The Negro and the Nation / A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement

by George Spring Merriam

LOOKING FORWARD

It is difficult to write history, but it is impossible to write prophecy. We can no more tell what lies before us than the Fathers of the Republic could foresee the future a century ago. They little guessed that slavery, which seemed hastening to its end, would take new vigor from an increase of its profits,—that, stimulated by the material gain, a propaganda of religious and political defense would spring up,—that a passionate denunciation and a passionate defense would gradually inflame the whole country,—that meanwhile the absorption of the mass of citizens in private pursuits would blind them to the evil and peril, and prevent that disinterested, comprehensive statesmanship which ought to have assumed as a common burden the emancipation of the slaves,—that the situation would be exasperated by hostility of the sections and complicated by clashing theories of the national Union,—that only by the bitter and costly way of war would a settlement be reached,—and that emancipation, being wrought by force and not by persuasion, would leave the master class "convinced against its will," and a deep gulf between the races, whose spanning is still an uncertain matter,—all this was hidden from the eyes of the wisest, a century ago. So is hidden from our eyes the outworking of the century to come.

But the essential principles of the situation, the true ideals, the perils,—these were seen of old. Jefferson wrote, "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is a God of justice." And Washington said, "I can already foresee that nothing but the rooting out of slavery can perpetuate the existence of our Union, by consolidating it in a common bond of principle." Just so clearly can we read the basal principles on which depends our national safety. We look forward to-day, not to predict what will be, but to see what ought to be, and what we purpose shall be.

We, the people of the United States, are to face and deal with this matter. We are all in it together. Secession has failed, colonization is impossible. Southerner and Northerner, white man and black man, we must work out our common salvation. It is up to us,—it is up to us all!

The saving principle is as simple as the multiplication table or the Golden Rule. Each man must do his best, each must be allowed to do his best, and each must be helped to do his best. Opportunity for every one, according to his capacity and his merit,—that is democracy. Help for the weaker, as the strong is able to give it,—that is Christianity. Start from this center, and the way opens out through each special difficulty. The situation is less a puzzle for the intellect than a challenge to the will and heart.

First of all, it is up to the black man himself. His freedom, won at such cost, means only opportunity, and it is for him to improve the opportunity. As he shows himself laborious, honest, chaste, loyal to his family and to the community, so only can he win to his full manhood. The decisive settlement of the whole matter is being worked out in cotton fields and cabins, for the most part with an unconsciousness of the ultimate issues that is at once pathetic and sublime,—by the upward pressure of human need and aspiration, by family affection, by hunger for higher things.

On the leaders of the negroes rests a great responsibility. Their ordeal is severe, their possibilities are heroic. The hardship of a rigid race severance acts cruelly on those whose intelligence and refinement fit them for a companionship with the best of the whites, which they needs must crave, which would be for the good of both races, but which is withheld or yielded in scanty measure. Self-abnegation, patience, power alike to wait and to do,—these are the price they are called to pay. But the prize set before them is worth it all,—the deliverance of their people, and the harmonizing of the long alienated races. They need to beware of jealousies and rivalries of leadership such as have made shipwreck of many a good cause. There is room and need for various contributions. They have a common bond in that ideal which is the most precious possession of the American negro. It is the old simple idea of goodness, set in close relation to this age of productive activity. It requires that a man be not only good but good for something, and sets faithful and efficient service as the gateway to all advance.

But for the right adjustment of the working relations of the two races, the heavier responsibility rests with the whites, because theirs is the greater power. They can prescribe what the blacks can hardly do other than accept.

What we are now facing is not slavery,—an institution that may be abolished by statute—but its offspring, Caste—a spirit pervasive, subtle, sophistical, tyrannic. It can be overcome only by a spirit more pervasive, persistent and powerful—the spirit of brotherhood.

Puzzling as the situation is at some points, its essential elements are far simpler and easier to deal with than slavery presented. There is no longer a vast property interest at stake,—on the contrary, material interest points the same way with moral considerations. There are complexities of the social structure, but nothing half so formidable as the aristocratic system based on slavery. The gravest difficulty now is a race prejudice, deep-rooted and stubborn, yet at bottom so irrational that civilization and Christianity and human progress should be steadily wearing it away. Let us take heart of grace. If our wills are true, it should be no great puzzle for our heads to find the way in this business. Let us test the practical application of our principle—namely, that each man should do his best, each should be allowed to do his best, and helped to do his best—let us see how this should work in industry, education, politics, and social relations.

First in importance is the industrial situation. Broadly, the negro in this country shows himself able and willing to work. The sharp spur of necessity urges him, and his inherited habit carries him on. But he needs a training in youth that shall fit him to work more effectively. For that matter, his white brother needs it, too. But here is the inequality of their situations,—whatever the white worker is qualified to do he is allowed to do, but how is it with the black worker? Let the Northern reader of these pages see at his door the palpable instance of a limitation more cruel than can be found at the South. Let him note, as the children stream out from the public school, the dark-skinned boy, playing good-naturedly with his white mates, at marbles or ball or wrestling,—just as he has been studying on the same bench with them,—he is as clean, as well-dressed, as well-behaved, as they. Now, five years hence, to what occupation can that colored boy turn? He can be a bootblack, a servant, a barber, perhaps a teamster. He may be a locomotive fireman, but when he is fit to be an engineer, he is turned back. Carpentry, masonry, painting, plumbing, the hundred mechanical trades,—these, for the most part, are shut to him; so are clerkships; so are nineteen-twentieths of the ways by which the white boys he plays and studies with to-day can win competence and comfort and serve the community. It is a wrong to whose acuteness we are blunted by familiarity. It can be changed only as sentiment is changed; and for that there must be white laboring men who will bravely go ahead and break the cruel rule by welcoming the black laborer to their side.

In the South the negro as yet enjoys industrial freedom, in the choice of an occupation—or a near approach to it—because his labor is so necessary that he cannot be shut out. But the walls are beginning to narrow. White immigration is coming in. The industrial training of the old plantation is no longer given, and industrial schools are yet very imperfectly developed. Some trades are being lost to the negroes; they have fewer carpenters, masons, and the like; they find no employment in cotton mills, and are engaged only in the least skilful parts of iron manufacture. The trade unions, gradually spreading through the South, begin to draw back from their early professions of the equality and brotherhood of all toilers. An instance comes to hand as these pages are being written—one instance out of a plenty. "The convention at Detroit, Mich., of the amalgamated association of steel and iron workers has postponed for a year consideration of a proposition to organize the colored iron, steel and tin workers of the South. The white employes of the Southern mills led the opposition. They objected to seeing the negroes placed on an equality, and it was further argued that once a colored man obtained a standing in the association, there was nothing to prevent his coming North. President Shaffer urged that all men who are competent workers should be members of the association." Now for next year it is up to President Shaffer, and those of like mind! On this question, of comradeship between black and white laborers, there is a call to the leaders of labor organizations to lead right. These chiefs of labor hold a place of the highest possibilities and obligations. In their hands largely lies the advance or retrogression of the industrial community—and that means our entire community. It is one of the most hopeful signs of the times that stress of necessity is bringing to labor's front rank men of a higher type, men often of large brain, high purpose, and strong will. Brains, purpose, will,—all are needed by these unofficial statesmen. They must look many ways at once, but this way they ought not to fail to look,—to the industrial harmonizing and equality of the two races.

Exclude the colored men from the unions, and what can be expected but that they serve as a vast reserve for the employers when strikes arise between the capitalists and the employes? We read now and then of the introduction of negroes as "strike-breakers," and the bitterness it causes. But will not this be repeated on the largest scale if the millions of negroes are to be systematically excluded from the unions? There may be difficulties in including them,—difficulties partly running back into other injustices, such as the practice of different wage-rates for whites and blacks. But it would seem to be the larger wisdom, in point of strategy, to enroll the two great wings of the host of labor into a united army. And apart from strategy, that character of the labor movement which most deeply appeals to the conscience and judgment of mankind,—the uplift of the great multitude to better and happier things,—that should rise above the barrier of race-prejudice as above all other conventional and foolish divisions. Will the labor leaders see and seize their opportunity at once to strengthen and to ennoble their cause?

The education of the negroes presents a hundred special questions, but its basal principles are not difficult to discern. Here, fortunately, we have in the main an admirable loyalty and good-will on the part of the white South. It is proved by deeds more than by words. The sum spent by the Southern States in the last thirty years for the schooling of the blacks—it is reckoned at $132,000,000, most of it, of course, from white taxpayers—is the best evidence of its disposition. The occasional complaints and protests seem no more significant than the occasional grumbling at the North against its best-rooted institutions,—everywhere and always the children of light must keep up some warfare with the Philistines. The main difficulties at the South are two; limited means for so great a task,—three or four months of schooling burdens Mississippi more than ten months burdens Massachusetts; and the grave puzzle as to what kind of elementary education best fits the negro child.

This puzzle applies almost equally to the white child; throughout the country and the world a reconstruction of education is struggling forward, through great uncertainties but under strong pressure of necessity. It is felt that the old-time book-education, and even its modern revision—all as yet come vastly short of rightly fitting the child for manhood or womanhood. We have advanced, but we have still far to go. To rightly educate "the hand, head and heart," (the watchword of Tuskegee)—to develop strong, symmetrical character and intelligence, the sound mind in the sound body,—to train the bread-winner and the citizen, as well as to open the gates of intellectual freedom and spiritual power,—this is what we have not quite learned. Socrates and More and Rousseau and Pestalozzi and Froebel and Armstrong have done much, but they have left abundant room for their successors. The millionaire's child, as well as the field-hand's, must wait awhile yet. So it is small wonder if the Southern public school is still a challenge to the best wits.

The combined industrial and educational need of the South is excellently summed up by a sympathetic observer, Ernest Hamlin Abbott:

"The chief industrial problem of the South is, therefore, that of transforming an indolent peasantry accustomed to dependence into an active, independent people. This involves an educational problem. Industrial education is something very different from training a few hundred girls to cook and sew for others; it is something, even, very different from supplying a few hundreds of young men with a trade. Industrial training is this larger undertaking, namely, to train hundreds of thousands of young people in habits of industry, in alertness of mind, and in strength of will that shall enable them to turn to the nearest opportunity for gaining the self-respect that comes with being of use to the community."

One thing is clear. More than the system is the teacher. Now and always the first requisite must be instructors of devotion, intelligence, sympathy, inspiration. To train such, and train them in multitudes, there must be institutions, ample in intellectual resource and high in their standards. There can be no fit common schools for the blacks unless there are worthy normal schools and colleges. Atlanta and its class are necessary as well as Tuskegee and its class,—and Atlanta reinforces Tuskegee with a large proportion of its teachers. On broader grounds, too, the need of the higher education for the black man is imperative. It can hardly be better stated than in the words of Professor DuBois, in his book of irresistible appeal, The Souls of Black Folk:

"That the present social separation and acute race-sensitiveness must eventually yield to the influence of culture, as the South grows civilized, is clear. But such transformation calls for singular wisdom and patience. If, while the healing of this vast sore is progressing, the races are to live for many years side by side, united in economic effort, obeying a common government, sensitive to mutual thought and feeling, yet subtly and silently separate in many matters of deeper human intimacy,—if this unusual and dangerous development is to progress amid peace and order, mutual respect and growing intelligence, it will call for social surgery, at once the delicatest and nicest in modern history. It will demand broad-minded, upright men, both white and black, and in its final accomplishment American civilization will triumph. So far as white men are concerned, this fact is to-day being recognized in the South, and a happy renaissance of university education seems imminent. But the very voices that cry hail to this good work are, strange to relate, largely silent or antagonistic to the higher education of the negro."

It must be remembered that in the growth of a tree the upper boughs must have space and air and sunlight, as much as the roots must have earth and water,—and so with a race. There is need of scholars and idealists, as well as toilers; and for these there should be their natural atmosphere. Again let us hear the moving words of Professor DuBois: "I sit with Shakespeare, and he does not wince. Across the color line I move arm in arm with Balzac and Dumas, where smiling men and welcoming women glide in gilded halls. From out the caves of evening that swing between the strong-limbed earth and the tracery of the stars, I summon Aristotle and Aurelius and what soul I will, and they come all graciously with no scorn nor condescension. So, wed with Truth, I dwell above the veil. Is this the life you grudge us, O knightly America? Is this the life you long to change into the dull red hideousness of Georgia? Are you so afraid lest, peering from this high Pisgah, between Philistine and Amalekite, we sight the Promised Land?"

Yet it is not for himself or the cultured few that he makes the strongest plea:

"Human education is not simply a matter of schools, it is much more a matter of family and group life, the training of one's home, of one's daily companions, of one's social class. Now the black boy of the South moves in a black world—a world with its own leaders, its own thoughts, its own ideals. His teachers here are the group leaders of the negro people—the physicians, clergymen, the trained fathers and mothers, the influential and forceful men about him of all kinds—here it is, if anywhere, that the culture of the surrounding world trickles through, and is handed on by the graduates of the higher schools. Can such culture training of group leaders be neglected? Can we afford to ignore it? Do you think that if the leaders of thought among negroes are not trained and educated themselves, they will have no leaders? On the contrary, a hundred half-trained demagogues will still hold the places they so largely occupy now, and hundreds of vociferous busy-bodies will multiply. We have no choice; either we must help furnish this race from within its own ranks with thoughtful men, of trained leadership, or suffer the consequences of a headless misguided rabble."

