The Life of General Garibaldi / Translated from his private papers; with the history of his splendid exploits in Rome, Lombardy, Sicily and Naples, to the present time.

by Giuseppe Garibaldi

GARIBALDI'S PROCLAMATION TO THE CITIZENS OF NAPLES.

"To the beloved population of Naples, offspring of the people! It is with true respect and love that I present myself to this noble and imposing centre of the Italian population, which many centuries of despotism have not been able to humiliate or to induce to bow their knees at the sight of tyranny.

"The first necessity of Italy was harmony, in order to unite the great Italian family; to-day Providence has created harmony through the sublime unanimity of all our provinces for the reconstitution of the nation, and for unity, the same Providence has given to our country Victor Emanuel, whom we from this moment may call the true father of our Italian land.

"Victor Emanuel, the model of all sovereigns, will impress upon his descendants the duty that they owe to the prosperity of a people which has elected him for their chief with enthusiastic devotion. The Italian priests, who are conscious of their true mission, have, as a guaranty of the respect with which they will be treated, the ardor, the patriotism, and the truly Christian conduct of their numerous fellow ecclesiastics, who, from the highly to be praised monks of Lagracia to the noble-hearted priests of the Neapolitan continent, one and all, in the sight and at the head of our soldiers, defied the gravest dangers of battle. I repeat it, concord is the first want of Italy, so we will welcome as brothers those who once disagreed with us, but now sincerely wish to bring their stone to raise up the monument of our country. Finally, respecting other people's houses: we are resolved to be masters in our own house, whether the powerful of the earth like it or not.

"Giuseppe Garibaldi."

The following were some of the occurrences in Naples immediately after the entrance of Garibaldi.

The four battalions of chasseurs whom the king had left behind in his flight, quartered here and there about the town, disbanded. Many of the soldiers went home; those who wished to remain at Naples, secure from harm, did obeisance to the new powers, by wearing a small badge with the Savoy cross on their breasts. The fortress of St. Elmo followed the example of the fleet. It fired a thundering salvo in honor of Garibaldi, hoisted the Sardinian colors, and admitted the national guards within its walls. The other forts were garrisoned by this same burgher militia. Naples, in short, was now wholly in the hands of the patriots, and Garibaldi had already pushed forward one or two brigades, which gained possession of the royal palace of Caserta. The king had shut the gates of Capua. There and at Gaeta he was to abide till his enemies should come on. Meanwhile Garibaldi, master of the seas, sent his steamers to Paola, to Sapri, to all the small ports near which his overtasked legions lingered behind. Every morning were shouts of a joyous landing and a triumphant march of those several brigades. The whole force was soon brought together, and the respite allowed to the king at Gaeta was of no long duration.

The joy of the good Neapolitans at their cheaply-gotten emancipation, became daily more noisy and frantic. Every evening the Toledo was all alive with banners and torches, with thronged masses of possessed people, all shouting out with all the might of their southern throats, that favorite cry, "Una! Una! Una!" —conveying their desire that all Italy should be made one country. There was a grand gala night at San Carlo, when the proscenium, the pit, and the boxes became one vast stage. The whole performance consisted of Io Pæans to Garibaldi, who, calm and serene in his homely garb, had a pleasant word for all the friends who surrounded him in his box, and was, in fact, less insensible to that popular demonstration than he might have wished to avow.

One of the greatest objects of interest was the easily-won castle St. Elmo. The whole population of Naples, male and female, seemed bent on performing a pilgrimage to that shrine of their patriot martyrs.

One of Garibaldi's soldiers thus described it:

"Yesterday I went up myself with a party of friends. We first walked through St. Martin's marble church and monastery, where our Garibaldian red shirts, I dare say, boded little good to the white-cowled monks, who gazed at us as we passed, tall, stately, and motionless, so that we at first mistook them for statues;—good Carthusian monks, doing penance in a marble paradise, bound by vow to perpetual silence, and affecting an easy, unconcerned air, though in their heart of hearts, probably, trembling not a little for the visible and invisible treasures of which their sanctuary has been, time out of mind, the repository.

"From the marble cells of the monks to the iron dungeons of the victims of Castle St. Elmo the transition is but short, but the contrast is appalling. The stone steps wind down six floors, and at every floor room was made for about half a score of victims. Some of the miserable cells had windows; but, as the view from the hill over the loveliest panorama of land and sea would have been too great a solace to the lonely captive, the window was latticed over by thick wooden bars, not intended to prevent escape—for from that height only a bird could attempt it—but simply to rob the poor recluse of the distant view of his familiar scenes. In the lowest floor there is no window to the dungeons—only a little wicket in the door, opening outwardly, for the gaoler to communicate with the prisoner if he has a mind. That wicket would be opened one moment in the morning to let in a little bread and water; then the wicket would fall to, and for twenty-four hours all would be darkness inside.

"I do not like to witness horrors, much less to dwell upon them, else I could tell you of the loopholes we were shown, through which the sentries could shoot the prisoners in their cells and their beds. I could repeat the instances of wholesale executions of Swiss and Sicilian mutineers of which St. Elmo has been the theatre, and of which the world never knew anything. The caitiffs who were but yesterday in the king's pay are eager to promulgate abroad the infamy of his doings, and I have no doubt St. Elmo will soon become the subject of books or pamphlets, yielding but little in interest to the stories of La Bastille, of which it will soon share the fate.

"The good people of Naples are bent upon demolishing St. Elmo, and are only awaiting the dictator's bidding to lay hand to the work. A tough job they will find it, I am sure. As I was walking yesterday along the upper battlements the impatient citizens were already busy pulling back the huge brass guns, each of which was most offensively pointed at some of the most densely crowded quarters of the town, and turning their muzzles inward. What a fortress that was, and what a protection to the city! It was no bad emblem of the whole sea and land might of the Bourbon—worse than useless against foreign aggression, wholly and exclusively directed to crush internal commotion."

The condition of Naples on the 12th of September was thus described in a private letter of that date:

"There is much to be done here, and Garibaldi is doing it well. It is impossible to take up a journal, or move about in the midst of the vast crowds which throng the capital, without feeling that a master-spirit is here. Long before the city has shaken off its slumber, the dictator is up and driving about. Yesterday he went to visit Nisida, and surprised the British library, on his return, with a visit at half-past six o'clock A.M, wishing to purchase some books. During the day he was hard at work receiving visitors and legislating, and the following are some of the fruits of his labors:

"All political prisoners are to be liberated immediately. All custom-house barriers between Sicily and the Neapolitan continent are abolished. Twelve infant asylums, one for each quarter, are to be established in the capital at the public expense, and are to be municipal institutions. Secret ministerial funds are abolished. The trial by jury in criminal cases is to be established. The order of Jesuits, with all their dependencies, is abolished in the territory. Two Sicilies, and their property declared national. All contracts on property for the benefit of the order are annulled. Considering that religious fanaticism and aristocratic pride induced the late government to make distinctions even between the dead, the burial of the dead is henceforward absolutely forbidden within the walls of a city. The traffic in grain and flour with Ancona is prohibited.

"All these decrees have a history attached to them, which, if narrated, would tell of sufferings and persecutions almost incredible. They are admirable, and in themselves amount to a beneficial revolution; but the better and the more sweeping the changes that are introduced, the greater the necessity for some established government.

"His majesty, Francis II. has already formed his ministry, and placed at the head of it Gen. Cotruffiano; and among his colleagues are Caselli, Ulloa—not the general—and Canofari, all of the legal profession.

"MM. Maniscalchi, father and son, notorious for having been the most active agents of the late king's tyranny at Palermo, were arrested on the 7th, at Caserta, and taken under escort to Naples."

Another letter, written on the same day, gave the following additional particulars:

"Troops are continually coming in and marching to the frontier. The Piedmontese admiral, with another steam frigate and the ex-Neapolitan ships, is in the harbor.

"I hear the sound of cracked trumpets, and, looking out, see the first ranks of a Garibaldi division coming down the Santa Lucia. I am struck by the youthful appearance of some, certainly not more than twelve, or at the furthest fourteen years old—fair, pretty-looking boys, who might have had a satchel instead of a knapsack on their backs. There were, however, some glorious-looking fellows, and all, whether men or boys, seemed to be animated by a spirit little known to the Neapolitan troops. The latter were a sect to defend a vile political creed, and inflict chastisement on those who opposed it; but the former are banded together to assert the sacred rights of liberty. I saw it in their march; there was an elasticity about it which denoted what was passing within. I cannot say much for their uniforms; they were very dirty, out of order, and irregular, and I have no doubt but that so eminent a general officer as Ferdinand II. would have been much scandalized; but they were evidently working men, had an object in view, and were not going to fight for money. I have seen hundreds of them about the town to-day; they are billeted about in the hotels and lodging-houses, while the Piedmontese troops are in Castel-Ovo.

