • RELIGION of plains indians … [578]
  • — of pueblo indians … [573]
  • — of the Tahus … [513]
  • — of Tiguex indians … [575]
  • RESIDENCIA, definition of … [474]
  • REVOLT of pueblo indians … [392]
  • RIBAS, ANDRES PEREZ DE, on Petlatlan … [515]
  • RIBEROS, EL FACTOR, companion of Coronado … [477]
  • RIO DE LA PLATA misgoverned by Cabeza de Vaca … [348]
  • RIO GRANDE, disappearance of, underground … [511]
  • —, discovery of, by Alvarado … [575], [594]
  • —, ice of, crossed by Spaniards … [503]
  • —, limit of Narvaez' territory … [346]
  • —, pueblos near … [519], [524]
  • — visited by Spanish soldiers … [390]
  • ROSE-BUSHES, wild, found by Coronado … [507], [510], [517]
  • RUDO ENSAYO, quotation from, on poison … [538]
  • RUINS, discovery of, by Alvarado … [594]
  • —, see PUEBLO.
  • SAABEDRA, FERNANDARIAS DE, appointment of, at Chiametla … [481]
  • SAABEDRA, H.A. DE, mayor of Culiacan … [533], [534]
  • SACATECAS, see ZACATECAS.
  • SALAZAR, G. DE, royal factor for New Spain … [596], [597]
  • SALDIVAR, JUAN DE, companion of Coronado … [477]
  • —, lieutenant to Diaz … [548]
  • —, carries Diaz' report to Mendoza … [382]
  • —, explorations by … [480]
  • —, adventures of, at Tiguex … [496]
  • —, Indian village captured by … [500]
  • —, escape of indian woman from … [510]
  • SALT among pueblo indians … [550], [559]
  • — found at Zuñi … [389]
  • — found by Spaniards on great plains … [510]
  • —, natural crystals, finding of, in Arizona … [490]
  • SAMANIEGO, LOPE DE, appointment of, as army-master … [477]
  • SAMANIEGO, LOPE DE, death of … [383], [480], [547]
  • —, testimony concerning … [597]
  • SANBENITOS, description of … [507], [515]
  • SANCHEZ, ALONSO, soldier with Coronado … [597], [598]
  • SANCHEZ, PERO, effect of Friar Marcos' report … [366]
  • SANDIA, name for Acoma at … [492]
  • SAN DIEGO, pueblo of … [525]
  • SAN FELIPE, pueblo of … [525]
  • SAN FRANCISCO BAY overlooked by Ferrel … [412]
  • SAN GABRIEL, vessel in Alarcon's fleet … [385]
  • SAN HIERONIMO DE LOS CORAZONES, founding of … [484]
  • —, settlement of, under Diaz … [406]
  • —, description of town of … [515]
  • —, events in, during Diaz' absence … [501]
  • —, destruction of … [530]
  • SAN JUAN, pueblo of … [510]
  • SAN JUAN RIVER named by Coronado … [586]
  • SANJURJO, ALVARO DE, representative of De Soto in Mexico … [380]
  • SAN LUCAS ISLANDS, death of Cabrillo at … [411]
  • SAN PEDRO BAY visited by Ferrel … [412]
  • — RIVER in Arizona … [387]
  • — VALLEY visited by Niza … [359]
  • SANTA ANA, pueblo of … [525]
  • SANTA BARBARA, visit of Ferrel to … [412]
  • SANTA CLARA, visit of Ferrel to … [412]
  • SANTA CRUZ, colony at, under Cortes … [351]
  • — ISLAND, visit of Ferrel to … [412]
  • — RIVER in Arizona … [387]
  • SANTA CRUZ, ALONSO DE, early map of city of Mexico by … [363]
  • SANTIAGO, use of, as war cry … [388], [483], [565]
  • SANTO DOMINGO, pueblo of … [525]
  • SAVAGE, JAMES, on natural products of Nebraska … [528]
  • SCARAMOIO, name for a Spanish grass … [555]
  • SEBASTIAN, native companion of Padilla … [400], [535]
  • —, negro slave of Jaramillo … [592]
  • SEDELMAIR, PADRE, on indian giants … [485]
  • SEÑORA, see SONORA.
  • SERI, Coronado's account of … [554]
  • —, use of poison by … [538]
  • SERRANO, FRANCISCO, on effect of Marcos' report … [366]
  • SERRANO DE CARDONA, ANTONIO, testimony of … [597]
  • SERVANTES, see CERVANTES.
  • SEVEN CITIES, stories and legends concerning … [363], [553]
  • —, expedition to, under Guzman … [473]