Turning now to the political status of the negro, it may be said that the most pressing need will be substantially met if the South will carry out in good faith the provisions of her statute-books. By some of those statute-books, suffrage is still equal and universal. In others, the negro in required to own $300 worth of property, or to be able to read and write, or to understand the Constitution when read to him. That the white man is practically exempt from these tests, by the "soldier" or "grandfather" clause, whatever be its theoretic injustice or unwisdom, would be no great practical grievance to the negro if only he were fairly allowed to cast his own vote when he can meet the statutory tests. At present, throughout the greater part of the South, the practical attitude of the election officials, and the social sentiment enforced in subtle, effectual ways, debars the negro vote almost as thoroughly as if it were disallowed by law. That this should be so may be satisfactory enough for those to whom the matter ends with "This is a white man's country," or "Damn the niggers anyhow." But will the intelligent, large-minded Southerners,—the men of light and leading—always allow the theory of their own statute-books to be nullified? Will they forever maintain a suffrage-test of race rather than of property and intelligence?

It is said, no doubt truly enough, that a large part of the negroes are indifferent to the suffrage, and do not care to vote. But is this a desirable state of things? Taking the class to whom the law awards the suffrage,—the men of some modest property qualification and intelligence,—is it well for the community that they should be indifferent to questions of taxation, of law-making, of courts and schools and roads and bridges? Is it not in every sense desirable that they should be encouraged to take an intelligent and active interest in such matters? John Graham Brooks tells of his recent observations in Gloucester county, Virginia, where whites and blacks have been co-operating for good local government, and the curse of liquor-selling has been restrained by the votes of a black majority. Surely we should all like to see that precedent widely followed. That is a very crude idea of politics which sees in it only a scramble for public offices. That is an obsolete idea which construes Southern politics as a struggle for power between whites and blacks. Politics, in a large sense, is the common housekeeping of the community. It is the administration of the broadest and highest common interests. The importance to the Southern negro of the political function was greatly overrated when he emerged from chattelhood. But is there any wiser course now than to educate and train and encourage him to a living membership in the body politic?

In this connection we naturally recur to the relation of the national government to the negro problem. In general, the let-alone policy of the last twenty-eight years is likely to continue, and there is every reason why it should. The termination of Federal interference in 1877 was not due to criminal indifference or lassitude on the part of the North, or to political accident. It was essentially the gravitation of the nation to its normal position, after the shock of war and the adjustment of the vital changes involved in the abolition of slavery. Those changes recognized in the national Constitution, and the new order set on its feet, it was natural, inevitable, and right, that the States should resume the control of their local affairs. The division of governmental functions between State and nation was one of the most fortunate circumstances of our birth-period; it was the ripening of our historical antecedents, felicitously grasped and molded by a group of great men. It rests on the fitness of each local community to handle its own affairs, while only the most general and fundamental interests are intrusted to the central authority. When the Southern States were left to themselves, they did some unwise and unjust things,—and there had been something of unwisdom and injustice in the time of Federal supervision—but on the whole it was the re-establishment of the normal order. The policy which naturally followed on the part of the general government was the avoidance of special legislation, especially of the restrictive kind.

But within its own sphere, the national government should follow those principles which are in the best sense American. Thus the executive, in its appointments to office, ought to recognize an equality of race, like that which the Constitution affirm as to civil rights and the suffrage. It is of vital moment that the American nation,—whatever local communities may do,—should not bar competent men from office because of race. Here as elsewhere,—the tools to him who can use them, the career open to the fit talent. This should hold good wherever the national executive acts, South as well as North. The principle should be applied with reasonable regard to the sentiments of the local community,—reasonable but not servile regard. In a city by character and tradition a stronghold of the white race, it seems unwise to give a principal office to a black man. But in a community where the black element is strong in numbers and in character, and where the dark race offers fit incumbents for office, there should be a fair number of such appointments. If it is said "This is offensive to the Southern people," the answer is, Who are the Southern people? Not the white people only, but the black people also.

As to legislation, a measure was recently proposed and somewhat discussed, which has perhaps passed like other bubbles, but the proposal of which caused natural agitation and apprehension at the South. This was a scheme for applying the Fourteenth Amendment to the reduction of Congressional representation in the South in proportion to the negroes excluded from suffrage by the new State Constitutions. Some such reduction may be permissible under the amendments,—for the later Fifteenth Amendment only forbids the States to limit suffrage by "color, race, or previous condition of servitude." Limitation by a property or educational test is not forbidden; but under the Fourteenth Amendment it might be made the ground for reducing a State's representation in Congress. But when it has been said that the proposed measure of reduction is permissible under the Constitution, there is nothing more in its favor. From the standpoint of its proposers, it would be only half-effective, for it could reach only those debarred by actual want of property or education; the larger exclusion by the unfair administration of election officers is an individual matter, beyond the cognizance of statute-books. But the weighty objection is that it would recognize, accept and confirm that very exclusion of the negro vote against which it professes to be aimed. It would only enforce a penalty, from which the gain would accrue solely to the Republican majority in Congress and the electoral college. The Republican party, it is safe to say, has too much virtue and intelligence in its rank and file to accept such a gain at such a cost. For the cost would be a bitter intensifying of race and sectional hostility. The Southern negro, his disfranchisement accepted and ratified by the North, would be freshly odious to his white neighbors on whom he had unconsciously brought this humiliation. The fast closing breach between the North and South would have a sharp and heavy wedge of division driven in. The peaceful forward movement of the nation—for forward it is, spite of some lurches and staggers—would be set back by a return to the old methods of sectional conflict. But indeed the proposal hardly merits so much space as has here been given it. It is a scheme of politicians and not of the people, unhopeful even as a political scheme, unsupported by the sober thought of the North, utterly unlikely to be realized or seriously attempted.

There is another kind of legislative action which may well be seriously considered. Would it not be wise, just, and statesmanlike, for the nation to give financial aid to the tremendous work of public education with which the South is struggling? The Blair bill for this purpose,—in a word, an appropriation of $100,000,000, running through ten years, on the basis of illiteracy,—came very near success in Congress. It was defeated by an ardent championship in the North of local independence and self-reliance. It is questionable whether that championship was not misdirected. Here are States burdening themselves beyond their Northern neighbors, to give schooling for only a third of a year, and necessarily sometimes of inferior quality. The deficiency, compared with the standards of wealthier States, results in a widespread ignorance detrimental not only to the community but to the nation. The interests at stake are common to us all. The backlying cause of the trouble,—slavery and its accompaniments—was in a sense our common responsibility; we all ought to have united to get rid of it peaceably, and the North ought to have paid its share. For the dereliction the South has paid a terrible price. The North, too, suffered wofully, yet in far less measure. Would it not be the part of patriotism and statesmanship—of wisdom and good-will—that all should now take some share in lifting the load which weighs heaviest on the South, but hurts us all?

We are spending a hundred millions a year for a navy. Would not some of that money be put to better use in training our own citizens, who will otherwise go untaught? Someone has said: "The cost of one battleship would endow the higher education of the Southern negro for half a century to come."

It is not the negro only, it is his white neighbor also, for whom we are to provide. So to plan the provision that the money be honestly and wisely spent; to do it with just consideration of local feeling, yet on firm lines of American democracy—this would take study and sagacity. But could study and sagacity be better applied than to make this idea practical? The project seems prompted by wise self-interest and by justice. The South is carrying more than its share of national expense, and without complaint. Our tariff system presses far heavier on the agricultural South than on the manufacturing North. Of our payment of pensions,—running up to $130,000,000 a year,—the South bears its proportion, though it is paid to men for fighting against her, and the South makes no remonstrance. Is it not simple justice, is it not a matter of national conscience and honor, that the whole nation should help her in educating the future citizens of the republic?

From this national aspect, we return to the more personal phases of our theme. Shall we touch on that subject whose very name seems to prohibit discussion?—what is called "social equality," or as others would prefer "social intimacy." Either phrase seems to evoke a phantom before which consideration and composure flee. But we may, as Epictetus suggests, say, "Appearances, wait for me a little; let me see who you are and what you are about, and put you to the test." Social equality—in what sense does it exist among white men? People find their associates according to fitness and congeniality. Clean people prefer the society of clean people, and the dirty must go by themselves or change their habits. Men and women of refinement and good manners welcome the company of the refined and well-mannered. They do so no less if these pleasing traits are found in a Japanese, a Chinese, or, a Hindu. This is the custom of the civilized world. At the North, as already in Christendom at large, the same usage is coming to extend to the African. A gentleman, a lady, by breeding and education and behavior, is admitted to the society of other ladies and gentlemen, whether in the business office, the committee-room, or the home. When the Grand Army of the Republic in Massachusetts this year chose their district commander, the almost unanimous choice fell on a soldier, a lawyer, and a gentleman, of African blood. When last fall the students of the Amherst agricultural college elected the captain of their football team, they took as their leader a young man of the dark race. A few years since a class in Harvard awarded their highest honor, the class oratorship, to Mr. Bruce of Mississippi, of negro blood. When a Springfield lawyer, meeting in Philadelphia an old classmate in the law school, accepted his invitation to dinner at his boarding-house, and there found himself among a score of ladies and gentlemen, all dark-skinned, elegant in dress and manners, agreeable in conversation, and meeting their guest with entire ease and composure,—he did not feel that the meeting had injured either him or them, or shaken the foundations of the social order. Such is the growing, if not the general, practice in the Northern States; such is the well-established custom of Christendom. If the white people of the Southern States, for reasons peculiar to their section, follow a different rule, they have still no occasion for wonder and dismay at the practice in other sections, or for indignation when the highest official in the American capital follows the general usage of the civilized world.

The reasons given by the Southern whites for their own course in the matter call no less for respectful consideration. They say: "We are encompassed and intermingled with a people of negro and mixed blood. If we associate with them familiarly, the natural result will be intermarriage. There is no drawing the line short of that. Meet at the dining-table and in the drawing-room,—visit, study, play, associate familiarly and intimately,—and the young people of the two races, in many instances, will pass through acquaintance and friendship to love and marriage. Then springs a mixed and degenerate race; then the white race, with its proud tradition, its high ideals, its grand power, shades off into an inferior, mongrel breed. Our inheritance, our civilization, our honor, bid us shut out and forbid that degeneracy at the very threshold."

Let it be assumed that for the present the white South resolutely maintains its attitude of social separation. But let its defenders consider some of the consequences it involves, and make account with them as best they may. Does not this social code strongly confirm, and indeed carry as a necessary implication, that industrial separation which must work injuriously not only to the negro but to the community? If the white gentleman will not associate with a black gentleman in a committee on school or public affairs, if he will not admit him to his pew or his drawing-room, is it not to be expected that the white carpenter or mill-hand will refuse to work side by side with the black? What that means where the black man is in a small minority, we see here at the North,—it shuts him out. Where he is in stronger force, as at the South, the refusal of industrial fellowship means growing bitterness, and the complication and aggravation of labor difficulties. It all goes along together,—the social separation and the industrial.

Further, this means that each race is to be ignorant and aloof from the other, on its best side. The best side of every civilized people is seen in its homes. The white and the black homes of the South are strangers to each other. Edgar Gardner Murphy in his admirable book, The Present South, while he does not for a moment question the necessity of the social barrier, laments that ignorance of each other's best which it involves. He dwells hopefully on that development of the family life which marks the negro's best advance,—but what, he asks, can the white people really see or know of it? Surely it is a very grave matter to keep two intermingled peoples thus mutually ignorant of each other's best.

If it be asked, "What course can reasonably be considered as a possible alternative to the jealous safeguarding of our race integrity?" the answer might suggest itself: "Simply deal with every man according to his fitness, his merits, and his needs, regardless of the color of his skin. Decide to-day's questions on the broad principles of justice and humanity. Leave the ultimate relation of the races to those sovereign powers working through Nature and mankind, which we dimly understand, but with which we best co-operate by doing the right deed here and now."

Some things we say—and think, too,—when we are in debate with our opponents, and some other things we think when we quietly commune with ourselves. Any social ordinance or usage finds its final test when we bring it into the companionship of our highest ideal. We may here borrow an apologue:

"The other night I fell asleep when soothed by vivid memories of a visit to Charleston soon after the war. The place was then new to me, and the warmth of old friends from whom I had long been parted and the cordial hospitality of those now first met seemed to blend with the delicious atmosphere which soothed and charmed my senses. The memory prompted a dream, in which I sat again at that hospitable board, where my host had summoned a company to meet a special guest. The stranger delighted us all, partly by his suggestive comments, but still more by some subtle sympathy which moved us all to free and even intimate speech. Gradually the company enlarged; presently entered a man, and my host whispered to me, 'That fellow tried to ruin me, but I can't shut him out now'—and place was made. Then came in one with marked Jewish features, and the company drew their chairs together and made room for him. More intimate and sympathetic grew the talk,—strangely we all felt ourselves in a region of thought and feeling above our wont, and brought close together in it. It dawned on me 'this Presence among us is the same that once walked in Jerusalem and Galilee.' At that moment there appeared at the door a newcomer of dark hue. A frost fell on the company; they seemed to stiffen and close their ranks; the host's face turned in trouble and uncertainty from the newcomer to the guest of honor. The Guest arose and spoke to the stranger,—'Take my place!' he said."