"The city is in immense confusion—crowded, picturesque, almost mad. Foreigners seem to outnumber the Neapolitans, and the red jacket every other colored cloth. Such a Babel is every public place that I imagine myself to be living some thousand years back—Englishmen just arrived, hob-nobbing with Italians, whose only common lingo is that of the fingers. Many of our countrymen came on Tuesday, and I watched some of them carrying on a most animated, though purely gesticulatory, conversation with Frenchmen yesterday morning."

After the peaceful and triumphal entry of Garibaldi into Naples, new rumors were put into circulation of a pretended disagreement between him and the King of Sardinia. These were most satisfactorily refuted by the measures which the victorious general adopted immediately afterward. On the 14th of July, he proclaimed the government of Victor Emanuel, placed all the ships of war and commerce, the arsenals and materials of marine, by decree, at the disposal of Sardinia, and put them into the hands of Admiral Persaro; the portfolio of the interior was confirmed to Liborio Romano, the only member of the late ministry who enjoyed the confidence of the people. The choice of Scialoia, who had already left Genoa to assume the ministry of finance, was very generally applauded. Two battalions of genuine Piedmontese Bersaglieri were landed from the Sardinian men-of-war, and took possession of the Darsena. Telegraphic orders were sent for two more Piedmontese regiments to garrison the Neapolitan forts. By taking the Neapolitan marine under its command, and occupying the strongholds, dockyards and arsenals about this place, the Sardinian government committed itself more openly to the annexation of these kingdoms than it ever dared to do in the case of Tuscany or Romagna last year. And all these measures were taken not only with the consent but by the express desire of Garibaldi, who certainly exhibited no apprehension that the king's government would interfere with his vast undertakings.

The extreme joy with which the news of Garibaldi's entrance into Naples was received by all classes and parties, from Messina to the Alps, can be best understood by those who know the detestation with which the oppression and vindictive cruelty of the late government were universally regarded. This feeling was greatly increased by the disappointment of the nation in all those hopes to which the death of Ferdinand had given birth, and the conviction that his successor was determined to tread in his father's steps rather than enter sincerely on any new course. When Francis II. ascended the throne, it was felt that a young monarch, above all, one educated as he had been, had every claim to public consideration, and very sincere hopes were for the time entertained, that he would cease to follow the beaten track of Bourbon perjury and despotism, and frankly identify himself with the wants and aspirations of his country. Possessing, through his mother, a considerable hold on the affections of his subjects, and succeeding a sovereign who was detested by his people, he had an excellent position, and by a judicious system of even moderate reforms, might have conciliated all parties and opposed a successful barrier to the tide of revolution that was soon to sweep over the landmarks of Italy.

The amnesty was followed by a "circular" which struck at its very root and replaced thousands under the surveillance of the police. Then came the infamous and illegal deportation to Capri of men who had never been put upon their trial, and upon whose liberation England had insisted, through her minister, in the strongest terms. A system was pursued that has been characterized as a perpetual violation of all law, and a practical denial of Christianity.

The general satisfaction felt by the people of Naples after Garibaldi's arrival amounted to enthusiasm. An Englishman, writing from that city on the 14th of July, thus described the aspect of the people:

"I do not know Naples now, so changed is its aspect. Faces that I have not seen for twelve years appear in every street and square. They have come from foreign exile; from confinement in some frontier town or village; from some voluntary lurking place, the retirement to which was their only security from persecution; from the prison and the bagnio; all have met together again, by hundreds and thousands, in the capital of what was once the two Sicilies. Revolution is said to turn the dregs uppermost; yet the appearance and manner of those who now appear on the scene contradict the common proverb. In their very attitude, there is an air of self-respect and independence to which I have long been a stranger. I do not see the assumption or the swagger of the overbearing, or the timidity of the man who leaves his friend, and walks on before, because a spy is coming, or whispers and looks over his shoulder for fear that such a person is listening. No; all this has passed away, and I meet erect, independent men. My life here has brought me, too, into frequent intercourse with them; and, accustomed as I have been to the trivialities and the nullities rendered at first necessary, and afterward habitual, by despotism, I have been astonished at the new tone of thought and conversation. The Neapolitans now reason and talk like men, and there is a degree of self-restraint about them which is in the highest degree creditable after the sufferings to which they have been so long exposed. It is clear that the intellect of the country has for years been out of it, or in seclusion, or in imprisonment. Nor is this to be wondered at, when ignorance was rewarded and learning discouraged by those twins of darkness, the sovereign and the clergy, and the only hopes of the Bourbons and the Vatican depend upon brutalizing the national mind. Ferdinand II. it was who interrupted a father describing the acquirements of his son by saying, 'Better he had a stone round his neck, and be thrown into the sea;' and it was a priest who held a high public office, who checked a person indulging in a similar style of speaking by saying that it would be well for the rising generation to be 'little asses and little saints.' These times are, however, passing away; heaven grant that the light of freedom and intelligence may not dazzle the as yet unaccustomed vision of the natives.

"We have likenesses of Victor Emanuel and of Garibaldi in every shop window, and multitudes crowd around them to admire; in short, there is at present a furia for the Re Galantuomo and the Hero of Sicily."

The prisons of the police were thus described by the same writer:

"I yesterday saw some of them. Several members of the commission appointed to close them—themselves once prisoners here—accompanied me. A grated door led down to an ante-chamber, which was lighted only through these bars. Stone walls, stone floor—stone everywhere, except the ground, which was covered over with burnt fragments of books, that had been taken in domiciliary visits and destroyed here. 'Here one breathes,' said a pardoned prisoner; 'but bring a light,' he said to a jailer, and we descended from this twilight room into another which received the reflection of the twilight through a hole in the door. It was small and of stone—nothing but stone—and on the right I observed a stone bed three feet high from the ground, with an elevation of stone called a pillow. A door is opened and leads into another room, where no twilight, no reflected twilight, nor a ray of light nor a breath of air can penetrate. 'I was imprisoned here,' said one of my conductors. I looked at him as if expecting to find that he was turned into a brute beast, for it was a den for a wild animal, not a chamber for a Christian man, in a country teeming with Christ's ministers, and where the holy Apostolic Catholic religion is the only one permitted to be professed. In some parts a man could not stand upright, so that there he lay in Stygian darkness, without any change of air, 'and on bare ground,' said my friend, 'unless he could afford to pay an extortionate price for a mattress, to a licensed spy and denouncer, who drove a good trade in human misery.' 'Let us leave this den,' I said, and so we groped back into the chamber where the reflection of twilight penetrated. 'Take care,' cried the jailer, as I stumbled over a mountain of old books and papers. On the opposite side was another criminale about eleven by five palms, where five or six persons were at times confined. The smell of the prison was insufferable. Now mark, who were the men confined in these places not fit for beasts? Not condemned criminals; no! but men arrested on suspicion and waiting for an order for their committal—men of rank and education accustomed to the comforts of a home."

The following passages from a letter written at Florence, are very appropriate in this place:

"The ministry appointed by the Dictator is a liberal but moderate one. Garibaldi is in earnest in his devotion to the King of Sardinia, and in his determination to unite Italy under his rule. It is to be hoped that he will, as soon as may be, commence the work of raising the Neapolitan people out of some of the absurd superstitions which have always kept them in ignorance, and made them the serfs of juggling priests. He has not yet countenanced, by his presence at the operation, the ridiculous juggle of the liquefaction of the blood of Saint Januarius, which is held in such high esteem by the Neapolitans, that all the conquerors of the city have heretofore been obliged to respect it. Saint Januarius, according to tradition, was exposed to be devoured by lions in the amphitheatre of Pozzuoli, when the animals, instead of devouring him, prostrated themselves before him, and immediately became tame. So many persons were converted to Christianity by this miracle, that the saint was ordered to be decapitated, which was done at Solfatara, in the year 305, and the body was buried at Pozzuoli, until the time of Constantine, when it was removed by St. Severus, the Bishop of Naples, and deposited in the church of St. Gennaro. When this removal was made, the woman who is said to have collected the blood at the time of the execution, took it in two small bottles to St. Severus, in whose hands it is said to have immediately melted. After undergoing several removals, the body of the saint was brought back to Naples in 1497, and deposited with great pomp in the cathedral, and the phials containing the blood secured in a tabernacle kept securely locked with two keys, one of which is kept by the archbishop and the other by the municipal authorities. Twice a year, and at other times, on extraordinary occasions, the phials are brought out, and the clots of dried blood, by some chemical process which has been secretly preserved among the priesthood and handed down for four centuries, made to liquefy and run in the phials. Can a people appreciate and derive much benefit from free institutions so long as they permit their senses to be cheated by such a palpable swindle as this?