  • —, see CIBOLA, ZUÑI.
  • —, see MEDICINE-MEN.
  • SHAWANO or SHAWNEE, migrations of the … [345]
  • SHEA, J.G., on Cabeza de Vaca's route … [348]
  • —, on possible conjunction of Coronado and De Soto … [371]
  • SHEEP given to friars by Coronado … [592]
  • —, merino, imported by Mendoza … [375]
  • —, mountain, description of, by Castañeda … [487]
  • —, native American … [516]
  • — taken by Spanish soldiers for food … [501], [535], [542]
  • —, see MOUNTAIN GOAT.
  • SHOSHONI, linguistic affinity of the … [525]
  • SHRINES of Sonora Indians … [515]
  • SIA, pueblo of … [525]
  • — mentioned by Jaramillo … [587]
  • —, see CHIA.
  • SIBOLA, see CIBOLA.
  • SIBU´LODĀ´, Isleta name for buffalo … [517]
  • SIGNS, use of, by plains Indians … [504], [527]
  • SIKYATKI, excavations at … [519]
  • SILVER found by Coronado at Cibola … [563]
  • — found by Spaniards at Yuqueyunque … [511]
  • —, reports of, from Quivira … [503], [504], [512]
  • — mines in Culiacan … [514]
  • SILVER, use of, by pueblo indians for glazing … [526]
  • —, use of, in indian trade … [472]
  • — workers, stories of … [473]
  • SIMPSON, JAMES H., on location of Quivira … [397]
  • —, on location of Tiguex … [491]
  • SINALOA, river and settlement of … [515]
  • —, see CINALOA.
  • SKULLS used by Acaxes to decorate houses … [514]
  • SLAVERY among pueblo indians … [548]
  • — at Pecos … [491]
  • SLAVES, captive indians used as, by Spaniards … [499]–[510]
  • — in army of Coronado … [402]
  • SMITH, BUCKINGHAM, Cabeza de Vaca's relation translated by … [347], [474]
  • —, copy of Alvarado's report printed by … [594]
  • —, documents printed by … [572], [584]
  • —, quotation from document printed by … [590]
  • SNAKE DANCE, significance of … [561]
  • SNAKE POISON, use of, by indians … [500]
  • SNAKES, absence of, on great plains … [513]
  • —, worship of, among Tahus … [513]
  • SOBAIPURI, Friar Marcos among the … [356]
  • —, knowledge of Cibola among … [358]
  • SODOMY, absence of, at Cibola … [518], [522]
  • — among indians of Petatlan … [515]
  • — among indians at Suya … [516]
  • — among Pacaxes … [514]
  • SOLIS, FRANCISCO DE … [529]
  • SOLIS, ISIDORO DE, mention of, by Jaramillo … [592]
  • SOLIS DE MERAS, GONZALO, mention of, by Jaramillo … [592]
  • SONORA, description of … [515]
  • —, description of, by Jaramillo … [585]
  • —, food supply in … [554]
  • — river and valley … [387]
  • — valley, location of … [355]
  • — valley, Spanish, settlement in … [484]
  • —, settlement of, by Spaniards … [572]
  • — traversed by Friar Marcos … [355]
  • SORCERY among Pacaxes … [514]
  • SOTO, HERNANDO DE, account of meeting with Ortiz … [348]
  • —, soldiers of, hear of Coronado … [510]
  • —, reputed route of … [515]
  • —, discoveries of … [370], [491]
  • —, on great plains … [529]
  • —, right of, to Niza's discoveries … [371]
  • SOTOMAYOR, HERNANDO DE, on effect of Niza's report … [366]
  • SOTOMAYOR, JUAN DE, companion of Coronado … [477]
  • SOTOMAYOR, P. DE, chronicler of Cardenas' expedition … [490]
  • SPINOSA, see ESPINOSA.
  • SQUASH, see GOURD, MELON.
  • —, see PRAIRIE DOG.
  • STARLINGS in pueblo region … [521]
  • STEPHEN, see ESTEVAN.
  • STEVENS, JOHN, quotation from dictionary of … [547]
  • STEVENSON, MATILDA C., researches by … [359]
  • STRADA, see ESTRADA.
  • SUAREZ, AGANIEZ, wounded at Cibola … [388]
  • SUAREZ DE FIGUEROA, GOMEZ, see FIGUEROA.
  • SUAREZ DE PERALTA, JOAN, reminiscences of Coronado's departure … [364]
  • —, on return of Coronado … [402]