Each of us dreams his own dream, and thinks his own thought. Differ as we may, let us unite wherever we can in purpose and action. The perfect social ideal will be slow in realization, but it is to-day's straightforward step along some plain path that is bringing us nearer to it. The black workman who every day does his best work; the white workman who welcomes him to his side; the trade-union that opens its doors alike to both colors; the teacher spending heart and brain for her pupils; the statesman planning justice and opportunity for all; the sheriff setting his life between his prisoner and the mob; the dark-skinned guest cheerfully accepting a lower place than his due at life's feast; the white-skinned host saying, Friend, come up higher,—it is these who are solving the race problem.

Slowly but surely we are coming together. We confront our difficulties as a people, however we may differ among ourselves, with a oneness of spirit which is a help and pledge of final victory. We are one by our most sacred memories, by our dearest possessions, and by our most solemn tasks. Our discords are on the lower plane; when the rich, full voices speak, in whatever latitude and longitude, they chord with one another. When Uncle Remus tells Miss Sally's little boy about Brer Rabbit and Brer Fox, the children from the Gulf to the Lakes gather about his knees. Tom Sawyer and Huck Finn are claimed as comrades by all the boys between the Penobscot and the Rio Grande. Lanier's verse rests on the shelf with Longfellow's. The seer of Concord gives inspiration in Europe and India and Japan. Frances Willard stands for the womanhood of the continent. When Fitzhugh Lee died, it was not Virginia only but America that mourned a son. When Mary Livermore passed away, we all did honor to her heroic spirit. When Dunbar sings his songs, or DuBois speaks in the tones of scholar and poet, we all listen. The great emancipators of the successive generations,—Woolman, Lundy, Channing, Mrs. Stowe, Lincoln, Armstrong, Booker Washington—do we not all claim a share in them? Just as all Englishmen feel themselves heirs alike of the Puritan Hampden and the Royalist Falkland, so we Americans all pay our love and reverence to the heroes of our war,—Grant and Lee, Jackson and Sheridan, Johnston and Thomas, and all their peers.

And we are one by the common tasks that confront us. This problem of the races,—it is a challenge to do our best. "Impossible? What are we put into the world for, but to do the impossible in the strength of God?" The rich man and the poor man, the employer and the laborer, must find some common ground of justice and harmony. The nation must be steered away from commercial greed and military glory, toward international arbitration, toward peace, toward universal brotherhood. Knowledge and faith are to join hands, and the human spirit is to reach nobler heights. These are the tasks which we Americans are to meet and master—together.

The hope of Lincoln is finding its late fulfillment: "The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave"—Northern and Southern graves alike—"to every living heart and hearth-stone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature." The pathetic melody of the negro spirituals, the brave and rollicking strains of "Dixie," and the triumphant harmony of "The Star Spangled Banner," blend and interweave in the Symphony of America.

---

INDEX

Abbott, Ernest Hamlin, on industrial problem of South, [397].
Abolition, see Emancipation.
Abolitionists (Cf. Anti-slavery men), in England, [38];
opinions of North and South on, [54];
inclusiveness of term, [54] ff;
characterized, [56] ff;
conservatives ally themselves with Republicans, [130];
extremists not opposed to secession, [212];
favor disunion, [217].
Adams, Charles Francis, joins "Free Soil" party, [81];
nominated for Vice-President, [82];
proposes compromise on slavery, [229];
candidate for Presidential nomination, [328].
Adams, John Quincy, characteristics, [28];
relations with Clay, [29];
in Congress, [72];
believes abol. of slavery as war measure legal, [253].
Adams, Nehemiah (Dr.), [141].
Adams, Samuel, [8].
Alabama, admitted as slave State, [23];
forbids importation of slaves, later repeals, [36];
secedes, [225];
emancipation in, [260];
gives qualified assent to thirteenth amendment, [262];
provisional govt. formed, [275];
reconstructed, [310];
negro voters in majority in, [311];
Federal interference in election (1872), [323];
Democrats regain control in, [324];
legal limitation of suffrage in, [383], [384].
Alabama Claims, the, settled, [325].
Alcorn, J. M., first Republican governor of Mississippi, [336].
Alcott, Amos Bronson, characterizes John Brown, [160];
futile views of on war, [242].
Allen, Charles, refuses to support Whig party, [81].
Amendments, constitutional, Thirteenth, [262];
ratified, [268], [276];
declared adopted, [276];
Fourteenth formulated and discussed, [297] ff;
prob. reason for mistake of exclusion art. in, [301];
disqualifications under removed by Congress, [302];
restoration offered to South upon adoption of, [303];
rejected by South, [304], [310];
Grant against exclusion clauses in, [310];
scheme to apply to reduction of Southern representation, [403] ff;
Fifteenth proposed, [314];
adopted, [315], [403].
American Missionary Asso'n, labors of for freedmen, [362].
American Party. (See Know-nothing Party), [115], [151];
death of, [153].
"American system," [31].
Ames, Adelbert, governor of Mississippi, [336];
calls for Federal troops; impeached; driven from state, [340].
Ames, Charles G., characterizes Stroud's Slave Laws, [110].
Amherst agricultural college, chooses negro foot ball captain, [406].
Anderson, Major, at Ft. Moultrie, [223];
Buchanan refuses aid to; withdraws to Ft. Sumter; supported, [224];
surrenders, [235].
Andersonville, terrors of, [245].
Andrew, John A. (Gov.), denounces slavery, [154];
on John Brown, [165];
strongly opposes secession, [230];
course as war governor, [279];
suggests principles of reconstruction, [280];
endeavors to interest Northern capital in South, [319].
"Anti-Nebraska" party, [115].
Anti-secessionists, in North and South, [212].
Anti-slavery men (Cf. Abolitionist),
distinguished from abolitionists, [55];
disheartened by "Free Soil" nomination, [82];
outbreaks against in South, [169], [186].
Anti-slavery movement grows, [35] ff, [37], [51], [52], [71], [91];
women and literary men in, [56];
public leaders keep aloof from, [57];
petitions, [71];
documents excluded
from Southern mails, [72], [73];
made political issue, [74];
strong growth of in North, [113] ff;
assumed by Republican party, [127];
tabooed at South, [129].
Anti-slavery society, American, founded, [44];
purposes of, [45];
dissolution of, [367].
Arkansas, admitted as slave state, [23];
postpones action on secession, [227];
secedes, [235];
emancipation in, [260];
provisional govt. estab. in, [269], [275];
reconstructed, [310];
relative number of negro voters in, [311];
becomes Democratic, [323];
Grant recommends state govt. be declared illegal, [344];
bill defeated, [345].
Armstrong, Samuel Chapman (Gen.), birth and early life of, [356];
in Union Army;
begins labors for freedmen in Virginia; characterization of, [357];
special fitness for work, [359];
religious views, [360];
forms ideals of negro education, [360] ff;
founds Hampton Institute, [362] ff;
personality, [364] ff;
labors of for school, [365] ff;
death of; summary of life work; personal appearance, [366];
sayings of, [367];
Booker Washington, pupil and successor to, [378].
Arnold, Matthew, poem on his father, [369].
Atchison, Senator, of Missouri, [117].
Atlanta University, [358], [398].
Atlantic Monthly, begun, [144]
Aycock, Governor, of N. C., [388].
Bacon, Leonard, [36].
Baltimore, Maryland, Mass. troops attacked at, [237].
Banks, Nathaniel P., joins "Free Soil" party, [81];
speaker of House, [115];
in Republican party, [127];
refuses nomination of "Know-nothing" seceders,
supports Fremont, [129];
governor of Mass., [193];
in House, [284].
Baptists, champion cause of freedom, [22].
"Barnburners," the, [82].
Barnwell, Senator, advocates secession, [89].
Bates, Edward, candidate for Presidential nomination (1860), [191];
attitude of on emancipation proclamation, [257].
Beauregard, Gen., leads attack on Fort Sumter, [235].
Beecher, Edward, [36].
Beecher, Henry Ward, characterization of, [141] ff;
active in political discussion, [142];
criticises Lincoln in Independent, [254];
labors in behalf of Union, [277];
outlines plan of reconstruction, [277] ff;
views on suffrage, [308].
Bell, John, nominated for President, [189];
popular vote for (1860), [194]; [214].
Bennett, James Gordon, [141].
Berea College, beginnings of, [73];
discriminated against by Kentucky educational law, [385].
Bernard, John, meets Washington, [1] ff.
"Biglow Papers," Lowell attacks slavery and war in, [77]; [144]; [254].
Birney, James G., [36];
incidents in life of, [58] ff;
political ideas of, [59];
nominated for President, [74];
views of on slavery question, [74];
again nominated, [75].
Black, Jeremiah S., Attorney-General, [222];
Secretary of State, [244];
defends Johnson, [312].
"Black Codes" of 1865-6, [281] ff, [372].
Blaine, James G., in House, [284];
proposes amend. to Stevens's reconstruction bill, [306];
on debate of bill, [307];
on negro suffrage, [310];
leader in House, characterized, [331];
speaks against Davis, reputation discredited, Presidential candidate, [346].
Blair, Francis P. (Gen.), nominated for Vice-Presidency; defeated, [314].
Blair, Senator, of N. H., bill of for aid to local education on basis of existing illiteracy, [372], [404].
"Border Ruffians," the, [116], [118].
Border States, severity of war greatest in, [242];
Lincoln's scheme for compensated emancipation in, [252];
slave owners in alienated by emancipation proclamation, [261].
Boston Courier, denounces Republican party in 1860 campaign, [194].
Bourne, George (Rev.), denounces slavery, [37].
Boutwell, George S., governor of Mass., [92];
in House, [284];
House prosecutor of Johnson, [311].
Bowles, Samuel, [124];
"Life and Times of," [124] note;
gives opinion of Johnson imbroglio, [296].
Bradley, Joseph (Justice), on Hayes-Tilden commission, [349].
Breckinridge, John C., nominated for President, [188];
scheme for electing, [189];
popular vote for (1860), [194];
declines to repudiate secession, [194].
Bristow, Benjamin H., Presidential candidate, Sec'y of Treasury, [346], [347].
Brooks, John Graham, observations of on Virginia politics, [401].
Brooks, Preston S., assaults Sumner, [122];
re-elected and honored, effect on North, [123].
Brown, B. Gratz, leads independent movement in Mo., [327];
aspirant for Presidential nomination, [328].
Brown, John, sketch of, [119] ff;
leads massacre in Kansas, [120];
schemes for extinction of slavery, [159] ff;
in Springfield, Mass., [159], [162];
aided by leading anti-slavery men, [160];
pen pictures of by Alcott and Emerson, [160];
characterization of, [161] ff;
makes raid on Harper's Ferry, [162];
captured, [163];
hanged, [164];
honored as martyr, [164] ff;
eulogized by Emerson, [165], [167];
characterization of his acts and schemes, [166] ff.
Bruce, B. K., U. S. Senator, [336].
Bruce, R. C., of Miss., awarded class oratorship at Harvard, [407].
Bryant, William Cullen, editor of N. Y. Evening Post, [327].
Buchanan, James, [72];
Democratic Presidential candidate, characterized, [128];
with Mason and Soulé issues Ostend manifesto, [128];
administration of (1857-61), [147];
sends Gov. Walker to Kansas, [150];
supports Lecompton constitution, [151];
announces position on secession, [222];
refuses aid to Ft. Moultrie, [224];
cabinet, [224].
Burgess, J. W. (Prof), shows effects of John Brown's raid, [170];
comments on laws governing negroes after war, [291].
Burns, Anthony, fugitive slave, [91].
Butler, Senator, from S. C., Sumner attacks in Congressional speech, [122].
Butler, Benjamin F., joins seceding Democratic convention (1860), [188];
candidate for governor of Mass., [192];
declares fugitive slaves "contraband of war," [248];
House prosecutor of Johnson, [311];
in Congress, characterized, [331];
labors for "force bill" (1875), [345].
Butler, Fanny Kemble. See Kemble, Fanny.
Calhoun, John C., Vice-President, relations with Jackson, [30];
defends right of nullification, [32];
prophesies concerning relations between North and South, [34];
becomes leader of South, [34], [44];
characterization of, [47] ff;
social theories of, [50];
in Senate, opposes anti-slavery petitions, claims State control of mails, [72];
in Tyler's cabinet, leader in Texas annexation, [75];
returns to Senate, [76];
politically isolated, [79];
opposes war with Eng., [80];
claims of for nationionalization of slavery, [80];
last speech of, [86];
his opinion of struggle bet. North and South, [87].
California, taken from Mexico, [79];
admission as free State advocated, [88], [90];
swift settlement of; applies for admission with slavery excluded, South opposes, [84];
rejects Fifteenth amendment, [315].
Cameron, Simon, candidate for Presidential nomination; supports Lincoln, [190].
Carolinas, the (see also North, South),
slavery foundation of aristocracy in, [6];
number of slaves in in 1790, [9].
Carpenter, Frank, Lincoln's conversation with, [256].
"Carpet-baggers," the, [318], [336], [338].
Casey, F. F., in government of Louisiana, [341].
Cass, Lewis, nominated for President, [81];
resigns from cabinet, [224].
Chamberlain, Daniel H., governor of So. Carolina, [332], [348].
Chandler, Zachariah, [270];
sketch of, [283];
as radical leader, [285];
party leader, [331];
chairman Republican national committee; disputes Tilden's election, [348].
Channing, William Ellery, plan of emancipation, [39];
sketch of, attitude toward anti-slavery movement, [59] ff;
treatise on Slavery, [62].
Chase, Salmon P., in "Free Soil" convention, [82];
in Senate, [83];
against extension of slavery, [90];
in Lincoln's cabinet, [249];
attitude of on emancipation proclamation, [257];
becomes chief justice, [274];
candidate for Presidential nomination, Lincoln's opinion of, services of in supreme court, [313].
Chestnutt, Charles W., [379];
shows discrimination against negro suffrage, [384].
Child, Lydia Maria, [56];
opinion of Channing, [63].
Church, the, early, accepts slavery, works toward abolition, [4];
casuistical defense of slavery by, [5];
in America, justifies slavery, [50];
split over slavery, [53];
united in South in defense of slavery in North divided, [141];
labors of in North in behalf of Union, [277].
Civil rights bill (1866) passed, [296];
vetoed by Johnson, becomes law, [297];
of 1875, [345].
Civil war, the, causes of, [211] ff; [237] ff;
views on in North and South, [237];
moral results of, [240], [244], [247];
emancipation measures discussed and adopted during, [248] ff;
disappointment over protraction of, [254];
negroes in, [261], [263];
courage of both North and South in, [262];
suffering in, [265];
ended, [270].
"Civil War and the Constitution, The," [170].
Clay, Cassius M., opposes slavery, [73];
in founding of Berea College, [73]; [170].
Clay, Henry, votes for slavery in Arkansas, [23];
favors Missouri compromise, aspires to Presidency, dislikes but supports slavery, [26];
relations of with J. Q. Adams, [29];
advocates protective tariff, [31];
proposed tariff compromise, [33];
Whigs nominate for President, [75];
defeated, [76];
opposed to annexation of Mexico, [79];
disappointed of Presidential nomination, [81];
in Senate (1849-50), frames compromise measures of 1850, [85];
opposes extension of slavery, denies right of secession, last speech of, [86];
denounces threats of secession, [89].
Clayton, Powell, in Grant faction, [344].
Cobb, Howell, [138].
Coles, Edward (Gov.), [35].
Colfax, Schuyler, in House, [284];
Vice-President, [314].
Colonization, Jefferson's schemes for, [18];
Pennsylvania society, [22];
society attacked by New Eng. anti-slavery society, [44].
Compromise of 1820, see Missouri
of 1850, [85];
adopted, [90];
causes dissatisfaction in North and South, [91].
Confederacy, the Southern (see also South, the, etc.).
Secessionists propose to form, [215];
convention to organize, [225];
organized, constitution of, [226];
election of officers of, [226], [227];
disregards peace overtures from Republicans, [229];
courage displayed in, [262];
Lee the chief hero of, [263].
Conkling, Roscoe, in House, [284];
party leader, [331];
favors "force bill," [345];
Presidential candidate, [346].
Connecticut, passes emancipation law, [21].
"Conscience Whigs," [82].
Constitution (See Convention of 1787),
proposed convention to revise, [229].
Amendments to, see Amendments.
"Constitutional Union" party, [153], [189].
Convention of 1787, personnel, work, and difficulties of, [10] ff;
results of, [14] ff.
Corwin, Thomas, opposes Mexican war, [77].
Cotton gin, invention of stimulates cotton growing, [23].
Credit Mobilier, [344].
Crittenden, John J., Senator, [151], [214].
Crittenden, compromise, proposed, refused by Republicans, [228].
Cuba, emancipation in, [108];
annexation of demanded in Ostend manifesto, [128].
Curtis, Benj. R., defends President Johnson, [312].
Curtis, George William, editor Harper's Weekly, [330];
leads reform element in Republican convention of 1876, [346].
Curtis, Justice, dissents from Dred Scott decision, [148].
Cushing, Caleb, joins seceding Democratic convention, [188];