"But if detestation for young Bomba and his government have been heightened by his flight, how much more grandly than ever Garibaldi looms up in the light of a brave, noble, disinterested, patriotic man. Three months from the day when he left Genoa with a handful of adventurers, denounced as a filibuster and a pirate by the lovers of legitimacy and tyranny, he enters Naples with but five of his staff, knowing that his deeds had made him a home in the hearts of the people there, who welcome him as their angel of deliverance. Naples lights up with joy—the free flag of Italy waves from her windows, her long oppressed citizens shout exultingly, and crown the hero with wreaths of laurel, and fill his ears with glad cries of 'Long live Garibaldi.' Well does he deserve them. Five marvellous stages mark the progress of the hero, Marsala, Palermo, Malazzo, Reggio, and Naples, all passed over in the short space of three months—and this has been all the time which Garibaldi required, supported as he was by the national sentiment, to overthrow a monarchy deemed immovable, which, not four years since, defied France and England, and which in the face of the naval preparations of the two greatest powers of the world, had determined to persevere in its resistance. Such triumphs, such ovations, would have turned the brain of a weaker or more ambitious man, and Garibaldi has given the lie to those adherents of tyranny who have charged him with personal ambition, by immediately, upon taking possession of the capital of the Two Sicilies, proclaiming the territory and himself under the reign and rule of Victor Emanuel. In future ages, when the deeds of the Cæsars and the Alexanders and the Napoleons shall be appreciated as they deserve, according to their merits, how high above them all will rise the memory of the two greatest of the world's heroes, of the two men whose personal ambition was merged and forgotten in the welfare of their country, of two men worthy to stand ever side by side and hand in hand—Washington and Garibaldi."

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CHAPTER XVII.

"Thou, Æneas' nurse, Caieta, gav'st thy name,

In dying, to our shores, with deathless fame;

Thy name the place shall keep, thy bones shall guard,

In great Hesperia, if that be reward."

Virgil's Æneid, Book vii. T. D.

THE GOOD ORDER IN NAPLES—ITS CAUSES—GARIBALDI VISITS PALERMO—RETURNS—THE KING AND HIS ARMY AT GAETA AND CAPUA—DESCRIPTION AND HISTORY OF GAETA AND CAPUA—PRESENT CONDITION OF GAETA.

In what a peculiar, unexpected, and unaccountable condition must the minds of the citizens of Naples have been before and after the arrival of Garibaldi! Whoever has visited that city, as thousands of our countrymen have done, and, while admiring the celebrated climate and scenery, observed the poverty, ignorance, superstition, and idleness of the mass of the people, especially the Lazzaroni—seventy thousand of whom, it has often been asserted, have no home or shelter, or certain means of subsistence—must have been ready to believe that scenes of lawless violence might be excited there with great facility, and that riots might occur if the government were weakened even for a moment. How strong and general, then, must have been the salutary influences at work to preserve peace and order in that population of nearly a million, under the circumstances which have been reviewed! What could possibly have secured such results but the faithful care of wise and good men? The patriotic committee must have been successful in their efforts to enlighten people of all classes, and to instill patriotic sentiments into the hearts even of the Lazzaroni themselves; and they and the rulers must have been well acquainted with the effects which had thus been produced, or they would never have suffered, much less invited, Garibaldi to enter Naples as he did, with only a few unarmed friends, and meet with so peaceful and kind a reception.

On the 17th of September, Garibaldi made a flying visit to Palermo, in the Neapolitan steamer Electrica. His arrival was entirely unexpected; but, on his way from the landing to the palace, he was recognized by the crowd, who followed and assembled beneath the palace windows. He made his appearance on the balcony, and addressed them in these words:

"People of Palermo, with whom I have shared fatigues, perils and glory, I am once more among you. Your memory is dear to me, and whatever part of the world I may be in, I will always think of you.

"Those who wished to urge you to a speedy annexation, were putting you in the wrong path. If I had followed their advice, I should not have crossed the Straits and restored seven millions of men to Italy.

"They would have prostrated us at the feet of diplomacy, which would have bound us hand and foot. There would have been brothers beyond the Vulturnus, with chains on their ankles. People of Palermo, I thank you in the name of Italy for your resistance. I love Italy and Victor Emanuel; no one is a greater friend than myself of Victor Emanuel, the representative of Italy. You despised their counsels, and I thank you for it, you invincible people of the barricades."

The following proclamation was issued by Garibaldi to the inhabitants of Palermo:

"The people of Palermo, who showed no fear in face of those who bombarded their city, have shown themselves recently equally regardless of fear in face of corrupt men, who want to lead them astray.

"They have spoken to you of annexation, as if any one was more fervent than myself for the regeneration of Italy; but their object was to serve personal interests, and you replied like a people who felt its own dignity, and placed confidence in the sacred and unviolated programme which I proclaimed—'Italy and Victor Emanuel.'

"At Rome, people of Palermo, we will proclaim the kingdom of Italy, and there only will be sanctified the great family-bond between free men and those who are still slaves of the same country.

"At Palermo annexation was demanded, that I might not pass the Straits; at Naples it is demanded that I may not cross the Volturno. But as long as there are chains to be broken in Italy, I will follow my course or bury my bones there.

"I leave you Mordini, as pro-Dictator, and certainly he will show himself worthy of you and of Italy. I have yet to thank you, as well as the brave national militia, for the faith you have placed in me and in the destinies of our country.

"Garibaldi.

"Palermo, Sept. 17, 1860."

The following proclamation was addressed to the Palermitans a few days before:

"Near to you, or far from you, brave people of Palermo, I am with you, and with you for all my life!

"Bonds of affection, community of fatigue, of danger, of glory, bind me to you with indissoluble ties; moved from the very depths of my soul, with my conscience as Italian, I know that you will not doubt my words. I separated myself from you for the common cause, and I left you another self—Depretis! Depretis is confided by me to the good people of the capital of Sicily; and, more than my representative, he is the representative of the holy national idea, 'Italy and Victor Emanuel.' Depretis will announce to the dear people of Sicily the day of the annexation of the island to the rest of free Italy. But it is Depretis who must determine—faithful to my mission and to the interest of Italy—the fortunate epoch. The miserable beings who talk to you of annexation to-day, people of Sicily, are the same who a month ago spoke to you and stirred you up; I ask them, people, if I had condescended to their individual littlenesses, could I have continued to fight for Italy—could I have sent you this day my salutation of love from the beautiful capital of the Southern Italian continent? Well, then, noble people, to the cowards who hid themselves when you fought in the barricades of Palermo for the liberties of Italy, you will say, from your Garibaldi, that the annexation and the kingdom of King Victor Emanuel we will proclaim quickly; but there, on the heights of the Quirinal, when Italy shall count her sons in one family, and receive all as free men in her illustrious bosom, and bless them.

"G. Garibaldi."

Garibaldi has always been humane and sympathizing, and especially with his own suffering soldiers. Of this there are proofs in the preceding pages. Few men ever knew as well as he how to make the unfortunate feel that they were compassionated. The following is an account of one of his visits to the hospitals of Palermo, from the letter of one of our own countrymen, who had offered his services as a surgeon early in the Sicilian war:

"One of the most moving sights it has been my lot to witness, was Garibaldi's visit here the other morning. As he entered the different wards, it seemed as though an electric shock had been communicated to all the inmates; after the first joyful cry: 'E lui! E Garibaldi! E il Generale!" a dead silence prevailed; all eyes were fixed upon him as he passed from bed to bed, taking the thin, wasted hands in his, or pressing his own upon many a feverish brow, making each patient feel that he was his general's favorite son, and that from him he might expect all that a father's tenderness could give. All his own men were known to him; he called them by their names, remembered where and how they were wounded, promoted this one, promised honorable employment to others disabled for military service, granting permission to others to go home, and providing them with ample means. When he came to the Sicilians, he inquired kindly into their wants and condition; ordered that the pay of one should be doubled, that another should be pensioned, and so on. But perhaps the most interesting scene of all was his visit to the Neapolitan ward, where we have eleven wounded prisoners, who have petitioned to enter our ranks. After being told that they were wounded at Calata Fimi, he said, 'Then you are brave men, truly! You have been misled; taught to look on us as enemies. I am fortunate to have you for my soldiers and for brothers.' Those men, strong and stalwart as they were, wept like little children, and in Garibaldi's eyes were tears; none could help weeping, and one felt why it is that he is so loved, so idolized by all. When the emotion had a little passed, they tried to kiss his hands; he snatched them away. 'No, no!' he said, 'no more Eccellenza; no more kissing of hands; that is servile. We are Italians—brothers—we are equals!'"

