FOOTNOTES:
[39:1] Hdt. i. 60 ἐπεί γε ἀπεκρίθη ἐκ παλαιτέρου τοῦ βαρβάρου ἔθνεος τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ἐὸν καὶ δεξιώτερον καὶ εὐηθίης ἠλιθίου ἀπηλλαγμένον μᾶλλον. As to the date here suggested for the definite dawn of Hellenism Mr. Edwyn Bevan writes to me: 'I have often wondered what the reason is that about that time a new age began all over the world that we know. In Nearer Asia the old Semitic monarchies gave place to the Zoroastrian Aryans; in India it was the time of Buddha, in China of Confucius.' Εὐηθίη ἠλίθιος is almost 'Urdummheit'.
[40:1] See in general Ridgeway, Early Age of Greece, vol. i; Leaf, Companion to Homer, Introduction: R. G. E., chap. ii; Chadwick, The Heroic Age (last four chapters); and J. L. Myres, Dawn of History, chaps. viii and ix.
[40:2] Since writing the above I find in Vandal, L'Avènement de Bonaparte, p. 20, in Nelson's edition, a phrase about the Revolutionary soldiers: 'Ils se modelaient sur ces Romains . . . sur ces Spartiates . . . et ils créaient un type de haute vertu guerrière, quand ils croyaient seulement le reproduire.'
[41:1] Hdt. i. 56 f.; Th. i. 3 (Hellen son of Deucalion, in both).
[42:1] Hdt. i. 58. In viii. 44 the account is more detailed.
[42:2] The Homeric evidence is, as usual, inconclusive. The word βάρβαροι is absent from both poems, an absence which must be intentional on the part of the later reciters, but may well come from the original sources. The compound βαρβαρόφωνοι occurs in B 867, but who knows the date of that particular line in that particular wording?
[42:3] Paper read to the Classical Association at Birmingham in 1908.
[43:1] For Korinna see Wilamowitz in Berliner Klassikertexte, V. xiv, especially p. 55. The Homeric epos drove out poetry like Corinna's. She had actually written: 'I sing the great deeds of heroes and heroines' (ἰώνει δ' εἱρώων ἀρετὰς χεὶρωιάδων ἀίδω, fr. 10, Bergk), so that presumably her style was sufficiently 'heroic' for an un-Homeric generation. For the change of dialect in elegy, &c., see Thumb, Handbuch d. gr. Dialekte, pp. 327-30, 368 ff., and the literature there cited. Fick and Hoffmann overstated the change, but Hoffmann's new statement in Die griechische Sprache, 1911, sections on Die Elegie, seems just. The question of Tyrtaeus is complicated by other problems.
[45:1] The facts are well known: see Paus. i. 18. 7. The inference was pointed out to me by Miss Harrison.
[45:2] I do not here raise the question how far the Achaioi have special affinities with the north-west group of tribes or dialects. See Thumb, Handbuch d. gr. Dialekte (1909), p. 166 f. The Achaioi must have passed through South Thessaly in any case.
[45:3] That Kronos was in possession of the Kronion and Olympia generally before Zeus came was recognized in antiquity; Paus. v. 7. 4 and 10. Also Mayer in Roscher's Lexicon, ii, p. 1508, 50 ff.; Rise of Greek Epic3, pp. 40-8; J. A. K. Thomson, Studies in the Odyssey (1914), chap. vii, viii; Chadwick, Heroic Age (1911), pp. 282, 289.
[49:1] I do not touch here on the subject of the gradual expurgation of the Poems to suit the feelings of a more civilized audience; see Rise of the Greek Epic,3 pp. 120-4. Many scholars believe that the Poems did not exist as a written book till the public copy was made by Pisistratus; see Cauer, Grundfragen der Homerkritik2, (1909), pp. 113-45; R. G. E.,3 pp. 304-16; Leaf, Iliad, vol. i, p. xvi. This view is tempting, though the evidence seems to be insufficient to justify a pronouncement either way. If it is true, then various passages which show a verbal use of earlier documents (like the Bellerophon passage, R. G. E.,3 pp. 175 ff.) cannot have been put in before the Athenian period.
[49:2] In his Zeus, the Indo-European Sky-God (1914, 1924). See R. G. E.,3 pp. 40 ff.
[50:1] A somewhat similar change occurred in Othin, though he always retains more of the crooked wizard.
[50:2] Themis, chap. i. On the Zeus of Aeschylus cf. R. G. E.,3 pp. 277 ff.; Gomperz, Greek Thinkers, ii. 6-8.