supports Breckinridge Democracy; bitter words of on Mass. election, [193].
Dabney, Thomas, sketch of, [100] ff;
experiences of after war, [337], [339], [355].
Davis, David, on Hayes-Tilden commission; in Senate, [349].
Davis, Henry Winter, favors radical reconstruction, [270].
Davis, Jefferson, in Senate, [86], [89];
sketch of life and principles of, [132] ff;
active in politics, in Mexican war, in Senate, Sec'y of War, leader in secession, [134];
hostility toward, [135];
final estimate of, [136];
presents ultimatum of South in Senate (1859), [184];
residence of at North, [193];
defends secession, [215];
opposes immediate secession (1860), [221];
with others withdraws from Congress to organize Confederacy, [225];
elected President of Confederacy, [226];
North's hatred of, [301];
imprisoned by Pres. Johnson, [329];
attacked by Blaine, [346].
Davis, Rebecca Harding (Mrs.), describes terrors of Civil war in border states, [242].
Dawes, Henry L., in House, [284], [331].
Dayton, William L., Vice-Presidential candidate (1856), [129].
Declaration of Independence, clause in regarding wrongs of slave trade suppressed, [9].
DeForest, J. W., [209].
Delaware, votes against extension of slave trade, [13];
rejects Thirteenth amendment, [262], [276];
rejects Fifteenth amendment, [315].
Democratic party (see Democrats),
power of South in, [185];
extreme South breaks up, [187];
Alex. H. Stephens explains move, [189];
geographical lines of in campaign of 1860, [192].
Democratic sentiment, growth of, [21], [29].
Democrats, opposed to strong central gov't, [21];
favor annexing Texas, [75];
nominate Cass for President, [81];
combine with Free Soilers, [92];
nominate Pierce for President, desert Free Soilers, [93];
vote for Kansas-Nebraska bill, [114];
in Republican party, [127];
platform (1856), campaign, Buchanan candidate of, [128];
uphold Ostend manifesto, [129];
divided over Lecompton constitution, [151];
convention of 1860, [185] ff;
delegates from S. C. and Gulf States leave, [187];
adjourns, [188];
regular convention at re-meeting nominates Douglas and Johnson, seceders nominate Breckinridge and Lane, [188];
inharmonious in North, [253];
gain in 1862, [261];
nominate McClellan for Presidency, defeated, [265];
in Congress of 1865-6, [284];
hold convention of 1868, repudiate reconstruction acts, favor repudiation, nominate Seymour, [313];
regain control in many Southern States, [323];
join Independent Republicans, [328];
indorse Greeley's nomination, Independent Democrats nominate O'Conor, [329];
organize resistance to Republicans in South and begin intimidation, [339] ff;
in Congress of 1875-6, [346];
nominate Tilden for President, [347];
claim election, [348] ff.
Denison, John, Dr., characterizes Gen. Samuel Armstrong, [357].
Devens, Charles, Attorney-General under Hayes, [353].
Dickinson, Edward, helps organize Republican party, [114].
Dickinson, John, opinion of slave trade, [12].
"Disfranchisement," paper on, by Charles W. Chestnutt, [384].
District of Columbia, slavery abolished in, [251].
Dix, John A. (Gen.), in Buchanan's cabinet, [224].
Dorsey, Stephen W., in Grant faction, [344].
Douglas, Stephen A., sketch of, [112];
introduces "Kansas-Nebraska" bill to aid his Pres. candidature, [112] ff;
doctrine of "popular sovereignty," [150];
supports Republicans on Lecompton bill, [151];
returns to Democrats and becomes Senator, [153];
famous debates of with Lincoln, [180];
elected U. S. Senator, [181];
struggle of, with extreme South on Democratic platform (1860), [185];
great power of in convention; principles of; followers defy Southern Democracy, [186];
nominated for President, [188];
denounces secession; pop. vote for, [194];
assails Lincoln's position, proposes plans to conciliate South, [233];
supports Lincoln, [235].
Douglass, Frederick, [96].
"Dred," anti-slavery novel, [123] ff.
Dred Scott decision, [147] ff.
DuBois, Prof., [5], [379];
on need of higher education for negroes, [398], [399].
Dunbar, Paul Laurence, [379].
Duncan, James, [38].
Durell, E. H. (Judge), in Louisiana election struggle, [341].
Education, of negroes, [37];
urged by Beecher, [279];
nat'l, of negroes neglected, [325], [326];
higher, for negroes, [358], [377] ff, [398] ff;
Blair bill for local aid to, on basis of existing illiteracy, [372], [404];
of negroes undertaken by Southern whites, [373];
standard of in South being raised, [381];
efforts to restrict for negroes, unjust Kentucky law, [385];
estimate of amt. paid out for negro education to date, [388];
improved industrial for negroes, [388];
of negro presents great difficulty, [396]-[7];
amount spent by South for edu. of negro in past [30] years, [397];
problems of in South, [397] ff;
need of higher for negroes, [398]-[9];
gov't aid to in South advocated, [404].
Eggleston, General, Republican leader in Miss., [336].
Eliot, Thomas D., helps organize Republican party, [114].
Emancipation Proclamation, Lincoln presents to cabinet, decides to delay promulgation of, [257];
reintroduces, [258];
discussed and approved by cabinet, issued (1862), [259];
goes into effect, immediate results of, [260] ff.
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, in anti-slavery movement, [56];
in literature, [94];
influence of, [143];
pen picture of John Brown by, [160]; [243].
"End of an Era, The," [169].
English bill, the, [151].
Evarts, William M., in Republican convention (1860), [191], [192];
defends President Johnson, [312];
Secy. of State under Hayes, [353].
Everett, Edward, nominated for Presidency, [189].
Federalist Party, principles of, [20].
Fee, John G., and Berea College, [73], [170].
Fessenden, William P., in Senate, [114];
in Republican party, [127];
heads reconstruction committee, [281];
in U. S. Senate, [283];
sketch of, [284], [285];
opposes President Johnson's plan of reconstruction, [286];
votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, [312];
death of, [331].
Fillmore, Millard, becomes President, character of, [90];
candidate for Presidential nomination, [92];
nominated (1856) by "Know-nothings," [129].
Fish, Hamilton, in Senate, [114];
in settlement of Alabama claims, [325].
Fisk University, [358].
Florida, secedes, [225];
emancipation in, [260];
provisional gov't of, [275];
reconstructed, [310];
rel. number of negro voters in, [311];
Presidential vote of contested (1876), [348] ff.
"Flower de Hundred," [100].
Floyd, John B., Secy. of War, resigns, [224].
Foot, Solomon, in Senate, [114].
Force bill, of 1833, [33];
—— proposed, of 1875, defeated in Senate, [345].
Fort Moultrie, commanded by Anderson, [223];
Buchanan refuses to aid, [224];
abandoned by Anderson, [224];
occupied by So. Carolinians, [224].
Fort Sumter, Anderson removes to, [224];
debate over, [233];
Lincoln sends aid to, [234];
Confederates attack and take, [235].
Fortune, T. Thomas, [379].
Fowler, Senator, votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, [312].
Franklin, Benjamin, [8];
labors against slavery, skill of as a leader, [19].
Freedmen's Bureau, [287], [289];
Pres. Johnson vetoes bill to increase powers of, [294];
bill amended, passed, [297];
labors of, [357], [362].
"Free Soil" party, previously "Liberty" party, gains from Whigs and Democrats, [81].
"Free Soilers," convention of (1848), nominates Van Buren, [82];
form alliance with Democrats, [92];
nominate John P. Hale for President, lose Democratic allies, [93];
vote against Kansas-Nebraska bill in House, [114];
unite with Whigs in Mich. in formation of Republican party, [115];
in Republican party, [127].
Free State men, in Kansas struggle, [117] ff;
refuse to vote in Kansas, [150];
give up separate organization, and win, [152];
triumph of, [153].
Fremont, John C. (Gen.), nominated for President, [126];
sketch of, [126] ff;
declares martial law, and emancipation of slaves in Missouri, [248];
emancipation measure of set aside by Lincoln, results of incident, [249].
Fugitive slave law, demanded by South, [85];
resisted in North, dissatisfaction over, [91].
Galveston Bulletin, view of reconstruction in, [267].
Garfield, James A., in House, [284], [331].
Garrison, Wm. Lloyd, becomes interested in emancipation, [39];
early experiences, founds Liberator, principles, [40];
founds New England Anti-Slavery Society, [44];
fight of against slavery, [51] ff;
aims and methods of, [52], [53];
followers of divided, [54];
personality of, [54];
mobbed, [55];
scorns Republican party, [127];
propagandism of inflames North and South, [207];
declares all war unchristian, [210];
favors disunion, [217], [228].
Geary, John W., governor of Kansas, [117], [121].
Genius of Universal Emancipation, founded, [38], [39].
Georgia, demands representation in Congress based on slave numbers, [11];
refuses to join Union if slave trade forbidden, [12];
forbids entry of free negroes into State, forbids circulation of insurrectionary pamphlets, [41];
citizens of characterized, [137];
becomes pivotal point of Southern politics, [138];
considers secession (1860), [221], [225];
secedes, [226];
emancipation in, [260];
provisional govt. formed, [275];
signs of promise in during reconstruction period, [301];
rights of negro conserved in, [302];
readmitted, relative number of negro voters in, [311];
Democrats regain control in, [323];
discrimination against negro suffrage in, [384].
Giddings, Joshua, in "Free Soil" convention, [82].
Godkin, E. L., [327].
Gold, at premium of [250], [264].
Gorman bill to limit suffrage, defeated (1905), [383], note.
Grand Army of the Republic, chooses negro commander in Mass., [406].
Grant, Ulysses S. (Gen.), votes for Buchanan, [130];
refuses to exchange prisoners, [246];
report of on conditions in South after war, [286];
on proper policy toward South, [302];
against exclusion clauses of [14]th amendment, [310];
nominated for President, elected, [314];
problems of administration, displays lack of statesmanship, [324] ff;
defeats inflation policy, [325];
personal honesty of, [326];
strong opposition to develops, [327];
prominent men and events of second term, [331] ff;
growth of independence of, [332];
recommends State govt. of Arkansas be declared illegal, [344];
favors "Force bill," [345];
disinclination of to further interference in South, [345];
attitude of in disputed States in 1876, [349];
remarks of to Lee on surrender, [354].
Greeley, Horace, votes for Taylor, [82];
helps prolong Whig organization in N. Y., [115];
sketch of, [140];
opposes Seward in Republican convention. (1860), [191];
criticises Lincoln, Lincoln's reply to, [255];
supports Independ. Repub. movement, nominated for President, [328];
nomination of indorsed by Democrats, weakness of as candidate, generous sentiment of toward South, [329];
bitter opposition to, defeat and death of, [330].
Grimes, Senator, votes to acquit President Johnson, [312].
Hale, Edward Everett, in New Eng. Emigrant Aid Society, [116].
Hale, Eugene, in House, [331].
Hale, John P., nominated for President, [93].
Hamlin, Hannibal, nominated for Vice-President, [192].
Hampton, Wade, nominated for governor of So. Carolina; violence of campaign, [333];
claims governorship, [348];
governor, [353].
Hampton Institute, founded, [362];
work at begun, success and growth of, [363] ff;
work of, [377].
Harper's Ferry, raid on, by John Brown, [162] ff.
Harper's Weekly, opposes Greeley, [330].
Harrison, Mrs. Burton, personal reminiscences of Virginia before the war, [100].
Harrison, William H., campaign of, [74].
Hart, Albert Bushnell, gives estimate of wealth of negroes, [375].
Harvard College, awards class oratorship to negro (Bruce of Miss.), [407].
Hawley, Joseph R. (Gen.), in House, [331].
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, [242].
Hayes, Rutherford B., in House, [284];
nominated for President, [347];
election of claimed, [348] ff;
declared elected, [352];
ends military interference in South, inaugurates new régime, [353].
Hayne, Robert, debate of with Webster, [33].
Hedrick, Prof., driven from North Carolina for anti-slavery sentiments, [129].
Helper, Hinton R., publishes The Impending Crisis, [109], [154];
driven from N. C., [157].
Henderson, Senator, votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, [312].
Henry, Patrick, [8]; views of on slavery, [19].
Herndon, William H., Lincoln's partner and friend, [179], [180].
Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, supports John Brown, [160].
Hilo (Hawaii) Manual School, [360].
Hoar, George F., characterizes Sumner, [282];
describes polit. methods of Henry Wilson, [283];
in House, [331];
on Louisiana investigation committee, [343].
Hoar, Samuel, driven from So. Carolina, [73];
joins "Free Soil" party, [81].
Holt, Joseph, Secy. of War, [224].
Holtzclaw, William, story of, [378].
Hopkins, John H. (Bishop), [141].
Hopkins, Mark, as president of Williams College, [356].
Hopkins, Samuel (Dr.), denounces slave trade, [9].
Howard, O. O. (Gen.), chief of Freedmen's Bureau, [289].
Howard University, [358].
Howe, S. G. (Dr.), supports John Brown, [160], [168].
Hunter, David (Gen.), attempts partial emancipation as war measure, [253].
Illinois, admitted as free State, [23];
attempt to introduce slavery in, [34];
anti-slavery rioting in, [74];
Abolitionists in, ally themselves with Republicans; Lincoln the central figure at first State convention, [179].
Impending Crisis, The, [109];
resumé of, [154] ff;
effects of, [157].
Independent, The, criticises Lincoln, [254].
Indiana, admitted as free State, [23].
Indians, unfitness of for slavery, [5].
Jackson, Andrew, characteristics, administration, [29];
denounces nullification, [33];
opposes circulation of anti-slavery literature through U. S. mails, [72].
Jackson, Stonewall, [135].
Jefferson, Thomas, [8];
denounces slave trade in first draft of Decl. of Independ.;
plans of for gradual emancipation, [9], [17]-[18],
and for exclusion of slavery from unorganized territory, [9];
polit. ideals, views on slavery, [17];
unskillful as President, [21];
fears of for Union; sympathies with slave States, jealous of State rights, [25], [250];
on dangers of slavery, [391].
Jenkins, Charles J. (Gov.), pleads for negro rights in inaugural, [301].
Jerry, fugitive slave, rescued, [91].
Johnson, Andrew, in Senate, [214];
early life and character of, becomes President, [273];
retains Lincoln's cabinet, Seward's influence on, [274];
issues proclamation of amnesty; appoints provisional governors in South, [275];
favors qualified negro suffrage, [276];
message (1865), [281];
policy of reconstruction of opposed in Congress, [285] ff;
supported by Democrats, [286];
vetoes Freedmen's Bureau bill, [294], [296];
loses support of party; undignified speech of strengthens opposition to, [295];
vetoes Civil Rights bill, [297];
strong opposition to reconstruction policy of, [303];
undignified conduct of during tour of North, [304];
impeachment and trial of, [311] ff;
acquitted; in Senate; place of in history, [312].
Johnson, Herschel V., nominated for Vice-President, [188];
opposes immediate secession, [225].
Johnson, Oliver, [44].
Johnson, Reverdy, in U. S. Senate, [284].
Jones, C. C. (Rev.), on condition of slaves, [49].