On Garibaldi's return to Naples, he had soon to turn his attention from the city toward the strongholds to which the poor king had retired, in the northwestern extremity of his late kingdom. The only territory now remaining to him of "the Two Sicilies," was the remarkable promontory of Gaeta and the adjacent range of mountainous and hilly country, extending southwesterly a few miles, near the frontier of the Pope's dominions, and along the courses of the rivers Volturno and Garigliano, to the heights of Capua. Gaeta and Capua have long been strong fortresses, and have known, at different periods, the hard fate of war. In Gaeta the present pope found a refuge, when he fled from Rome in 1848; thence were sent the calls to his spiritual subjects in all countries, to make contributions of "Peter's pence," and the demands on "Catholic powers," to reinstate the "Gentle Shepherd" in his sheepfold—by force of arms. That call was answered by four monarchs; one of whom, the savage father of the now fugitive King of Naples, had his armies, too, routed by the now victorious Garibaldi; and another, Louis Napoleon, after having his advance of 8,000 men driven back by the same hero, at the point of the bayonet, afterward, by false faith and overwhelming numbers, took the city by fraud and bombshells, and, on one pretext and another, has held it to the present time. He, however, has recently done so much for Italy, and seems resolved to do so much more, that her friends gladly indulge the hope, that he will continue a course quite the opposite of that which history was compelled to record nearly twelve years ago, and which posterity will ever be compelled emphatically to condemn.

A description of Gaeta, Capua, and Caserta will be necessary to many readers, before a connected account is given of the important military events which took place in that remarkable vicinity in October and November, 1860.

The traveller who leaves Naples for Rome, soon joins the route taken by the Apostle Paul from Puteoli. He first crosses the Campagna di Lavoro (country of labor), formerly called by the Romans, the Campania Felix (happy country), and now covered with countless fields, pastures, gardens and forests of vineyards. At the distance of about twenty miles, he reaches the foot of the bare mountain range above mentioned, where are seen the ruins of ancient Capua; and after winding among eminences—among scenes desolate compared with those he has seen—and crossing the Volturno and the Garigliano, he stops at Castello or Mola di Gaeta. From the windows or terrace of the post-house he looks out through a garden of flowers and orange-trees, upon a fine bay, several miles across, the shores of which, low and curving round on the right, extend to a high, round mountain opposite, where a city is seen at its foot, and the zigzag walls and batteries of a mighty fortress on its sides and summit. That is Gaeta.

When seen and sketched by the writer, not a ship or boat lay on the noble bay, and there was scarcely a sign of life on the land. Cicero's tomb (if tradition may be trusted) is one of the large square masses of brick-work, overgrown with ivy, which stand near the road beyond the hotel; for on his way to Gaeta was the great Roman orator assassinated, by command of the treacherous Octavius.

An old Latin itinerary of Italy gives several pages to the history and description of Gaeta, which was considered an almost impregnable fortress two centuries ago, being a peninsula connected with the mainland only by a fortified bridge, and having many forts and batteries.

We translate the following account of Gaeta with abridgments, from a celebrated work, "The History of Naples from 1734 to 1835," by General Pietro Colleta:

The first walls of this city were raised by the Trojans, according to ancient tradition; and Æneas named it after his nurse, Caieta, who was buried there. It soon increased and was extended. Alfonzo, of Aragon, erected a castle; Charles V. inclosed the city with fortified walls, and succeeding kings added new defensive works. In 1734, it was besieged by the Spaniards, and was then almost as it is now. It is situated on a promontory, at the end of a low isthmus of the Tirrenian sea, the descent to which is very abrupt. The isthmus extends, in a narrow plain, to the mountains of Castellona and Itri.

On the summit of Gaeta is the very ancient tower of Orlando. The walls of the fortress follow the declivities of the ground, and present bastions, curtains and angles defending every point, modern science being brought into use, as far as the nature of the ground would permit. On the land side is a second inclosure within the first, with two fosses, two covered ways, and several parade grounds. The citadel is called the Castle of Alfonzo.

The Duke of Liria besieged the place with 16,000 Spaniards, well provided with ships of war, arms, machines and supplies, when it was defended by 1,000 Germans and 500 Neapolitans of the battalion formed by the Duke of Montaleone. Trenches were soon opened, and approaches made, by covered ways, toward the wall, while several cannon and mortar batteries were raised, to batter the citadel, and reply to the guns of the fortress. The Duke of Montemar and Charles V. joined the besiegers, pressed the siege, and, after some delay, the place was surrendered, after small loss on both sides. Only Capua then remained bearing the standard of Cæsar; the Count de Traun commanding the Germans, and Count Marsillac the Spaniards, who had been, as on previous occasions, friends, enemies, and prisoners to one another, often disappointed by ill-fortune, but always with benevolent hearts. The preceding facts we have abridged from the first volume of Colleta's history.

Between the time of the surrender in 1734 and the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, and during the fears of war in the reign of Ferdinand, the old walls and bulwarks were restored, and the place surrounded by two walls, and in front were formed a fosse and two covered ways. The siege was commenced in February, by about 14,000 men against 7,000, in the form of a blockade, as the besiegers were destitute of heavy artillery and besieging apparatus. By the end of May, cannon being obtained, and batteries having been constructed at Montesecco, the trench was opened, and branches extended toward the two sides of the isthmus, and formed the first parallel. But, the soil being bare and composed of hard calcareous rock, earth was brought from a distance, and fascines and gabions from the woods of Fondi, twelve miles distant. Much wood, however, was obtained by destroying the houses in the vicinity, which had been inhabited by nine thousand sailors and other industrious people, who had fled from the scene of war. Batteries were raised to fire upon ships approaching, and Sicilian and English vessels were several times driven off with loss. The fortress kept up firing day and night, and 2,000 shots were made in twenty-four hours without doing any injury or receiving any reply from the besiegers. By the beginning of July, preparations were made to open breaches in the citadel and the Bastion della Breccia; and on the 7th, after the long silence on the part of the besiegers, a tremendous fire was opened with eighty heavy cannon and mortars, to which the besieged promptly replied. After ten days of continued firing, the citadel was breached, but the bastion held out until the 19th. On the morning of the 20th, when the French had shown themselves ready to assault, the garrison demanded terms and surrendered. They took an oath not to fight France or her confederates, and 3,400 were transported to Sicily, some hundreds remained in the hospital, some escaped, and others deserted to the conquerors. About 900 Bourbonists were killed and wounded, and 1,100 Frenchmen. Among the former was Prince Phillipstadt, and among the latter, General Vallongue.

In 1798, Gaeta was surrendered to General Rey. While the left wing of the French army was proceeding slowly through the Abruzzi, the right wing reached the Garigliano, and summoned the Swiss commander of Gaeta, Marshal Tschiudi, to surrender. The latter being a Swiss mercenary, who had risen to rank by marriage and promotion without merit, urged by the bishop and intimidated by the first missile thrown by the French, gave up the fortress without conditions. Four thousand men, and a formidable fortress well prepared for resistance, were thus given up, with 60 brass cannon, 12 mortars, 20,000 arquebuses, a year's provisions, machines, ships in the harbor, and innumerable materials for defence. The soldiers were sent into prison, but the commander secured himself and officers the shameful distinction of liberty on parole.

General Mack still held out in Capua, and Gen. Macdonald hoped to find him also a coward or a traitor; but his assault was resisted with vigor, after the outposts had been driven in, and the attempt was fruitless. Capua was given up to Gen. Championet by the treaty of Jan. 13, 1799.