  • SUMAC, wild, in Quivira … [591]
  • SUN priests at Tusayan … [518]
  • — worship by plains indians … [578]
  • SURGEON, mention of, in Spanish army … [498]
  • SUYA, San Hieronimo removed to … [502]
  • —, description of … [515]
  • —, massacre of settlers at … [408]
  • —, destruction of … [399], [533], [578]
  • TĀAIYALONE, a stronghold near Zuñi … [390]
  • —, see THUNDER MOUNTAIN.
  • TAHUS, a tribe in Culiacan … [513]
  • TANO, a pueblo tribe … [523]
  • TAOS, pueblo of … [525]
  • — mentioned by Jaramillo … [587]
  • — called Valladolid by Spaniards … [511]
  • —, name for Acoma at … [492]
  • —, visit of Alvarado to … [575]
  • TARASCA, a district in Michoacan … [473]
  • TAREQUE, indian village on great plains … [577]
  • TARTARS, use of dogs by … [571]
  • TATARRAX, name of Indian chief … [492]
  • TATTOOED indians visit Friar Marcos … [356]
  • TATTOOING among plains indians … [506]
  • —, practice of, among indians … [516]
  • TEGUI branch of Opata Indians … [537]
  • TEJO, stories told by … [472]
  • TEMIÑO, Spanish soldier, death of … [538]
  • TENTS of plains Indians, description of … [504], [578], [581], [583], [588], [591]
  • TEOCOMO, river and settlement of … [515]
  • TEREDO NAVALIS, damage to Alarcon's ships by … [407]
  • TERNAUX-COMPANS, HENRI, translation of Castañeda by … [413]
  • —, translation of Coronado's letter by … [580]
  • —, translation of Jaramillo by … [584]
  • —, mistake in translating … [398]
  • —, mistake of, regarding Ispa … [585]
  • —, quotations of translation of Castañeda by … [472], [481], [489], [494], [496], [499], [501], [502], [503], [505], [506], [507], [508], [510], [511], [513], [514], [515], [517], [518], [521], [523], [524], [526], [527], [529], [531], [532], [533], [538], [539], [542], [545]
  • TE-UAT-HA or TAOS … [511]
  • TEULES, a Mexican term … [524]
  • TEWA pueblos … [525]
  • TEXAS, copper found in, by Cabeza de Vaca … [350]
  • —, intended destination of Narvaez … [346]
  • —, limit of De Soto's government … [370]
  • TEYAS, Cicuye besieged by … [524]
  • — met by Coronado … [507], [527], [578]
  • —, description of, by Coronado … [581]
  • — identified with Comanche … [396]
  • THUNDER MOUNTAIN, mesa near Zuñi … [390]
  • —, ruins at … [517]
  • —, visit of Coronado to … [565]
  • TIBEX, see TIGUEX.
  • TIBURON ISLAND in gulf of California … [554]
  • TIENIQUE, possible printer's error in Pacheco y Cardenas for Cicuye … [587]
  • TIGERS found in Cibola by Coronado … [560]
  • TIGUA, name of Acoma among the … [492]
  • TIGUEX, cartographic history of … [403]
  • —, description of … [519], [520], [524]
  • —, description of, by companions of Coronado … [569], [575]
  • —, description of, by Jaramillo … [587]
  • —, discovery of, by Alvarado … [390], [491], [594]
  • —, indians of, refuse to trust Spaniards … [499], [503]
  • —, revolt of indians at … [576]
  • —, siege of, by Spaniards … [497], [500]
  • —, death of Friar Juan at … [401]
  • —, river of, identified with Rio Grande … [390]
  • TIRIPITIO, meeting of Alvarado and Mendoza at … [409]
  • TIZON, RIO DEL, Spanish name for Colorado river … [407]
  • —, reason for name of … [485]
  • —, see COLORADO RIVER.
  • TLAPA, estate at, given to Coronado … [379]
  • TLAUELE, Mexican word … [524]
  • TOBAR, see TOVAR.
  • TOMSON, ROBERT, on Mexico in 1556 … [363], [375]
  • —, quotation from … [507]
  • TONALA, settlement of, by Guzman … [473]
  • TONKAWA identified with the Querecho … [396]
  • TOPIA or TOPIRA, in Durango … [353]
  • TOPIRA, expedition of Coronado to … [476]