Kansas, struggle for, [116] ff;
stringent slavery laws in, [117];
forms issue of Repub. party's first campaign, [127];
Walker appointed governor of; struggle in, [150] ff;
admitted to Union, [152].
Kansas-Nebraska bill, [112];
effects of on election (1854), [115];
results of, [116].
Kealing, H. T., [379].
Keitt, Lawrence, with Brooks in assault on Sumner, [122].
Kellogg, William P., in government of Louisiana, [341].
Kemble, Fanny, describes slavery in "A Residence on a Georgia Plantation," [103] ff.
Kendall, Amos, [72].
Kentucky, attempt to establish as free State, [22];
refuses to consider secession, but promises to aid South if invaded, [227];
remains in Union, [235];
Lincoln tries to bind faster to Union, [252];
rejects [13]th amendment, [262], [276];
rejects [15]th amendment, [315];
law in to prohibit co-education of races, [385].
Kerr, Michael C., speaker of House, [346].
Key, David M., Postmaster-General under Hayes, [353].
"Kitchen Cabinet" of Gen. Grant, [325].
Knapp, Isaac, partner of Garrison, [40].
"Know-nothings," [115];
nominate ex-President Fillmore (1856); platform; seceders from nominate Banks, [129].
Ku Klux Klan, [322], [326], [327].
Lane, Joseph, nominated for Vice-President, [188].
Lane Seminary, trouble at, over anti-slavery movement, [37].
Lanier, Sidney, [410].
Lawrence, Kansas, founded, [116];
attack on, [119].
Leavitt, Joshua, [44].
Lecompton constitution framed, scouted by free State men, [150];
urged by Buchanan administration, [151];
defeated, [152].
LeConte, Joseph, reminiscences of slavery, [49].
Lee, Fitzhugh, [410].
Lee, Robert E. (Gen.), [95], [135];
captures John Brown, [163];
opposes secession, [227];
chief hero of Confederacy, [263];
surrenders, [270], [354];
becomes president of Washington Univ., [355].
Liberator, The, founded, [40].
Liberia, colony estab., [22].
Liberty, Washington's conception of, [3].
Liberty party, [75] ff;
becomes "Free Soil" party, [81].
Lincoln, Abraham, views on Dred Scott decision, [149];
nominated for Senator, defeated, [153];
on endurance of Union, [153];
early life and characteristics of, [172] ff;
political career begins, [177];
attitude of on slavery, [178], [181];
central figure in Ills. Republican convention, [179];
debates with Douglas, [180];
Cooper Inst. address of; proves right of Congress to control slavery in the Territories; shows stand Republicans must take, [182];
schemes of friends for in Repub. convention (1860), [190];
states principles, [191];
nominated for President, [192];
elected, [194];
answers secessionist arguments, [215];
personal interest of in slavery, [217];
immediate results of election of, [221];
pronounces inaugural, [231];
forms cabinet, difficulties, [233];
sends aid to Ft. Sumter, [234];
issues call for militia, [235];
attitude of toward emancipation, [249], [252], [253], [255];
tact and shrewdness of, [249], [256], [257];
in close touch with people, [249];
his conception of his mission, [249];
difficulties of administration, [249], [251];
his detestation of slavery, [250];
scheme of for compensated emancipation, [252];
announces his power as Commander-in-chief to emancipate slaves as war measure, [253];
criticism of, [253] ff;
replies to Greeley's criticisms, [255];
lays emancipation proclamation before cabinet, [256];
adopts Seward's advice, to delay promulgation of, [257];
reintroduces to cabinet after McClellan's victory, [258];
issues prelim. proclamation; embodies views on emancipation in message to Congress, [259];
administration of repudiated in election of 1862, [261];
re-elected, [262], [265];
delivers second inaugural, [266];
offers amnesty to Confederates, [268];
invites return of seceded States; leaves reconstruction bill (1864) unsigned, [269];
plans of opposed in Congress, [270];
makes public statement of views on reconstruction, [271];
assassination of, [271];
summary of political achievements of, [272].
Literature, growth of Southern, [380] ff.
Longfellow, Henry W., work of, [145].
Longstreet, Gen., advises acceptance of inevitable, acts with Republicans, denounced and ostracized, [318].
Louisiana, admitted as free State, [23];
secedes, [226];
emancipation in, [260];
new Constitution and State govt. in, [271];
provisional govt. established in, [269], [275];
applies for admission of U. S. Senators (1864-5), [270];
reconstructed, [310];
negro votes in majority in, [311];
Presidential vote of contested (1876), [348] ff;
State vote of contested, [349];
"carpet-bag" rule in, [341] ff;
"Conservatives" organize opposition in, struggle over governorship in, [341];
cruelty and corruption in, [342];
Federal intervention in, [343];
legal limitation of suffrage in, [83].
Louisiana purchase, [2], [24].
Lovejoy, Elijah P., [74].
Lowell, attacks slavery and war in "Biglow Papers," [77];
labors of for freedom; edits Atlantic, [144];
upbraids Lincoln in "Biglow Papers," [254];
war poems of, [265].
Lundy, Benjamin, sketch of, [38] ff.
Lynch, John R., speaker of the House, [336].
Lyon, Mary, founds Mt. Holyoke Seminary, [362].
McClellan, George B. (Gen.), leader of Conservatives, warns Lincoln not to move against slavery, [255];
success of against Lee, [258];
Democrats nominate for President.
McCrary, George W., Secy. of War under Hayes, [353].
McEnery, John, claims governorship of Louisiana, [341], [342].
McLean, Justice, dissents from Dred Scott decision, [148].
Madison, James, against strengthening slave power, [11];
as President, [21].
Mails, U. S., circulation of anti-slavery documents through, [72].
Marcy, William L., Secretary of State, [128].
Maryland, forbids importation of slaves, [9];
stops importation, [20];
elects anti-slavery members to House of Delegates, [36];
irregular secession convention in, [227];
remains in Union, [235];
Lincoln tries to bind faster to Union, [252];
rejects amendment against negro suffrage (1905), [383] note;
rejects [15]th amendment, [385].
Mason, George, opposes strengthening of slave power, [11], [12].
Mason, James M., [89];
with Buchanan and Soulé issues Ostend manifesto, [128].
Massachusetts, slaves freed in, [9];
negroes granted suffrage in, number of negroes in, 1780; in slave trade, [9];
aids extreme South to prolong slave trade, [13];
indifferent to slave trade, [20];
"Know-nothings" carry election of 1854 in, [115];
leads North in opposing secession, [229];
Republicans in fail to indorse Pres. Johnson, [276].
May, Samuel J. (Rev.), [44];
conversation with Dr. Channing on anti-slavery, [61] ff.
Mexico, war with, [76] ff;
ends, [79];
proposal to annex, Calif. taken from, [79].
Middle States, in slave trade, [9];
slavery abolished in, [20].
Mississippi, admitted as slave State, [23];
considers secession (1860), [221];
secedes, [225];
emancipation in, [260];
gives qualified assent to [13]th amendment, [262];
provisional gov't formed in, [275];
delays her return to Union, [310];
negro voters outnumber white in, [311];
under martial law, [316];
"carpet-bag" rule in, [333] ff;
statistics on misgovernment in, [334] ff;
misgovt. and corruption in exaggerated, [338];
Democrats organize opposition and practice intimidation in, [339] ff;
legal limitation of suffrage in, [383].
Missouri, bill to organize as State, [23];
geographical relation of to free States, [24];
debate on admission, [24] ff;
Compromise, [25] ff;
admitted as slave State, [27];
mobs form in struggle for Kansas, [116];
votes not to secede, [227];
remains in Union, [235];
Lincoln tries to bind faster to Union; Republican party breaks up in, [327].
Morgan, Edwin P. (ex-Gov.), supports Pres. Johnson, [204].
Morton, Oliver P., party leader, [331];
favors "Force bill" in Senate, [345];
Presidential candidate, [346].
Moses, F. J., Jr., governor of So. Carolina, [332].
Mott, Lucretia, [56].
Mount Holyoke Seminary, founded, plan for students to earn expenses fails at, [362].
Murphy, Edgar G., "The Present South," [388];
on negro problem, [408].
Nashville convention, to promote interests of South, [90], [138].
Nation, The, supports Independent Republicans, [327];
refuses to support Greeley, [329].
Nat Turner insurrection, [41].
Nebraska, [112].
Negroes (see also Slaves, Slavery, Education),
superiority of over Indians as slaves, [5];
advantages and disadvantages of slavery to, [5];
granted suffrage in Mass. and other States, [9];
number of in Mass. in 1780, [9];
number of in other States, see Slaves;
condition of in North before the war, [37];
(for condition of in South, see Slavery, Slaves);
proposed college for, [37];
violence against in North, [74];
status of in America defined by Dred Scott decision, [147], [148];
citizenship rights of declared in New York, [149];
U. S. army and navy opened to enlistment of, [260];
enlist in Union armies, martial qualities of, [261];
good qualities of displayed in war, [263];
Pres. Johnson favors qualified suffrage for, [276];
Henry Ward Beecher's views on suffrage for, [278];
education of urged by Beecher, [279];
South's estimate of after war, [280], [287];
behavior of after emancipation, [287];
repressive laws against, following war, [287], [288];
their misconception of freedom, [289];
laws governing labor of after war, [290] ff;
law against association of whites with, [290];
abuse of by Southern whites, [292];
their necessities force them to labor, [293];
leaders in Georgia plead for rights of, [301];
suffrage for in South the central feature of Reconstruction bill, [308];
suffrage for favored by North, [308], [309];
broad conception of, [309];
number of voters among in Southern States compared to white voters, [311];
many Northern States refuse suffrage to, [314];
unfitness of in South for suffrage, choose delegates to const. conventions, [317];
sudden political power of doubtful benefit to, [318];
as a body lack independence; affiliate with Republican party; become estranged from old masters, [319];
in high political offices, [321], [333], [336];
not guilty of physical violence, [323];
national education of neglected, [325], [326];
manner of toward whites, [338];
organized resistance to voting of in South, [340];
intimidated at polls, [352];
problem of disposition of, [355];
views on in North and South, [356];
condition and needs of after war, [357], [358];
beginnings of higher education for, [358];
religion of, [359];
Gen. Armstrong's labors in behalf of, see Armstrong, Samuel;
problem of disappears as central feature in national politics, [371];
polit. preponderance of in South ended, [371];
suffrage of practically nullified in South, but large degree of civil rights secured to, [372];
Southern whites undertake education of with energy and success, [373];
refused social equality at South, and often at North, [373] ff;
improved social conditions, and increased numbers of, [374] ff;
present wealth, skill, intelligence, and moral status of, [375] ff;
development of leadership among, [376] ff., [379];
legal limitation of suffrage of in South, [382] ff;
practical disfranchisement of, [384], [388];
threatened narrowing of industrial opportunities the greatest danger to, [385];
unfortunate social position of, [386];
hopes of future betterment, [387];
estimated amt. paid out for education of to date; better industrial education for, [388];
necessity for all to face the problem of; great responsibility on leaders of, [392] ff;
present phase of problem, necessity of abolishing caste spirit, [393];
industrial position of, [394] ff;
attitude of trade unions toward, [385], [395];
dangers consequent upon exclusion from unions, [396];
need of higher education for, [398];
present polit. status of, [400];
attitude of toward suffrage, [401];
should have fair share of public offices, [403];
government aid in education advocated, [404];
growing recognition of in North, [406] ff;
results of social ostracism on, suggested means to avoid, [408].
Negro Problem, The, by Booker Washington and others, [379];
New England (See also North, Massachusetts,)
Washington's opinion of, [2];
slave labor unprofitable in; industries in, [6];
negroes granted suffrage in, [9];
aids extreme South in extension of slave trade, [13].
New England Anti-slavery Society, founded, [44].
New England Emigrant Aid Society, formed, [116].
New Hampshire, number of slaves in in 1790, [9];
slavery abolished in, [21].
New Haven, labors in for negroes, [36].
New Jersey, votes against extension of slave trade, [13];
passes emancipation law, [22];
counted as free State, [23];
declares for emancipation, [35];
rejects [15]th amendment, [315].
New Mexico, South demands permission of slavery in, [84].
New Orleans, riot in, [303].
New York Evening Post, supports Independent Republicans, [327];
refuses support to Greeley, [329].
New York Herald, [141], [164], [193].
New York Times, [141], [347].
New York Tribune, influence of, [140], [141];
against forcible repression of secession movement, [228];
criticises Lincoln, [255];
supports Independent Republicans, [328];
unearths Hayes-Tilden telegrams, [352].
New York State, number of slaves in in 1790, [9];
passes emancipation law, [22];
counted as free State, [23];
delegation of to "Free Soil" convention (1848), [82];
declares right of citizenship for negroes, [149].
Nicholls, Francis T., claims governorship of Louisiana, [349];
becomes governor, [353].
North, the (see also New England),
slavery unprofitable in, [5];
aids extreme South in extending slave trade, [13];
slavery abolished in, [20];
surpasses South in population and wealth; increased representation in House, [24];
its economic advantages over South, [69] ff;
violence against negroes in, [74];
disputes with South over new territory, [80];
dissatisfaction in over Compromise measures of 1850; passes "Personal Liberty Laws," [91];
outstrips South in industrial, literary, and religious growth, advantages of South over, [94];
growth of anti-slavery feeling in, [113] ff;
best intelligence of in early Republican party, [127];
resents polit. aggression of South more than slavery, [128];
leaders of (1850-60), [132];
leaders of, [140] ff;
attitude of clergy in toward slavery, [141];
economic conditions in compared with those of South, [156];
John Brown's raid intensifies conviction against slavery in, [167];
growing distrust of South in, [169];
position of on secession, etc., [200] ff;
underlying divergences from South in sentiment and character of, [205] ff;
religious life in, [206];
inflamed against South;
sources of misunderstanding, [207];
varied occupations in, [208];
secession movement causes consternation in, [209];
strongly inclined to peace; disbelieves in Southern courage, [210];
grounds for resistance of secession in; impatient of Southern political dominance, [212];
reasons for failure of disunion movement in, [218] ff;
disinclination in to use force against secession movement, [228];
Mass. becomes leader in, [229];
united in resistance to secession, [235];
views on Civil war in, [237];
bitter feeling against South in, [241];
moral effect of war on, [244];
Unionism the absorbing issue in, [248];
party divisions in, [253];
growing sentiment in against slavery, [254];
courage of in war, [262];
advantages of over South, [264];
joy in over prospect of success, [268];