[50:3] Farnell, Cults, iv. 100-4. See, however, Gruppe, p. 107 f.
[51:1] Hymn. Ap. init. Cf. Wilamowitz's Oxford Lecture on 'Apollo' (Oxford, 1907).
[51:2] Themis, p. 439 f. Cf. ὁ Ἀγοραῖος. Other explanations of the name in Gruppe, p. 1224 f., notes.
[51:3] Hdt. i. 147; Plato, Euthyd. 302 c: Socrates. 'No Ionian recognizes a Zeus Patrôos; Apollo is our Patrôos, because he was father of Ion.'
[52:1] See Gruppe, p. 1206, on the development of his 'Philistine thunderstorm-goddess'.
[52:2] Hoffmann, Gesch. d. griechischen Sprache, Leipzig, 1911, p. 16. Cf. Pind. Ol. vii. 35; Ov. Metam. ix. 421; xv. 191, 700, &c.
[53:1] As to the name, Ἁθηναία is of course simply 'Athenian'; the shorter and apparently original form Ἀθάνα, Ἀθήνη is not so clear, but it seems most likely to mean 'Attic'. Cf. Meister, Gr. Dial. ii. 290. He classes under the head of Oertliche Bestimmungen: ἁ θεὸς ἁ Παφία (Collitz and Bechtel, Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften, 2, 3, 14a, b, 15, 16). 'In Paphos selbst hiess die Göttin nur ἁ θεός oder ἁ ϝάνασσα;—ἁ θιὸς ἁ Γολγία (61)—ἁ θιὸς ἁ Ἀθάνα ἁ πὲρ Ἠδάλιον (60, 27, 28), 'die Göttin, die Athenische, die über Edalion (waltet)'; 'Ἀθ-άνα ist, wie J. Baunack (Studia Nicolaitana, s. 27) gezeigt hat, das Adjectiv zu (*Ἀσσ-ίς 'Seeland'): Ἀττ-ίς; Ἀτθ-ίς; *Ἀθ-ίς; also Ἀθ-άνα = Ἀττ-ική, Ἀθ-ῆναι ursprünglich Ἀθ-ῆναι κῶμαι.' Other derivations in Gruppe, p. 1194. Or again αἱ Ἀθῆναι may be simply 'the place where the Athenas are', like οἱ ἰχθύες, the fish-market; 'the Athenas' would be statues, like οἱ Ἑρμαῖ—the famous 'Attic Maidens' on the Acropolis. This explanation would lead to some interesting results.
We need not here consider how, partly by identification with other Korae, like Pallas, Onka, &c., partly by a genuine spread of the cult, Athena became prominent in other cities. As to Homer, Athena is far more deeply imbedded in the Odyssey than in the Iliad. I am inclined to agree with those who believe that our Odyssey was very largely composed in Athens, so that in most of the poem Athena is original. (Cf. O. Seeck, Die Quellen der Odyssee (1887), pp. 366-420; Mülder, Die Ilias and ihre Quellen (1910), pp. 350-5.) In some parts of the Iliad the name Athena may well have been substituted for some Northern goddess whose name is now lost.
[53:2] It is worth noting also that this Homeric triad seems also to be recognized as the chief Athenian triad. Plato, Euthyd. 302 c, quoted above, continues: Socrates. 'We have Zeus with the names Herkeios and Phratrios, but not Patrôos, and Athena Phratria.' Dionysodorus. 'Well that is enough. You have, apparently, Apollo and Zeus and Athena?' Socrates. 'Certainly.'—Apollo is put first because he has been accepted as Patrôos. But see R. G. E.,3 p. 49, n.
[54:1] Ridgeway, Origin and Influence of the Thoroughbred Horse, 1905, pp. 287-93; and Early Age of Greece, 1901, p. 223.
[54:2] Cf. Plut. Q. Conv. ix. 6; Paus. ii. 1. 6; 4. 6; 15. 5; 30. 6.
[54:3] So in the non-Homeric tradition, Eur. Troades init. In the Iliad he is made an enemy of Troy, like Athena, who is none the less the Guardian of the city.
[56:1] Od. θ 339 ff.
[56:2] See Paus. viii. 32. 4. Themis, pp. 295, 296.
[56:3] For the connexion of Ἥρα ἤρως Ἡρακλῆς (Ἡρύκαλος in Sophron, fr. 142 K) see especially A. B. Cook, Class. Review, 1906, pp. 365 and 416. The name Ἥρα seems probably to be an 'ablaut' form of ὥρα: cf. phrases like Ἥρα τελεία. Other literature in Gruppe, pp. 452, 1122.