The present condition of Gaeta is thus described by recent Turin papers:

"Gaeta is a second Gibraltar. It is armed with seven hundred pieces of artillery. All the sovereigns, from Charles V. downward, have added to its defences. Ferdinand II. fortified its most vulnerable points. Our army will find great difficulties in taking it; but this siege will not hinder the political and military reorganization of southern Italy, a task to which the government is devoting its utmost efforts. Gaeta has provisions for six months, and during the siege, the representatives of foreign powers will remain on board ships of war belonging to their nations at anchor in the port.

"The front of attack on the land side does not exceed 700 metres in extent. It is defended by works cut in the rock, and armed with three rows of faced batteries, one of which has rifled cannon. These batteries together mount about 300 guns, and their line of fire converges on the points from which the attack must necessarily be made. The ditch at the foot of the escarpment is cut in the rock, and the bottom of the escarpment itself is completely covered. The other fortified points are protected by masses of rocks, which render them unapproachable. The ground in front of the place of attack is so rocky that any approaches must be most difficult, and occupy a considerable time. Independently of those defences, Gaeta possesses a certain number of works established on the heights, among which may be mentioned the Castle, the Tower of St. Francis, and the Monte Orlando, a strong fort, which commands both the land side and the sea. As to the port, it is defended by considerable works, which would cause great damage to vessels of war built of wood. In the situation in which Gaeta now is, and with the sea side remaining free in consequence of the non-recognition of the blockade by European powers, it may, with a garrison of from 6,000 to 7,000 men, with supplies of all kinds, defend itself for an almost indefinite period. The struggle will be confined on both sides to a combat of artillery. The besiegers may establish mortar batteries and bombard the place, but that means will only occasion the destruction of the churches, public buildings and private houses, but will not make the defenders of it surrender, for the batteries and forts are all bomb-proof. The king had put one wing of his palace into strong defence, and to it retired with his family."

Francis II. had issued the following order of the day:

"Soldiers: When, after two months of generous efforts, perfect self-devotion, labor and fatigue, we thought we had completed the work of crushing the revolutionary invasion of our country, there arrived the regular army of a friendly sovereign, which, by threatening our line of retreat, has obliged us to abandon our position. Happen what may from these events, the whole of Europe, in estimating and judging them, will not be able to do less than admit the valor and fidelity of a handful of brave men, who, resisting the perfidious seduction, as well as the strength of two armies, have not only made resistance, but have once more rendered illustrious the history of the Neapolitan army by the names of Santa Maria, Cajazzo, Trifisco, Sant' Angelo, etc. These facts will remain indelibly graven on my heart. To perpetuate the remembrance of them, a bronze medal will be struck, bearing the legend, 'Campaign of September and October, 1860,' and these words on the reverse, 'Santa Maria, Cajazzo, Trifisco, Sant' Angelo,' etc. The medal will be suspended by a blue and red ribbon. While ornamenting your noble breasts, it will remind every one of your fidelity and your valor, which will always be a claim to glory for those who shall bear your name.

"Francis II."

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CHAPTER XVIII.

"Though soft the couch on which oppressors lie,

A harder fate will meet them ere they die."—

MS.

"Then Fingal eyed his valiant chiefs;

His valiant chiefs replied;

The storm of battle roar'd again,

And Lochlin fled, or died.

"Never did joy o'er fallen foe

Upon my face appear

But I the feeble sav'd—the proud

Found that my rage was fire."

Ossian versified. T. D.

THE ROYAL PALACE AND GARDENS OF CASERTA—CHANGE OF TIMES—THE RIVER VOLTURNO—POSITIONS OF THE KING'S TROOPS AND GARIBALDI'S—THE BATTLE OF VOLTURNO.

Before we return to scenes of battle, we must stop to survey the splendid and luxurious retreat of the King of Naples, where Garibaldi had now established his head-quarters.

The palace and gardens of Caserta, as we saw them in a time of peace, we may thus briefly describe: An avenue opens before us a mile in length, at the end of which is seen the palace, presenting a front of white marble, seven hundred and forty-six feet in length, with a spacious square in front. From the broad steps the visitor discovers that he has unconsciously been rising some distance above the level of the Bay of Naples, now far behind him. But his attention is attracted within the splendid palace, where a noble portal receives him, with a staircase on his right, made of the celebrated variegated marbles of the kingdom, which has had few if any equals.

It would require chapters to describe the almost innumerable apartments, ante-chambers, waiting halls, reception halls, etc. Within its vast compass are two theatres, one of which is said to be inferior only to San Carlo in the capital. The front view of the edifice gives a very inadequate impression of its real dimensions; as it covers an area five hundred and sixty-four feet deep, with sides and a back front in the same style, and two interior ranges crossing at right angles.

The glimpses we catch of the garden, through the spacious halls, or from the upper windows, invite us to hasten through the palace; and a charming view bursts upon us as we reach the rear portal. A tract of land a mile in extent gradually rises to the hills of Capua, covered with gardens and groves, lawns and avenues, interspersed with winding paths, cascades and fishponds, glowing with flowers and adorned with statues, whose beauties are redoubled by the shady foliage, the velvet grass and the perfumes which fill the air. Directly before the observer the main avenue of the garden opens the view up the ascent of the sloping ground, where many terraces rise behind each other in succession, by broad steps of white marble, on the right and left sides of the wide avenue, while cascades pour down between them, in the various forms of broad sheets and broken streams, intermingled with dark rocks and white statues of animals, sea-gods and nymphs, and alternately supplying and draining basins, ponds and small lakes, with grassy or flowery margins, where swans, gazelles and other harmless creatures sport in peace. On one of the lakes, formed in the adjacent fields and groves, is an island, accessible in a ferry-boat, with a pavilion, where refreshments are in waiting for the royal visitors; and on the shore of another, a mimic fortress, with towers, battlements, moats and drawbridges for the young princes to practise the art of war. Ah! what a pity that Caserta should so long have been the only spot in the dominions of Bomba where peace and happiness could be seen! Had he been as mindful of the rights of his subjects as of the convenience of his brute favorites, there would have been no need of the fortifications of Gaeta, the protests of Europe or the invasion of Garibaldi.

A friend and admirer of that great man, while viewing, years before his arrival, from the upper end of the grand avenue, this garden and the adjacent "English garden" (which alone is three miles in circuit), and seeing the campagna stretching to Naples, with her noble bay beyond, thirty miles wide, marked by its islands on the west and Vesuvius on the east, exclaimed: "Oh! this land is worthy of better masters!" The response to this wish has been recently fulfilled in a most unexpected manner, by placing the two Sicilies in the power of the Dictator, and giving him that splendid palace for his head-quarters during the war in earnest, which he has so successfully waged against the tyrannical Bourbon, in one of the last of his strongholds.

Late in September was fought the battle of Caserta, which forced the royal army to retire across the Volturno, to the fortress and batteries of Capua.

THE BATTLE OF VOLTURNO

Was fought on the 1st of October, 1860, and was the greatest, for the number of troops engaged, in which Garibaldi ever took part.

Both armies knew that Victor Emanuel was approaching at the head of the Sardinian army, which passed so victoriously through the papal territories, and was unopposed in those of Naples; and, while it was the policy of Garibaldi to wait for his coming before fighting, it was that of the royalists to gain a victory, if possible, before the arrival of his powerful reinforcement. The Neapolitan generals had, therefore, brought together all their available forces, and supplied the losses caused by sickness and desertion.

The heights of Sant' Angelo and Bosco di San Vito form a long range, reaching from the northwest of Caserta toward the river Volturno, two miles northeast of Capua, passing to the left of the plain of Santa Maria. This range descends precipitously to the rapid and narrow Volturno, leaving room only for the road toward the Scafa di Carazzo. It commands the country around and has much brushwood, while there are many trees on the plain. Garibaldi often examined this ground; and he erected several batteries to sweep the road on the opposite bank; dug a trench near the shore to cover riflemen, and brought barges from Naples to cross with if necessary. There he stationed several corps of troops. The left flank and communication with Santa Maria were rather exposed. On the right the position was pretty well guarded by the ground and the troops.

The positions formed a semicircle of nearly thirty miles along the hills to Limatola by the river's course, and then curving back. Along the chord of this arc, nearly ten miles long, lie Santa Maria, Caserta and Maddaloni.

"October 1st at dawn," writes an officer, "the Neapolitan army of forty or fifty thousand men, who were strongly fortified in the fortress of Capua opposite, and its numerous outworks, attacked all parts of this line at once. But, before that hour, Garibaldi had left Caserta by railroad for the line. When he arrived, the firing had already begun. The three places, Capua, Santa Maria, and the Spur of St. Angelo, form almost an equilateral triangle, which is indicated by the three roads which connect these places. They run with little curves almost straight—that from Capua to St. Angelo, close to the river; that from Capua to Santa Maria, parallel to the railway; and that from Santa Maria to St. Angelo, at some distance from the hills till close to this latter place, where it is joined by the road coming from Capua.