  • TORRE, DIEGO PEREZ DE LA, appointed to replace Nuño de Guzman … [357]
  • —, administration of … [474]
  • —, mention of son of … [592]
  • TORRES OF PANUCO, wounded at Cibola … [557]
  • TOTONTEAC, cartographic history of … [403]
  • —, Coronado's account of … [560]
  • —, cultivation of cotton at … [550]
  • — identified with Tusayan … [357]
  • —, see HOPI, MOKI, TUSAYAN.
  • TOVAR, FERNANDO DE, position of … [477]
  • TOVAR, PEDRO DE, appointment of, as ensign … [477]
  • —, accompanies Gallego to Corazones … [395]
  • —, journey of, from Tiguex to Corazones … [577]
  • —, at San Hieronimo … [502]
  • —, flight of, from Suya … [530],[533]
  • —, discovery of Tusayan by … [390], [488], [562], [574]
  • —, wounded by Indians … [557]
  • —, use of papers of, by Mota Padilla … [536]
  • TRADE between plains and pueblo indians … [578]
  • — among plains indians … [527]
  • — of Sonora indians with Cibola … [357]
  • — of Spaniards with Colorado river indians … [406]
  • —, indian stories of … [472]
  • TRAIL, method of marking, on great plains … [505], [509], [571]
  • TRANSPORTATION, see DOGS, TRAVOIS.
  • TRAVOIS, dog saddle used by plains indians … [527]
  • TREACHERY of indians in Mixton war … [408]
  • — of indians toward Spaniards … [498]
  • TREJO, HERNANDO, death of brother of … [500]
  • TRUXILLO, adventure of, with devil … [481]
  • TŬ·ATÁ´, native name of Taos … [575]
  • TUÇAN or TUCANO, see TUSAYAN.
  • TUNA, native American fruit … [515]
  • —, preserve made from … [487]
  • TUOPÁ, Picuris name for Taos … [575]
  • TURK, name of indian slave who described Quivira … [394]
  • —, communications of, with devil … [503]
  • —, stories of … [491]
  • —, stories of, told by Castañeda … [492]
  • —, Coronado's version of stories of … [580]
  • —, reports of stories told by … [576]
  • —, motive of, in misleading Coronado … [588]
  • —, execution of … [509], [589], [590]
  • TURKEY PLUMES, use of, for garments … [517]
  • TURKEYS in pueblo region … [491], [521]
  • TURQUOIS brought from north by Sonora indians … [357]
  • —, collection of, by Estevan … [474]
  • — of pueblo Indians … [480], [518], [549], [561], [573]
  • —, presents of, made to devil … [513]
  • TUSAYAN, ceremonials at … [544]
  • —, cultivation of cotton at … [550]
  • —, description of … [510], [524]
  • —, description of, by Jaramillo … [586]
  • —, description of, by Zuñi Indian … [488]
  • —, known to Sonora indians … [357]
  • —, visit of Tovar to … [390], [562], [593]
  • —, Tucano identified with … [390]
  • —, see HOPI, MOKI.
  • TUTAHACO pueblos … [519], [525]
  • —, Coronado's visit to … [492]
  • —, description of, by Jaramillo … [587]
  • —, worship of cross at … [544]
  • TUTAHAIO, Tigua name for Acoma … [492]
  • TUTHEA-UÂY, Tigua name for Acoma … [492]
  • TUXEQUE, indian village on great plains … [577]
  • TUZAN, see TUSAYAN.
  • UBEDA, F. LUIS DE, see LUIS.
  • ULLOA, FRANCISCO DE, explores gulf of California … [369]
  • —, limit of explorations of … [404]
  • UPATRICO, settlement of … [515]
  • URABA, indian village mentioned by Jaramillo … [587]
  • —, see BRABA, TAOS, YURABA.
  • URINE, use of, as mordant … [522]
  • URREA, LOPE DE, companion of Coronado … [477]
  • —, Indians interviewed by … [499]
  • UTE linguistic affinity … [525]
  • VACAPA, identification of … [355]
  • VACAPAN, province crossed by Coronado … [487]
  • VALLADOLID, Spanish name for Braba … [511], [525]
  • VALLE DE LOS VELLACOS, see VALLEY OF KNAVES.
  • VALLECILLO, settlement of … [515]