opposes Johnson's reconstruction plans, [288];
current opinion in on cause of secession, [300];
hatred of Jefferson Davis in, [301];
general temper in hostile to Pres. Johnson, [312];
feeling of relief in after Grant's election, [315];
resumption of business in, [316];
immigration from into South, [319];
growing tendency in to accord social equality to negroes, [373] ff, [406].
North Carolina, emancipation favored in, [36];
right of free speech vindicated in, [129];
votes against secession convention, [229];
secedes, [235];
emancipation in, [260];
provisional govt. formed in, [275];
reconstructed, [310];
relative number of negro voters in, [311];
Democrats regain, [323];
legal limitation of suffrage in, [383].
Northwestern Territory, slavery prohibited in, [10].
Nullification, So. Carolina claims right of, [32];
denounced by Jackson, [33];
opposed in "Force bill" of 1833, [33];
question dropped, [34], [214].
Oberlin College, becomes anti-slavery stronghold, [37];
plan for students to earn expenses fails at, [362].
O'Conor, Charles, nominated for President, [329].
Ohio, admitted as free State, [23];
declares for emancipation, [35].
Olmsted, Frederic Law, on condition of slaves in South before the war, [49];
volumes of travels in the slave States, [107] ff.
Ordinance of 1784, fails to limit slave territory, [10].
Ordinance of 1787, limits slave territory, [10].
Oregon, boundary dispute, [80];
rejects [15]th amendment, [315];
double returns from in Hayes-Tilden election, [351].
Ostend manifesto, [128].
Packard, S. B., in govt. of Louisiana, [341];
claims governorship, [349].
Paine, Thomas, [8].
Parker, Theodore, influence of in church and state, [143];
supports John Brown, [160], [168].
Peace Congress, proposed, to find means to preserve the Union, [228].
Pendleton, George H., candidate for Presidential nomination, [313].
Pennsylvania, number of slaves in in 1790, [9];
votes against extension of slave trade, [13];
passes emancipation law, [21];
counted as free State, [23];
declares for emancipation, [35];
Republicans fail to indorse Pres. Johnson, [276].
Peonage cases, prosecution of, [388].
Personal Liberty Laws, passed in North, [91].
Petigru, James L., [223].
Petitions to Congress, anti-slavery, [71] ff.
Pettus, Gov., of Mississippi, [221].
Philadelphia, convention in behalf of Pres. Johnson at, [303].
Phillips, Wendell, becomes ally of Garrison, [54];
scorns Republican party, [127];
declares all war un-Christian, [210];
favors disunion, [217], [228];
abuses Lincoln, [254].
Pierce, Franklin, nominated for, and elected President, [93];
recognizes usurpers in Kansas struggle, [117].
Pierce, Henry L., in House, [331];
vote of in Hayes-Tilden contest, [352].
Pinckneys, Charles and Thomas, demand freedom of slave trade, [12] ff.
Pittsburg, counter convention at, [303].
Platte country, the, [112].
Polk, James K., nominated for President, [75];
elected;
declares war with Mexico, [76].
Poor whites, evil effects of slavery on, [110].
"Present South, The," by E. G. Murphy, [388], [408].
Pottawatomie massacre, [120];
results of, [121].
Presbyterian church, condemns slavery, [35].
Prisons, military, terrors of, [245] ff.
Protection. See Tariff, Protective.
Quakers, relation of to slavery, [7].
Randall, Samuel J., in House, [284];
speaker, [346].
Randolph, John, his opinion of slavery, [47].
Randolph, Thos. Jefferson, his scheme of emancipation, [43].
Rankin, John, [38].
Rantoul, Robert, joins "Free Soil" party, [81].
Raymond, Henry J., [141];
in House, [284];
supports Pres. Johnson's plan of reconstruction, [285], [303].
Reconstruction, [267] ff;
Lincoln's plans for and views on, [268] ff;
congressional bill (1864), rejected by Lincoln, [269];
Lincoln's plans for opposed by Congress, [270];
first Congressional plan of, [274] ff;
President Johnson's plan of, [275];
Henry Ward Beecher's plan of, [277] ff;
John A. Andrew's plan of, [280];
both latter plans too advanced for the time, [280];
action taken on by Congress (1865-6), [281] ff;
Pres. Johnson's plan of opposed in Congress, [285];
second Congressional plan of, [294] ff;
difficulties of question increased by lack of statesmen to handle, [302];
two policies of before the country, South indorses Pres. Johnson's plan of, [303];
final plan of, [306] ff; bill passed, [306];
results of bill, [307], [310];
verdict of country on work of, [312] ff;
the working out of, [316] ff;
the last act, [344] ff.
"Reconstruction and the Constitution," by Prof. J. W. Burgess, [290].
Reeder, Governor, of Kansas, [117].
Republican party (see also Republicans),
beginnings of, [114] ff;
components of, [115];
first Presidential convention of, [124] ff;
principles, leaders, constituency, successes, and failures of in first (1856) campaign of, [127];
opposition to in first campaign, [128];
weakness of in South, [129];
composition of opposition to, and causes of defeat of in first campaign, [130];
stand of on negro question (1860), [186];
origin of protectionist character of, [190];
geographical lines of in 1860 campaign, [192];
denounced in 1860 campaign, [193] ff;
restriction of slavery the supreme principle of, [212];
Sumner's belief in, [319];
freedmen instinctively turn to, [319];
leaders of in Grant's second term, [331].
Republicans, hold first (1856) Presidential convention, [124] ff;
nominate John C. Fremont for President, [126];
Wm. L. Dayton for Vice-President, [129];
platform, [126];
denounce Ostend manifesto, [129];
dissent from Dred Scott decision, [148], [149];
gain in numbers, name Lincoln for U. S. Senator, [153];
first Illinois convention of, [179];
campaign, [180] ff;
not in John Brown's raid, [183];
hold convention (1860), [189] ff;
platform, [190];
struggle bet. Seward and Lincoln men in, [190], [191];
nominate Lincoln and Hamlin, [192];
elect candidates (1860), [194];
results of success of, [221];
oppose secession, [223], [224], [225];
oppose schemes for extension of slavery, [228];
vainly concede many points to South, [229];
divide over war questions, [253];
reaction against in elections of 1862, [261];
success of in 1864, [262], [265];
indorse President Johnson, [276];
assert right of Congress to direct reconstruction, leaders oppose Pres. Johnson's plan of, [286];
opinion of turns against Johnson, [294];
increased strength of in Congress (1866-7), [306];
in Senate vote to acquit Pres. Johnson, [312];
adopt moderate platform, nominate and elect Grant (1868), [314];
in temporary control of South, [323], [327];
change attitude tword South, independent movement among, [327];
Independents hold convention (1872), [328];
in gov't of South, [332] ff;
lose heavily in Congressional elections of 1874, suspected of maladministration, [344];
many oppose Force bill of 1875, [345];
hold convention (1876), [346];
nominate Hayes, campaign, [347];
claim election of Hayes, [348] ff.
"Residence on a Georgia Plantation, A.", [103].
Rhett, Senator, proposes secession, [89].
Rhode Island, in slave trade, [9];
passes emancipation law, [21].
Rhodes, "History of the U. S.," quoted, [301], [302].
Robinson, Chas. S., gov. of Kansas, [117] ff;
his house burned, [119].
Roosevelt, President, South criticises for entertainment of Booker Washington, [386].
Ross, Senator, votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, [312].
Sanborn, Franklin B., supports John Brown, [160].
San Domingo, proposed annexation of, [328].
"Scalawags," the, [318].
Schurz, Carl, on conditions in South after war, [286] ff, [292];
favors negro suffrage, [309];
in Republican convention (1868), [314];
leads Independent Republicans in Missouri, [327];
in U. S. Senate, [328];
Sec'y of Interior under Hayes, [353];
on peonage cases in South, [388];
on future of negro question, [389].
Scott, R. K., governor of S. Carolina, [332].
Scott, Winfield (Gen.), nominated for President, [92];
against armed repression of secession, [228].
Secession, Clay denies right of, [86];
Webster declares impossible with peace, [87];
threats of in Congress denounced by Taylor and Clay, [89];
open threats of in South, [193];
not taken seriously at North, [194];
denounced by Douglas, [194];
Southern position on defined, [197] ff;
Northern position on defined, [200] ff;
slavery question the real basis of [211];
grounds for resistance of at North, [212];
extreme abolitionists not opposed to, [212];
arguments for and against, [212] ff, [226];
reasons for success of movement in South and failure of in North, [218] ff;
sources of movement in South, [219];
action of Southern States on following Lincoln's election, [221] ff;
discussed in Congress (1860), [223];
advised by Southern leaders in Congress, [225];
triumph of movement, [226];
movement halts, [227];
various Southern States take action on;
general sentiment in South against armed
repression of, [227];
disinclination in North to use force against, [228];
West strongly against movement, [228];
Mass. takes strong stand against, [229] ff;
plea of Lincoln against, [232];
current Northern opinion of causes of, [300].
Secessionists (see Secession),
propose disunion, and formation of Southern Confederacy, [215].
Seelye, Julius H., vote of in Hayes-Tilden contest, [352].
Senate, State representation in determined, [11];
South strives to keep up numbers in, [24];
stronghold of South, [81].
Sewall, Samuel, protests against slavery, [7].
Seward, William H., votes for Taylor, [82];
influence and strength of, [82];
his plan of emancipation, [83];
speaks in Senate against extension of slavery, [89] ff;
helps prolong Whig organization in New York, [115];
in Republican party, [127];
opinion of on Dred Scott decision, [149];
opinion of on future labor conditions in Union, [154];
logical candidate for Presidency (1860), [190];
in Lincoln's cabinet, [233], [249];
Lincoln adopts advice of to delay issuance of emancipation proclamation, [257];
in Johnson's cabinet, his influence on the President, [274];
supports Pres. Johnson, [303].
Seymour, Horatio, nominated for President, characterized, [313];
defeated, States carried by, [314].
Shadrach, fugitive slave, rescued, [91].
Shaffer, President, urges admission of capable negroes to trade unions, [395].
Shannon, Wilson, gov. of Kansas, [117].
Shaw, Robert Gould, [264].
Shellabarger, Samuel, in House, [284], [286].
Sheridan, Gen'l, sent to investigate Louisiana election scandals, [343].
Sherman, John, in U. S. Senate, [283], [285];
endeavors to stem tide against Pres. Johnson, [296];
defeats Stevens's reconstruction bill, [306];
superiority of over Blaine, [307];
Sec'y of Treasury under Hayes, [353].
Sherman, William T. (Gen.), his opinion of war, [244], [245].
Slaveholders, numbers of, characteristics, [95].
Slave Laws, compiled and published by Stroud, [110].
Slavery. (See also Slaves, Slave Trade.)
Washington's opinion of, [3];
origin, growth, regulation and defense of, [3] ff;
legally recognized in Judea, Greece, and Rome, by Jesus and the early church, [4];
supplants free peasantry in Italy, [4];
influence of Christianity on, [4];
absolute, abolished throughout Christendom, supplanted by serfdom, [4];
recrudescence of in [17]th and [18]th centuries, [4];
economic conditions determine location of in America, [5];
unprofitable in North, [5], [6];
need of in South, [5];
casuistical defense of by church, [5];
advantages and disadvantages of to negro, [5];
responsibility for denied by North and South, [6];
commercial demand for overrides humanity, [6];
unprofitable in New England, [6];
social conscience unawakened to enormity of, [7];
Sewall and Woolman protest against, [7];
relation of Quakers to, [7];
awakening to wrongs of, [8];
abolished in Mass., [9];
Jefferson strives to limit territory of, [9];
limited, [10];
impossible for convention of 1787 to prohibit, [14];
compromised, [14] ff;
views of Washington and other leaders on, [15];
Patrick Henry's views on, Franklin labors against, [19];
early anti-slavery sentiment, [20];
abol. in Northern and Middle States, [20];
question temporarily eclipsed, [21];
estab. in Kentucky, abol. in Spanish America, [22];
question again to the front (1819), [23];
defended in Congress, all ideas of abolishing dropped in South, growth of sentiment against in North, [24];
Jefferson supports, [25];
Clay supports, [26]; growth of question from 1832, [28];
South fully accepts and defends, [46] ff;
views of Jos. LeConte, Frederic Law Olmsted, and C. C. Jones on, [49];
theory of adopted by slave-holders, [50];
abolished in West Indies, [51];
Garrison's fight against, [51] ff;
defense of strengthened in South, [54];
underlying principles of;
tide of public opinion sets against, [70];
question grows in prominence, [71] ff;
freedom of speech on denied in South, [73];
Calhoun's claim for nationalization of, [80];
excluded from new territory acquired by purchase, [80];
opposition of Seward and Chase to, [83];
as it was, depicted by Mrs. Burton Harrison, [100];
depicted in biography of Thomas Dabney, [100] ff;
described by Fanny Kemble, [103] ff;
pictured by Frederic Law Olmsted, [107] ff;
Harriet Beecher Stowe's opinion of embodied in "Uncle Tom's Cabin," [109];
general view of in South, [133];
attitude of clergy toward, [141];
hostility toward in South, [170];
the great cause of difference between North and South, [207], [211];
restriction of the supreme principle of Republican party, [212];
measures upon during Civil war, [249], [250];
Lincoln's attitude toward, [250];
abolished in Dist. of Columbia, [251];
finally and forever abolished in U. S., [276].
Slaves (See also Negroes, Slavery, South, Slave Trade),
Africa source of, [5];
indolence and unthrift of, [5];
Virginia taxes, [6];
foundation of aristocracy in Virginia and Carolinas, [6];
unprofitable as laborers in New Eng., [6];
Virginia and Maryland forbid importation of, [9];
Jefferson proposes plan for gradual emancipation of, [9];
Virginia passes law regulating manumission of, [9];
numbers of in various States in 1790, [9];
counted in determining representation in Congress, [11], [12];
Jefferson's schemes for emancipation and disposition of, [17] ff;
value of increased by invention of cotton gin, [23];
fugitive, overtures made to England for treaty on, [28];
instruction of denied in Virginia, [44];
physical and moral condition of, [48].
Slave States, [23].
Slave trade, begun by Europe, brutality of, [5];
maintained by Eng. trading companies, colonists attempt to check, [5];
New Eng. in, [6];
Virginia remonstrates against, [8];
clause in Declaration of Independence denouncing, suppressed;
Mass., R. I., and Middle States in;
denounced by Dr. Hopkins, [9];
Congress refused power to forbid until 1808; North aids extreme South in fight to prolong;
champions of defend only as necessary evil, [13];
stopped in Virginia and Maryland, [20];
made piracy by Congress (1800), [22];
revival of between Africa and Cuba, [158];
checked, [159].
Slave-trading companies, English, [5];
oppose tax on slaves, [6].
Smith, Caleb B., supports Lincoln, [191].
Smith, Gerritt, characterized by Andrew D. White, [55] ff;
supports John Brown, [160], [168].
Smith, Wilfred H., [379].