"This triangle, which is in most parts thickly wooded with olive, and other trees, and has only few open spots, the Neapolitans had chosen as their field of operations on our left, and as the chief attack of the day. During the night all the troops stationed in the Polygon behind had passed through the town and had collected in the Campo, a large open space before the fortress. Here they opened out in two directions—one column, the left, toward St. Angelo, and the right toward Santa Maria.

"I shall first speak of the left column. Besides the great road from Capua, alongside the river, there is a by-road, which, leaving the main road at a little distance from the town, strikes across the country and goes straight toward the village of St. Angelo, which lies on the retreating slopes of the heights. This was chosen by the Neapolitans as the centre of their operations against this point, while they sent one column by the main road toward the right, and another to the right across the country to take the village in the other flank.

"The by-road which runs direct from Capua to St. Angelo, intersects the road from Santa Maria to the river, just where the road turns up to St. Angelo. In order to guard this position a barricade was constructed a little beyond this point, and armed with four guns. The country near the river is so low that every morning the exhalations of the ground cover it with a thick white mist. Besides this, the torrents which come down from the hills have artificial beds of 15 to 20 feet in depth, very steep, and covered with brushwood, which are dry now, and serve as roads. The Neapolitans, advancing by these, and taking advantage of the mist, approached quite close to the barricade, and carried it at the first onset, driving our men across the main road toward St. Angelo. Having taken this position, they came out and formed in an open field which lies along the road, in regular order of battle. Their left had been equally successful, driving ours from the trench near the river, and forcing them back on the heights of St. Angelo. The column to the right again had not only passed the road, but had gone up a little hill commanding St. Angelo.

"It was at this critical moment that Garibaldi arrived. He had taken, with his staff, carriages at Santa Maria, and was coming on in the main road toward St. Angelo. The balls and grape were flying about, but the carriages still proceeded. When they arrived in the neighborhood of St. Angelo they were in sight of the Neapolitans, who were drawn up there in line of battle. Fortunately, close to this spot was one of the torrents dammed, which formed a covered way. In this the carriages turned down, except the last, which was struck by a cannon ball, and remained on the road. Through the road Garibaldi advanced, revolver in hand, toward St. Angelo, and arrived just in time to give new courage to the defenders. The object was to drive away the column in the rear of the hills to the left of St. Angelo; this was easily done by throwing some skirmishers on the heights above those occupied by the intruders. There was, fortunately, some artillery in front, which was turned to good account, but as usual, it was the bayonet which decided. The Neapolitans tried to penetrate by a cavalry attack, but were beaten back, chiefly by the coolness of the Calabrese, who behaved splendidly. After three or four hours' fighting, whatever could be got together of available men were carried forward, and the Neapolitans not only driven back from their position on the great road, but likewise the barricades retaken. This was about nine o'clock.

"During this time the fight had been equally hot at Santa Maria. General Milvitz, who commanded there, was obliged to confine his defence to the immediate vicinity of the town, holding the main road to Capua and the space between it and the railway. Some light earthworks which he had thrown up lately were of good service. But the enemy brought up fresh and fresh troops, which he kept in reserve in the Campo before Capua. The shells and shot flew into the houses of Santa Maria, and the inhabitants left in masses. Dispatch after dispatch was sent to Caserta, where the reserve was, to ask for reinforcements. But the reinforcements were likewise claimed on another side. Early in the morning a column had shown itself toward Castel Morone, but was easily driven back, and did not renew its attack. More serious was the advance against Maddaloni, where a column of four thousand or five thousand men attacked Bixio. It was a hard fight, for there were not more than two thousand to two thousand five hundred men to oppose on a long line where the hills had to be kept on both sides. But the struggle was soon decided. By noon the news came that the enemy had not only been driven back from their position, but had likewise been followed up to the river. A part of their forces were cut off, and threw themselves into the mountains between Caserta and Maddaloni.

"Then there was a little breathing time, at least on our side, and the whole effort could be directed against Capua. There were but two brigades remaining in reserve, both weakened by detachments sent in different directions. The first was sent on by rail; the second went by the road, and both arrived almost at the same time, about one P.M. And it was time. The Neapolitan bullets and balls were coming freely into Santa Maria, while Garibaldi sent orders to let any disposable troops advance as quickly as possible toward St. Angelo. The defence of Santa Maria was quite confined to the outskirts of the town, where the Piedmontese artillerymen were behaving beautifully. The first thing was to oppose this, and a battalion of Bersaglieri and one of the regiments of the Brigade Eber, were sent to advance, while the Brigade Milano was sent by the Porta St. Angelo to take the enemy on the left flank. But before this occurred, the newly-formed Hungarian Hussars had been sent out by the Porta Capua to drive back the enemy's cavalry, which ranged close to the gate. Although not more than sixty horsemen, they charged and drove back the two squadrons, cutting them down and taking a number of prisoners.

"The infantry soon followed, and General Turr took the command of that side. Although mostly fresh troops, with the exception of the cadres, composed of the Cacciatori of the first expedition, they went on like old soldiers. The enemy, who had evidently all day long the idea of intimidating our troops with his cavalry, charged: but the Picciotti, guided by the soldiers of Calata Fimi, formed groups, and not only stood firing, but bayoneted the horsemen. After this it was almost nothing but advance with the bayonet, till the Convent of the Capuchins and the Cemetery, the two chief positions of the Neapolitans, were permanently taken.

"While this was going on on that side, the rest of the Brigade Eber, the last reserve, was called by the Dictator toward St. Angelo. Scarcely out of the gates, it fell in with Garibaldi, who, accompanied only by a few officers, was waiting for further reinforcements to fall on the flank of the enemy, who, on withdrawing from St. Angelo, had taken to the woods, and occupied some houses with his artillery.

"After the first defeat in the morning, the enemy had returned with new forces to carry St. Angelo. Not only did all his field guns scatter death in every direction, but likewise three batteries from the opposite bank, and the mortars from the fortress, began to open a tremendous fire, under the protection of which the Neapolitans advanced between 10 and 11 A.M. They carried once more the position of the barricade, and occupied even the first houses leading up toward St. Angelo. Medici and Col. Spangaro, besides Garibaldi, did everything to steady the wavering troops, who, seeing themselves so much outnumbered, and attacked by such formidable artillery, began to think the day lost. For hours the fight lasted, a continual advance or retreat on both sides, but still the Neapolitans could not gain much ground. This was, perhaps, the most strongly contested spot on the whole line, and only in the afternoon the advantage began to show on our side. The Neapolitans had again to clear the road, but they still held our barricade and the woods on both sides of it. With great trouble two skirmishing lines were formed, and sent to threaten their left and right, and then a hundred men were collected behind the first house, and these made a rush, at the cry of 'Viva Garibaldi!' and carried the position about 2 P.M., which was kept, as well as the guns which were in it.

"Garibaldi returned to Santa Maria and brought on the rest of the Brigade Eber to complete the success which had been gained. Scarcely half a mile from Santa Maria, an open space lies on the left of the road, through which a detached barrack is visible. Here the Neapolitans had placed some guns, while their infantry lined the woods. As soon as they saw the column, they opened fire. Garibaldi, not heeding, still advanced, until he came to the first body. Here he gave orders to the Hungarian legion and the Swiss company to advance and drive them away. The two threw themselves into the woods, and, scarcely using their arms, advanced with the bayonet, driving the Neapolitans before them like sheep. A cavalry charge of several squadrons followed, and did a good deal of harm to the little body of brave fellows, but did not hinder them from following up their success and pushing forward to the very edge of the Campo before Capua.

"Garibaldi still advanced with the few remaining companies in the direction of St. Angelo, sending off one after another to continue the work of the Hungarians. Medici had, in the meantime, also pushed in advance, and by 4 P.M. the Neapolitans were flying in all directions, and our men had occupied the edge of the wood at half a mile from Capua, where they remained all night.

"It was as complete a defeat as ever an army suffered.

"They had on the whole line quite 30,000, to which we could scarcely oppose 15,000.

"The losses were not so serious as might have been expected. Many wounded, but few dead.

"The column which was cut off by Bixio showed about Caserta, and next morning Garibaldi went to give them the finishing stroke.