  • VALLEY OF KNAVES, rebellious Indians in … [502]
  • VARGAS, LUIS RAMIREZ DE, companion of Coronado … [477]
  • VEGETATION of great plains … [527]
  • — of pueblo country … [586]
  • VERA CRUZ, port of New Spain … [348]
  • VERMEJO, RIO, crossed by Coronado … [586]
  • —, identified with Colorado Chiquito … [482]
  • VERMEJO, HERNANDO, companion of Coronado … [565]
  • —, see VERMIZZO.
  • VERMIZZO, HERNANDO, companion of Coronado … [556]
  • —, with Coronado at Cibola … [388]
  • VETANCURT, A. DE, on date of Padilla's martyrdom … [401]
  • VIGLIEGA, horse of, killed at Cibola … [557]
  • VILLALOBOS, R.G. DE, voyage of, across Pacific … [412], [526], [539]
  • —, expedition, reports of, to Council for the Indies … [370], [371], [373]
  • VILLAGRA, G., on marriage of pueblo indians … [520]
  • VIRGINS among the Tahus … [514]
  • —, treatment of, among pueblo indians … [522],[523]
  • WALNUTS, wild, found by Coronado … [507]
  • WATER, worship of, by pueblo indians … [581]
  • WATERCRESS, native American … [517]
  • WATERMELONS, introduction of, into pueblo county … [550]
  • WEAPONS, indian … [498]
  • —, lack of, in New Spain … [540]
  • — of pueblo indians … [404], [548], [563]
  • WEAVING, see MATS.
  • WELL dug by besieged indians … [499]
  • WHISKERS, name given to Cicuye indian … [490], [497]
  • — taken prisoner by Alvarado … [493]
  • —, release of … [503]
  • WHITE MOUNTAIN APACHE RESERVATION traversed by Niza … [359]
  • — crossed by Coronado … [387]
  • WICHITA, KANSAS, location of Quivira near … [397]
  • WICKER BASKETS among pueblo indians … [562]
  • WILDCAT, native American … [517]
  • —, in pueblo region … [518]
  • WINE, native American, of pitahaya … [516]
  • WINSHIP, G.P., memoir by, on Coronado expedition … [329]–[613]
  • WINSOR, JUSTIN, acknowledgments to … [339], [413], [599]
  • —, quotation from … [501]
  • WITCHCRAFT among Pacaxes … [514]
  • WOLVES on great plains … [528]
  • WOMEN, functions of, in pueblo ceremonies … [518]
  • —, surrender of, by Indians … [499]
  • XABE, indian from Quivira, with Coronado … [501], [511]
  • XALISCO, settlement of, by Guzman … [473]
  • —, destination of Alarcon at … [478]
  • XIMENA, pueblo of … [523], [525]
  • —, name of, forgotten by Jaramillo … [587]
  • YAQUI or YAQUIMI, river and settlement of … [515], [553]
  • — river followed by Coronado … [584]
  • — river north of Galicia … [386]
  • YSOPETE, a painted plains indian … [505], [507]
  • — supplants Turk in confidence of Coronado … [509]
  • —, efforts of, to guide Coronado … [588]
  • YUCATAN explored by Alvarado … [352]
  • YUCCA FIBER, use of, for garments … [517]
  • —, preserve made from … [487]
  • YUGEUINGGE pueblo … [525]
  • —, indian form for Yuqueyunque … [510]
  • YUMA INDIANS, Coronado's account of … [554]
  • —, description of … [485]
  • YUQUEYUNQUE, pueblo of … [525]
  • —, visit of Barrionuevo to … [500]
  • —, see YUGEUINGGE.
  • YURABA, visit of Alvarado to … [575]
  • —, see BRABA, URABA.
  • ZACATECAS, a Mexican province … [545]
  • —, missionary work in … [401]
  • ZALDYVAR, see SALDIVAR.
  • ZARAGOZA, JUSTO, editor of Suarez de Peralta … [364]
  • —, on murder of Cortes' wife … [473]
  • ZARATE-SALMERON on native American liquor … [516]
  • ZUÑI, burial customs at … [519]
  • —, ceremonials of … [544]
  • —, fruit preserves made by … [487]
  • —, name of Acoma among indians of … [490]
  • —, salt supply of … [550]
  • —, tame eagles among … [516]
  • — treatment of Mexicans at ceremonies … [361]
  • — RIVER crossed by Coronado … [482]