Soulé, Pierre, in Congress, [89];
with Buchanan and Mason issues Ostend manifesto, [128].
"Souls of Black Folk, The," an appeal for higher education of negro, [398].
South. (See also Virginia, etc., Slavery, etc.)
Economic conditions in favor slavery, [5];
demands Congress be refused right to forbid slave trade, [12];
all ideas of abolishing slave trade dropped in, [24];
aggrieved by protective tariff, [32];
leadership of passes to So. Carolina, [44], [229];
fully accepts slavery as estab. institution, [46] ff;
strengthens defense of slavery, [54];
economic disadvantages of, [69] ff;
disputes new territory with North, attempts to nationalize slavery, [80];
opposes admission of Calif. as free State, demands allowance of slavery in Utah and New Mexico, [84];
demands fugitive slave law, [85];
leaders of in Congress (1850), threatens disunion, [89];
denounces "Personal Liberty Laws," [91];
North outstrips in industrial growth;
advantages of over North, [94];
master class in analyzed by Fanny Kemble, [105] ff;
surprised by Kansas-Nebraska bill, [113];
anti-slavery sentiment completely ostracized in, [129];
suppression of free speech in, [130];
leaders of (1850-60), [132];
magnifies State rights;
general view of slavery in, [133];
apprehensive of growing hostility in North, [134];
clergy in united in defense of slavery, [141];
economic conditions in compared with North in Impending Crisis, [156];
hostility in toward North increased by Brown's raid, [167], [169]-[70];
misconceived by abolitionists, [168];
renewed outbreaks in against anti-slavery men, [169];
antagonism toward slave power in, [170];
solidarity against North created by Brown's raid, [170];
presents ultimatum in Senate (1859), [184];
demands protection of slave-holding right in all territories, [185];
power of in democracy and state, [185];
growing hostility in, expulsion of anti-slavery men, [186];
extreme, breaks up Democratic party, conjectural reasons for move, [187];
Alex. H. Stephens explains move, [189];
open threats of secession in, [193];
position of on secession, etc., defined, [197] ff;
underlying divergences North in sentiment and character, [205] ff;
ideal of society in, [205];
religious life and literature in, [206];
inflamed against North, sources of misunderstanding, [207];
plantation life in at best, [208];
concentration of interest in on national politics, [208];
concentrates on secession movement, [209];
duelling and street affrays common in, [209];
men of in Texas, in Mexican war, and as "filibusters," [209]-[10];
believes all war-spirit extinct in North, [210];
causes of united action in, [211];
North impatient of political dominance of, [212];
patriotic sentiment still powerful in, [214];
disunion sentiment strongest in Gulf and Cotton States, [214];
reasons for success of secession movement in, [218] ff;
leaders of resign from Buchanan's cabinet, [224];
leaders of in Congress favor secession, last formal presentation of ultimatum of in Senate, [225];
general sentiment in against armed repression of secession, [227];
So. Carolina leader of, [229];
views on Civil war in, [237];
bitterness against North in, [241];
moral effect of war on, [244];
courage of in war, [262];
advantages of North over, [264];
social conditions in after war, [275];
State legislatures and conventions resumed in, [275], [276];
[13]th amendment ratified in [276];
Senators from refused admission to Congress, [218];
reports of Gen. Grant and Carl Schurz on conditions in after war, [286] ff;
views of on negro labor, [287];
laws governing negro labor in after war, association of whites and negroes forbidden in, [290];
Congressional represent. of conditioned on negro suffrage by [14]th amendment, [298];
proposed to refuse suffrage to leaders of, [299];
mistake of such course, [301];
excepting Tennessee, rejects [14]th amendment, [304];
reconstruction of, see Reconstruction; government of under reconstruction bill begins, [307], [310];
number of negro voters in various States of, [311];
trials and struggles of under new conditions, under martial law, restored to self-government, [316];
unfitness of negroes in for suffrage, whites refuse to vote, constitutional conventions held and negro delegates chosen, [317];
typical attitude of whites in;
under "carpet bag" rule, [318], [332];
Northern immigration into, [319];
Northern teachers insulted or disdained in; Northerners in politics in; legislation in during reconstruction, [320];
extravagance, waste and corruption in under Republican governments;
exaggeration of, [321];
negro rule in, [319], [321];
resumption of white leadership in, [322] ff;
continued interference of Congress in, [326];
growth of Republican opposition to Federal interference in;
repudiation in, [332];
Democrats organize resistance to Republican rule in and practice intimidation, [339] ff;
Federal troops withdrawn from, [353];
regeneration of, [354];
whites in driven to labor, [355];
end of Federal interference in, [371], [402];
negro suffrage practically nullified in, civil rights secured to negroes, [372], [382], [388];
refuses social equality to negro, [373], [407]-[8];
fear of race mixture in, [374], [407];
development of industrial democracy in, [379];
present condition of politics in, [379] ff;
why "solid," [380];
life in diversifying, growth of literature in, [380];
growth of standard of education in, [381];
widening gulf between the races in, [382];
legal and practical limitation of suffrage in, [382] ff, [388];
efforts in to restrict negro education, [385];
negro still has industrial freedom in, [385], [395];
pronounced attitude of on social inferiority of negro, [386];
hopes for better conditions, growth of good-will and confidence in, [389];
amount spent by for negro education, [397];
educational and industrial problems of, [397] ff;
suffrage laws in, [400];
politics in, no longer a struggle between whites and blacks, [401];
scheme to reduce representation of under [14]th amendment, [403];
government aid to education in advocated, [404];
disproportionate share of national expense borne by, [405];
problem of social equal. of races in, [406] ff.
South Carolina (see also Carolinas, The),
demands representation based on slave numbers, [11];
refuses to join Union if slave trade forbidden, [12];
revolts over tariff, claims right of nullification, [32];
passes law against negro seamen, [73];
considers secession, [221];
passes ordinance of secession, [223];
occupies Ft. Moultrie and Castle Pinckney, [224];
leads South, [229];
emancipation in, [260];
provisional government formed in, [275];
reconstructed, [310];
negro voters in majority in, [311];
under "carpet-bag," rule, [332] ff;
Presidential and State vote of contested (1876), [348] ff;
legal limitation of suffrage in, [383].
Southern Democracy, asserts universal right of slave-holding, [186].
"Southern Planter, A," [100].
"Southern Statesmen of the Old
Régime," [137].
Speed, Joshua F., [178]; resigns
from cabinet, [303].
Springfield Republican, [124] and note, [127];
its opinion of John Brown, [162];
state's issue between Democrats and Republicans in 1864, [265];
favors educational test for suffrage, [308], [310];
prophesies slave-holding class will regain power, [322];
supports Independent Republicans, [328];
on Hayes-Tilden contest, [351].
Stanton, Edwin M., Attorney-General, [224];
in Lincoln's cabinet, [249];
attitude of on emancipation proclamation, [257];
in Johnson's cabinet, [274];
supports Johnson in reconstruction plans, [276];
becomes bitterly opposed to Johnson, [303];
removed by Johnson, [311].
"Star of the West," sent with supplies to Anderson, driven from Charleston harbor, [224].
State rights, theory of, [133].
States, relative power of in Congress determined, [11].
Stearns, George L., supports John Brown, [160].
Stephens, Alexander H., sketch of his life and views, [137] ff;
political activity of, [138];
in Congress, and Vice-President of Confederacy, [139], [227];
explains defection of Southern Democrats, [189];
supports Douglas in 1860 campaign, [193];
opposes secession, [211], [215];
labors against secession, [219], [221], [225];
Vice-President of Southern Confederacy, [227];
pleads for negro rights, [302].
Stevens, Thaddeus, Republican leader in Penn., [276];
leader of House, [281];
sketch of, [282];
opposes Pres. Johnson's reconstruction plan, [285];
his drastic reconstruction bill defeated, [306];
House prosecutor of Johnson, [311];
death of, [331].
Story, Judge, on taxes in Miss., [336].
Stowe, Harriet Beecher, publishes "Uncle Tom's Cabin," [97];
her views of slavery as pictured therein, [109];
publishes "Dred," [123].
Suffrage, manhood, adopted, [21];
equal, without test passed in North, [308];
negro, representation of South conditioned on, [298];
proposal to refuse to leaders of South, [299]
see also Amendments, Constitutional;
Springfield Republican favors educational test for, [308], [310];
unfitness of negroes in South for after war, [317];
of negroes practically nullified in South, [372];
legal limitation of in South, [382] ff; [388].
Sumner, Charles, opinion of abolitionists, [54];
joins "Free Soil" party, [81];
in Senate, [92];
denounces slavery in Congress, assaulted by Brooks, [122];
in Republican party, [127];
opposes admission of Senators from Confederate States, [270];
Lincoln refuses to quarrel with, [270];
Republican leader in Mass., [276];
sketch of, [282];
in Senate, [284];
opposes Pres. Johnson's reconstruction plan, [286];
belief of in Republican party, [309];
quarrels with Grant, [328];
death of, [331].
Sumner, Colonel, in Kansas, [118].
Taney, Chief Justice, in Dred Scott case, [147].
Tappan, Arthur, [40], [44].
Tappan, Lewis, [44].
Tariff, of abominations, [32];
protective, [31] ff;
compromise on, [33] ff;
supported in Georgia, [2], [11];
adopted by Republican party, [190];
burden of to South, [405].
Taylor, Zachary (Gen.), [76];
nominated by Whigs, [81];
elected, [82];
denounces threats of disunion as treason, [89];
favors admission of Calif. as free State, [90];
death of, [90];
in North, [208].
Tennessee, added as slave State, [23];
votes against holding secession convention, [227];
secedes, [235];
provisional govt. estab. in, [267], [275];
rights of negro conserved in, [302];
readmitted under [14]th amendment, [303].
Tenure of office law, passed; Pres. Johnson accused of violating, [311].
Territories, power of Congress over, [149].
Texas, annexation of, [74] ff;
slavery re-estab. in, [75];
becomes a state, [76];
emancipation in, [260];
silent on [13]th amendment, [262];
provisional govt. of, [275];
reconstructed, [310];
relative number of negro voters in, [311];
under martial law, [316];
becomes Democratic, [323].
Thayer, Eli, originates New Eng. Emigrant Aid Society, [116].
Thomas, Lorenzo (Gen.), Sec'y of War, [311].
Thompson, George, aids Garrison, [51].
Thompson, Richard W., Sec'y of Navy under Hayes, [353].
Tilden, Samuel J., leader of Democrats, [313];
nominated for President;
characterized; apparently elected, [347];
election contested, [348] ff.
Tomlinson, Reuben, Repub. candidate for governor of S. Carolina, [332].
Toombs, Robert, sketch of, [136] ff;
political activity of, [138];
gives moral support to Preston Brooks, [138];
in Confederate cabinet and army, [139], [227];
supports Breckinridge in 1860 campaign, [193];
advocates secession in Georgia legislature, [211];
supports secession movement, [221];
states South's ultimatum in Congress, [225];
in Confederate cabinet, [227].
Trade unions, attitude of toward negroes, [385], [395];
danger of excluding negroes from, [396].
Trumbull, Lyman, elected Senator, [177];
favors admission of Senators from Louisiana, [270];
in Senate, [283], [284], [285];
favors Freedmen's Bureau bill, [294];
votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, [312];
in opposition to administration, [331].
Tuskegee Institute, [378]; function of, [398].
Truth, Sojourner, [96].
"Twenty Years of Congress," Blaine's, quoted, [307], [310].
Tyler, John, becomes President, [71].
"Uncle Tom's Cabin," [97] ff;
reception, [98];
"Key to," [99];
criticism of, [99].
Underground railroad, the, [85].
Unionism, spirit of strong in white laboring class of South, [214];
strength of at North, [218], [248].
Unitarians, [143].
"Up from Slavery," Booker Washington's personal story told in, [378].
Utah, South demands permission of slavery in, [84].
Van Buren, Martin, [30];
becomes President, [71];
receives "Free Soil" nomination, [82].
Van Winkle, Senator, votes to acquit Pres. Johnson, [312].
Vardaman, Gov., of Mississippi, [388].
Virginia, tries to discourage slave trade by tax;
slave labor foundation of aristocracy in, [6];
remonstrates against continuance of slave trade, [8];
forbids importation of slaves, passes law regarding manumission of slaves, number of slaves in 1790, [9];
against strengthening the slave power, [11];
protests against restraint of Congress to forbid slave trade, [12];
consents (1778) to abolish slave trade, [18];
stops importing slaves, [20];
convention for revis. of constitution, [41];
general emancipation debated, [42] ff;
plans for fail, [43];
passes severe laws against incitement to rebel, instruction of slaves, etc., loses leadership of South, [44];
Mrs. Burton Harrison's personal reminiscences of before the war, [100];
calls convention to consider secession, [222];
calls peace congress, [228];
secedes, [235];
emancipation in, [260];
loyal State govt. in recognized, [275];
delays her final restoration to Union, [310];
relative number of negro voters in, [311];
under martial law, [316]: Democrats regain, [323];
legal limitation of suffrage in, [383];
co-operation of whites and negroes for good govt. in, [401].
Wade, Benjamin, in Senate, [114];
in Republican party, [127];
favors radical reconstruction, [270];
in U. S. Senate, [283], 285.
Walker, Boston negro, issues Appeal, [41].
Walker, Robert J., [117];
appointed governor of Kansas, [150];
defeats fraud in ballot, and is deserted by Buchanan, [152].
War, terrors of. See Civil War, [237] ff.
"War Between the States," by Alex. H. Stephens, [189].
"War Democrats," [194], [253].
Warmouth, Henry C., in govt. of Louisiana, [341].
Warner, Col., in govt. of Miss., [336].
Warren, Henry W., in govt. of Miss., [336], [337];
on conditions and experiences in Miss. during reconstruction, [337] ff.
Washburn, Israel, Jr., helps organize Republican party, [114].
Washington, city of, threatened by Confederates, [237].
Washington, George, [2];
opinion of New Englanders, [2];
conception of liberty and of slavery, [3];
favors Revolution, [8];
against strengthening slave power, [11];
views of on slavery, [15];
private life and character of, [15] ff;
his treatment of his slaves, frees them, [16];
on necessity of abolishing slavery, [391].
Washington, Booker T., pupil of and successor to Gen. Armstrong; his aims and methods;
personal story of, [378];
entertained by Pres. Roosevelt, [386].
Watterson, Henry, in Hayes-Tilden contest, [352].
Webster, Daniel, defends protective tariff, [32];
debate with Hayne, [33];
his public life characterized, [64] ff;
[7]th of March speech on slavery questions, [87];
defects of speech, [88];
political and moral characteristics of, [88];
in Fillmore's cabinet, [90];