[57:1] Prolegomena, p. 315, referring to H. D. Müller, Mythologie d. gr. Stämme, pp. 249-55. Another view is suggested by Mülder, Die Ilias und ihre Quellen, p. 136. The jealous Hera comes from the Heracles-saga, in which the wife hated the bastard.
[57:2] P. Gardner, in Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. xx, 'Ares as a Sun-God'.
[57:3] Chadwick, Heroic Age, especially pp. 414, 459-63.
[59:1] Chap. xviii.
[59:2] Introduction to his edition of the Choëphoroe, p. 9.
[61:1] The spirit appears very simply in Eur. Iph. Taur. 386 ff., where Iphigenia rejects the gods who demand human sacrifice:
These tales be false, false as those feastings wild
Of Tantalus, and gods that tare a child.
This land of murderers to its gods hath given
Its own lust. Evil dwelleth not in heaven.
Yet just before she has accepted the loves of Zeus and Leto without objection. 'Leto, whom Zeus loved, could never have given birth to such a monster!' Cf. Plutarch, Vit. Pelop. xxi, where Pelopidas, in rejecting the idea of a human sacrifice, says: 'No high and more than human beings could be pleased with so barbarous and unlawful a sacrifice. It was not the fabled Titans and Giants who ruled the world, but one who was a Father of all gods and men.' Of course, criticism and expurgation of the legends is too common to need illustration. See especially Kaibel, Daktyloi Idaioi, 1902, p. 512.
[62:1] Aristophanes did much to reduce this element in comedy; see Clouds, 537 ff.: also Albany Review, 1907, p. 201.
[62:2] R. G. E.,3 p. 139 f.
[64:1] Justin, Cohort. c. 15. But such pantheistic language is common in Orphic and other mystic literature. See the fragments of the Orphic Διαθῆκαι (pp. 144 ff. in Abel's Hymni).
[65:1] I have not attempted to consider the Cretan cults. They lie historically outside the range of these essays, and I am not competent to deal with evidence that is purely archaeological. But in general I imagine the Cretan religion to be a development from the religion described in my first essay, affected both by the change in social structure from village to sea-empire and by foreign, especially Egyptian, influences. No doubt the Achaean gods were influenced on their side by Cretan conceptions, though perhaps not so much as Ionia was. Cf. the Cretan influences in Ionian vase-painting, and e. g. A. B. Cook on 'Cretan Axe-cult outside Crete', Transactions of the Third International Congress for the History of Religion, ii. 184. See also Sir A. Evans's striking address on 'The Minoan and Mycenaean Element in Hellenic Life', J. H. S. xxxii. 277-97.
[66:1] See R. G. E.,3 p. 58 f.
[68:1] 2 Sam. vi. 6. See S. Reinach, Orpheus, p. 5 (English Translation, p. 4).
[72:1] Cf. Sam Wide in Gercke and Norden's Handbuch, ii. 217-19.
[73:1] The Ξύνεσις in which the Chorus finds it hard to believe, Hippolytus, 1105. Cf. Iph. Aul. 394, 1189; Herc. 655; also the ideas in Suppl. 203, Eur. Fr. 52, 9, where Ξύνεσις is implanted in man by a special grace of God. The gods are ξυνετοί, but of course Euripides goes too far in actually praying to Ξύνεσις, Ar. Frogs, 893.
[77:1] Cf. the beautiful defence of idols by Maximus of Tyre, Or. viii (in Wilamowitz's Lesebuch, ii. 338 ff.). I quote the last paragraph:
'God Himself, the father and fashioner of all that is, older than the Sun or the Sky, greater than time and eternity and all the flow of being, is unnameable by any lawgiver, unutterable by any voice, not to be seen by any eye. But we, being unable to apprehend His essence, use the help of sounds and names and pictures, of beaten gold and ivory and silver, of plants and rivers, mountain-peaks and torrents, yearning for the knowledge of Him, and in our weakness naming all that is beautiful in this world after His nature—just as happens to earthly lovers. To them the most beautiful sight will be the actual lineaments of the beloved, but for remembrance' sake they will be happy in the sight of a lyre, a little spear, a chair, perhaps, or a running-ground, or anything in the world that wakens the memory of the beloved. Why should I further examine and pass judgement about Images? Let men know what is divine (τὸ θεῖον γένος), let them know: that is all. If a Greek is stirred to the remembrance of God by the art of Pheidias, an Egyptian by paying worship to animals, another man by a river, another by fire—I have no anger for their divergences; only let them know, let them love, let them remember.'