"We have five guns which were left by the Neapolitans early in the day, but could only be secured toward evening. Two British sailors distinguished themselves in removing them."

The king's troops had erected strong defensive works along the right bank of the Volturno, where they had, besides the formidable fortress of Capua, on the margin of the water, every favorable point occupied with forts or batteries. They entirely commanded the river, which is there only a ditch, with bridges crossing from the castle. From San Clemente to Cajazzo their bank was covered with well masked batteries, redoubts and barricades of trees; while the low parts of the shore were full of impediments and dangerous, concealed obstructions; and the whole was supplied with numerous chosen troops, well intrenched, excited by the promise of rewards.

We here translate Garibaldi's Order of the Day, after the battle of Volturno:

"On the 1st of October, a fatal and fratricidal day, when Italians fought, on the Volturno, against Italians, with all the energy which man displays against man; the bayonets of my companions in arms found also on that occasion the victory in their gigantic footsteps. With equal valor they fought and conquered at Maddaloni, St. Angelo and Santa Maria. With equal valor the courageous champions of Italian independence led their brave men to the conflict.

"At Castel Morone, Bronzetti, a worthy rival of his brother, at the head of a handful of Cacciatori, repeated one of those deeds which history will surely place by the side of the combats of Leonidas and the Fabii. Few, but splendid with the crown of valor, the Hungarians, French and English, who attended the southern army, worthily sustained the martial fame of their countrymen. Favored by fortune, I have had the honor, in the two worlds, of fighting against the first soldiers; and I have become convinced that the plant Man grows in Italy not inferior to any country; I have been made to believe that these same soldiers whom we have fought in southern Italy would not be placed behind the most warlike, when assembled under the glorious standard of emancipation.

"At dawn on that day, I arrived at Santa Maria from Caserta, by the railroad. While entering the coach for St. Angelo, Gen. Milwitz said to me: 'The enemy have attacked my outposts of San Tamaro.' Suddenly, beyond Santa Maria, toward St. Angelo, was heard a lively fusilade; and near the posts of the left of the said position, they were powerfully engaged with the enemy. A coachman and a horse of the coaches in my train were killed. I might, however, pass freely, thanks to the bravery of the Simonetta brigade, Division Medici, which occupied that point, and courageously repulsed the enemy. I thus reached the crossing of the Capua and Santa Maria roads, the centre of the position of St. Angelo, and there were the Generals Medici and Avezzana, who, with their accustomed courage and coolness, made their arrangements to repel the enemy, breaking in upon their whole line. I said to Medici, 'I am going alone to observe the field of battle. Defend the position at any cost.' I had hardly proceeded toward the heights behind, when I found the enemy were masters of them. Without loss of time, I collected all the soldiers at hand, and placing myself on the left of the ascending enemy, I endeavored to prevent them. I sent, at the same time, a company of Genoese Bersaglieri toward Mount St. Nicolas, to prevent the enemy from gaining possession of it. That company and two of the Sacchi brigade, which I had demanded, and which made their appearance opportunely on the heights, arrested the enemy.

"Then moving myself toward the right, on their line of retreat, the enemy began to descend and fly. Not until some time afterward, I learned that a corps of the enemy's Cacciatori, before their attack in front, had got to our rear by a covered way, without being known. In the mean time, the battle was warm on the plain of St. Angelo, now favorable to us, and then compelling us to retire before so numerous and tenacious an enemy. For several days unequivocal signs had announced to me an attack; and therefore I was not left to be deceived by the different demonstrations of the enemy against our right and left; and this was of much importance, because the royalists had collected all their disposable forces against us on the first of October, and attacked us simultaneously in all our positions.

"At Maddaloni, after varying fortune, the enemy had been repulsed. At St. Maria equally; and at both points they had left prisoners and cannon. The same happened at St. Angelo, after a fight of more than six hours; but, our forces at that point being very inferior to those of the enemy, he had remained, with a strong column, master of the communications between St. Angelo and St. Maria. I was, therefore, obliged, in order to get to the reserve which I had asked of General Sistori from Caserta, to pass to the east of the road leading from St. Angelo to the latter point. I reached St. Maria near 2 P.M., and there found our troops commanded by the brave general Milwitz, who had bravely repulsed the enemy at all points. The reserves sent for from Caserta reached us at that moment; and I placed them in column of attack on the St. Angelo road; the Milan brigade, at the head, followed by the brigade Eber; and I ordered in reserve part of the brigade Assanti. I then pressed to the attack the brave Calabrians of Pace, who were in a wood on my right, and fought splendidly. The head of the column had hardly issued from the wood, about 8 P.M., when it was discovered by the enemy, who began to fire grape. This caused a little confusion among the young Milanese Bersaglieri, who marched in front; but those brave soldiers, at the sound of charge from the trumpets, rushed upon the enemy, who had begun to retire toward Capua. The lines of the Milanese Bersaglieri were soon followed by a battalion of the same brigade, which fearlessly charged the enemy without firing a shot.

"The road from St. Maria to St. Angelo forms, in the direction of St. Maria to Capua, an angle of about forty degrees; so that, while the column was proceeding along the road, it must always be on the left, and alternate forward. When, therefore, the Milanese brigade and the Calabrians were engaged, I sent forward the brigade Eber against the enemy on the right of the former. It was fine to see the veterans of Hungary march under fire with the tranquillity of a parade-ground, and in the same order. Their fearless intrepidity contributed not a little to the retreat of the enemy. With the movements in the front of my column and on the right, I soon found myself joining with the column of Medici, which had bravely sustained an unequal contest through the whole day. The courageous Genoese carabiniers, who formed the left of the division Medici, did not wait for any command to charge the enemy again. They, as always, performed prodigies of valor. The enemy, after fighting obstinately all day, toward 5 P.M., reëntered Capua in disorder, protected by the cannon of the place.

"At evening I had noticed in St. Angelo, that a column of the enemy of 4,000 or 5,000 men was in Old Caserta. I ordered the Genoese carabiniers to be ready at two in the morning of October 2d, with 350 men of the corps of Spangaro, and 60 mountaineers of Vesuvius. I marched at that hour on Caserta by the mountain road and St. Lencio. Before reaching Caserta, the brave Colonel Missori, whom I had directed to discover the enemy, with some of his brave guides, informed me that the royalists were on the heights between Old Caserta and Caserta, which I was soon able to verify. I went to Caserta to concert with General Sistori, and not believing the enemy bold enough to attack that city, I combined with him to collect all the forces at hand, and march against the enemy's right flank, and attack him by the heights of the park of Caserta, thus placing him between us and the division Bixio, which I had ordered to attack him on that side.

"The enemy still held the heights; but discovering only a small force in Caserta, had projected its capture, ignorant, no doubt, of the result of the battle of the previous day, and, therefore, pushed half his force upon that city. While I was thus marching under cover, on the right flank of the enemy, he attacked Caserta in front, and would, perhaps, have gained it, if General Sistori, with his accustomed bravery, and a band of valorous men, had not repulsed him. With the Calabrians of General Stocco and four companies of the northern army, I proceeded against the enemy, who was charged—resisted but little, and was driven almost at a run to Old Caserta. There a small number of the enemy sustained themselves for a moment, firing from windows, but they were soon surrounded and made prisoners. Those who fled in advance fell into the hands of the soldiers of Bixio, who, after fighting bravely on the first at Maddaloni, arrived on the field of battle like lightning. Those who remained behind capitulated with Sacchi, whom I had ordered to follow the movement of my column; so that, of all the enemy's corps, few were able to escape. This corps, it appears, was the same which had attacked Bronzetti at Castel Morono—and that his heroic defence, with his handful of brave soldiers, had restrained them the greater part of the day, thus preventing them from getting into the rear all that day. The corps of Sacchi also contributed to detain that column beyond the Park of Caserta on the first day by repulsing it bravely.

"G. Garibaldi.

"Caserta, October, 1860."

GARIBALDI'S PERSONAL HEROISM.