allied with upper classes, [92];
as Pres. candidate defeated in Whig convention (1852), [92];
death of, [93].
Weed, Thurlow, votes for Taylor, [82];
helps prolong Whig organization in N. Y., [115];
supports Pres. Johnson, [303].
Weld, Theodore D., [37].
Whig party (see also Whigs),
beginnings of, [31];
on verge of dissolution, [93];
end of, [153].
Whigs, nominate Clay, [75];
gain majority in House, [79];
nominate Taylor, [81];
nominate Gen. Winfield Scott;
defeated by combined Democrats and "Free Soilers," [92];
vote against Kansas-Nebraska bill, [114];
unite with "Free Soilers" to form Republican party;
organization prolonged in N. Y., [115];
in Republican party, [127].
Whitman, Walt, volunteer nurse, pen picture of war, [247].
Whitney, Eli, [23].
Whittier, John G., joins anti-slavery movement, [44], [56];
criticises Webster in poem "Ichabod," [88];
poem on settlement of West, [116];
in first Republican campaign, [130];
his labors for freedom, [144].
Wilmot proviso, [80].
Wilson, Henry, joins "Free Soil" party, [81];
elected Senator, [115]; sketch of, [283];
opposes Pres. Johnson's plan of reconstruction, [286];
against exclusion clauses in [14]th amendment, [302].
Wilson, Woodrow, "History of the American People," criticised, [334].
Wise, Henry A., opinion of John Brown, [164].
Wise, John S., shows effects of John Brown's raid in South, [169];
criticises Bourbonism in Southern politics, [388].
Women's rights, [56];
cause advanced, [94].
Wood, Fernando, [352].
Woolman, John, protests against slavery, [7].
Woolsey, Theodore D., [36].
Wright, Elizur, [44].