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

This book is excerpted from the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1892–93, by J. W. Powell, Director; Publication Date 1896. Original scanned images are available from archive.org, search for annualreportofbu19293smit.

Original printed spelling and grammar are retained, with a few exceptions noted below. ¶ The transcriber created the cover image, and hereby assigns it to the public domain. Illustrations have been moved from their original locations to nearby places between paragraphs. The Plates are shown herein in their original printed order, but notice that Plates LXXXII to LXXXIV are located between Plates LIV and LV. Many of the Plates are linked to larger, better resolved images via the glyph ◊ located in the caption. These larger images are available only in the html edition. ¶ Footnotes have been renumbered 1–379, and changed to endnotes. ¶ The original index included references to other material located on pp i–328 of the Fourteenth Annual Report Part 1. The entries that reference pages 329–613 (The Coronado Expedition) have been excerpted and inserted [herein] after the endnotes.

to [Table of Contents]

There are five accented letters in the printed version that have no Unicode equivalents. These are shown as images herein: “

”—latin small r with macron; “

”—latin small q with tilde above; “

”—latin small q with macron; “

”—latin small r with tilde above; and “

”—latin small p with tilde above. These glyphs, and words containing them, will not be found by a simple search in a browser. The spanish section is full of macrons and tildes, and it was sometimes difficult to distinguish them in the scanned images available to the transcribers; some mistakes of transcription are likely.

Page [380]. Full stop was changed to comma in this phrase: “A month later. September 7, 1538, the representative”.

Page [396]. Full stop was removed from the phrase “to select 30 of the best equipped horsemen. who should go”.

Page [407]. Changed obaining to obtaining, in “without obaining any news, he was”.

Page [444]. Changed “bio entre aquellag ente” to “bio entre aquella gente”.

Page [465]. In “querido se sepan tambien las que agora dire”, the que assumed herein was not printed clearly.

Page [523] first [footnote]. In “former name of the pueblo was Aquiu”, a smudge atop the A might have hidden an accent mark. There was also a big smudge atop the G in “Gilded Man”.

Page [564]. The first footnote had no anchor in the printed text, but probably should be anchored to the chapter title—as shown herein.

Page [570]. There was a missing phrase between “the third about” and “These three are like”. Nine spaces are included herein to indicate this, as in the printed version.

Page [601], under heading Barcia, Andres Gonzales. The phrase “1512 hasta 1722, escrito por Don Gabriel de Cardenas z Cano.—Madrid, CI

I

CCXXIII” in­cludes a scarce­ly sup­port­ed glyph, U+2183 ROMAN NUMERAL REVERSED ONE HUNDRED—rendered herein as an image.

Page [609]. The phrase “November, 1895, and Febuary, 1896” was changed to “November, 1895, and February, 1896”.

Page [627]. Index entry “MATYATA, forioer New Mexican pueblo” was retained despite the obvious spelling issue. In the entry “MENOOZA, ANTONIO DE, Cabeza de Vaca entertained by”, “MENOOZA” was changed to “MENDOZA”.

Page [628]. Two consecutive entries read

“MONTCALM, Menomini at fall of … 16

MONTEJO, —, feats of, in Tabasco … 540”

The first entry pertains to an essay outside the scope of this book, but has been retained so that the em dash in the second entry may be interpreted properly. The transcriber hopes that the reader of this book makes better sense of it than the transcriber has. Likewise, the em dash in “MUÑOZ, —, copy of Alvarado's report by … 594” does not seem to make sense. Again, on page [629], the meaning of the em dash is not clear in “NAVARRETE, —, cited on date”.

Page [636]. “TUTHEA-NÂY” was changed to “TUTHEA-UÂY” to agree with the reference in the note on page 492; the last A has been rendered with a circumflex, but this is not clear in the scanned pages.