A correspondent of the Paris "Journal des Débats" says:

"The most brilliant episode of the action of the 1st of October was the recapture of the battery at the foot of Mont St. Angelo. When I left Santa Maria, I knew that this battery had been very much disabled in the morning. Garibaldi arrived at nine o'clock, when the enemy was thundering at it with all his strength, because it took him in flank, and was causing him severe loss. The triple battery courageously resisted the attack, and never slackened fire, when all at once the one situated at the foot of the hill became silent. The royalists, to the number of 2,500, got round the hill, and rushing upon the guns, spiked five of them, and killed several of the men at their pieces. Garibaldi, on the San Tannaro side, soon observed the silence of his favorite battery, and an aid-de-camp from General Milwitz soon informed him of the disaster, which would probably have lost him the battle. Garibaldi at once started off, crossed Santa Maria, followed by Medici and his staff, and collecting what men he could, cried out in a voice which caused all to shudder, 'We are going to die, but the Italians must win the day: at all other points we have conquered.' Followed by one hundred men, at a rapid pace, Garibaldi leading the way in a small, disabled carriage, went right forward. But just as they got near the Casino of St. Angelo, some Neapolitan Chasseurs, who were lying on the ground, rose and fell upon them. The coachman drove his horses into a ditch and formed a barricade of the carriage. Garibaldi jumped up, indignant, and went up to the Chasseurs, shouting, 'Viva Italia!' Some of his men coming up at the same time, the enemy became demoralized and took to flight. Garibaldi was slightly wounded in the stomach, and his trousers were riddled by two or three bullets. 'If I only had another pair,' he said, and without further remark he continued his march toward a battalion of one hundred and fifty Hungarians, commanded by General Mogyorady. He pointed to the Neapolitans who were in possession of the battery, and cried out to them, 'Forward, my lads, disperse that rabble for me!' This 'rabble' consisted of a regiment of the line, a squadron of Cavalry, a company of Chasseurs, and a company of Artillery. The Hungarians, without waiting to count the numbers of the adversary, rushed forward and charged with the bayonet. After a contest of twenty minutes, the battery was retaken, and once more it poured its storm of grape on the Neapolitan troops, who fled in confusion across the fields. The Hungarians, in this encounter, had thirty men put hors de combat, the Neapolitans about two hundred. Garibaldi did not wait to dress his wound, but hurried elsewhere. The day, however, was now won."

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CHAPTER XIX.

"This Pius the Ninth for us, Romans, has made

Short joy and long grief by his treacherous trade.

Beguil'd and oppress'd, we have lost ev'ry hope:

Then unpope him, unpope him, unpope the false pope."

G. Rossetti.

"Priests of Italy! we can conquer without you, but do not wish to. Are you not our brothers?"—Manzini.

"Have the Roman people submitted quietly to the Popes' temporal power? History records more than one hundred and sixty rebellions against it in ten centuries."—An Italian writer.

"Curia Romana non petit ovem sine lana."—Modern Roman proverb.

THE POPE URGED BY FRANCE AND SARDINIA TO DISMISS HIS FOREIGN TROOPS—INCONSISTENCIES OF LOUIS NAPOLEON —MARKED CHANGES OF TIMES, DOCTRINES, AND MEASURES —VICTOR EMANUEL'S DEMANDS PRESSED ON THE POPE —CONSPIRACIES AND INSURRECTIONS IN THE POPE'S REMAINING DOMINIONS—THE ULTIMATUM REFUSED—GENERAL CIALDINI MARCHES—BATTLE OF CASTELFIDARO—CAPTURE OF SPOLETO, ANCONA, PERUGIA, AND OTHER PLACES—VICTOR ENTERS THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES.

We must now leave Garibaldi for a time, and devote a chapter to the affairs of the Pope and Sardinia.

The Emperor of the French and Victor Emanuel had long since advised and urged the Pope to dismiss his foreign troops, with which he garrisoned his fortresses, and not only kept the people in awe, but oppressed them intolerably; but he, under the influence of his prime minister, Antonelli, stubbornly refused, as well as persisted in denying every proposition for the removal of abuses. Adhering to the old and impious claim of divine right, as the vicegerent of God on earth, and hoping, no doubt, that Austria would be able to come to his aid with her armies, when every intelligent eye saw that Austria was hardly able to stand alone, the pope had excommunicated Victor Emanuel, and even Louis Napoleon in fact, though without naming him, at a time when the latter was still upholding with his army the papal power in Rome, which he had restored by besieging that city in 1849. There was an abundance of inconsistencies and self-contradictions on all sides; and it would have been difficult to point out any way in which either of the three sovereigns could consistently move, speak or even stand still. But good men rejoice when good is done, and sometimes the more when it is effected in an unexpected quarter. In 1849 the Roman republic was overthrown by French cannon, though created by the free suffrage of the Pope's subjects; and, in 1860, most of the Pope's territory and fortresses were to be captured in siege and battle, in order to drive out foreign troops, whose presence was "an insult to Italy," and to allow the inhabitants freedom to vote for annexation to Piedmont.

England had often protested to the kings of Naples against their inhumanity toward their subjects; and thus she was prepared to approve, as she has done, of the invasions of her territory by Garibaldi and Victor Emanuel.

We can find here but little space to notice the events which followed the Pope's final refusal to accede to the demands made upon him. How unreasonable soever they appeared to him, or however inconsistent they may have seemed to the world, especially the appeal to free, universal suffrage, which would be hardly submitted to in any other country in Europe, no alternative was left.

After the iniquitous overthrow of the republic by Louis, the occupation of Rome by his army in fact conciliated the entire papal priesthood of the world, and the population which has remained under their spiritual influence; and it has prevented Austria not only from taking that place, but of every excuse and possibility of aspiring to obtain it. While the Pope has been surrounded by French troops, he has appeared to be under safe guardianship, even although during the few months which have passed since the fulmination of the Bull of Excommunication against Victor Emanuel, Louis Napoleon himself has also been, by plain innuendo, laid under the ban by the same instrument, and has been transformed from "the eldest son of the church—the beloved in Christ," as the Pope used to denominate him, to an enemy, delivered over to Satan, and anathematized, in every part and member of his soul and body, from the crown of his head to his accursed feet.

But now things have changed wonderfully, and we have indications that the French emperor is about to change his position accordingly. If events take such a course as we may anticipate, the Pope's temporal power will soon be entirely gone, and his respectability in the eyes of the world will be only such and so much as can be bought with two millions of dollars a year, and by a train of cardinals, with ten thousand dollars apiece. This is the plan now proposed for the future position of Pius IX., which Victor Emanuel seems likely to carry into operation, with the approbation of Louis Napoleon. There is now no longer any danger from Austria, weak as she is by bankruptcy, the loss of most of her Italian possessions, threatened with the invasion of the remainder by Garibaldi on "the ides of March," and with Hungary ready to rise at the first signal. The Italians can now take charge of the Pope and of Rome, without fear of Austria or assistance from France; and, either before any more fighting in Lombardy and Venetia, or, if need be, after it, the kingdom of all Italy is likely to be proclaimed, according to Garibaldi's announcement, from the Quirinal, one of the seven hills of Rome.

When this shall have been done, the anticipations of the Italian patriots will be realized, who have long regarded the loss of the Pope's temporal kingdom as surely involving the destruction of his spiritual; and many of them were early advocates of the doctrine preached by Gioberti twenty years ago, although he was a devotee of popery and they were its radical enemies, because they had sagacity to foresee the necessity of this act, which was beyond his perception. They knew full well, what millions of the unwilling subjects of the papacy have known for centuries, that nothing but severe and cruel oppression could ever keep the human mind submissive to such a system of tyranny, spiritual and physical, and that, whenever force and fear were removed, individuals, communities and nations would throw off the galling and degrading yoke. This the world has seen proved within the past few months, in ways and modes, in a degree and to an extent, which only those who were acquainted with popery, with human nature and with Italy would have expected. As soon as freedom of speech and action was granted to the people of Lombardy, the Duchies, Tuscany and Emilia, and a free, universal suffrage was proclaimed, the inhabitants rose in a mass in city, villages and country, and proceeded, with banners, music and acclamations, to the election urns, and voted unanimously for immediate annexation to the constitutional kingdom of Victor Emanuel. And this expression of the universal and enthusiastic popular will was greatly enhanced by the circumstance that the king had just before been excommunicated by a Bull of the Pope, which consigned him to outlawry, persecution, torture and death in this world, and to eternal misery in hell; and yet many Italian archbishops, bishops and priests, of all degrees, have openly approved the rejection of allegiance to the papacy, and urged and even led their people to the polls, themselves, in many instances, putting in the first votes.

But not only have the hopes of good Italian patriots been gratified: the prophecies of God himself have been fulfilled, by the recent astonishing course of events in Italy. So striking is the resemblance between those changes and the scenes recorded in the Bible, that the mind is filled with solemn awe and grateful adoration while contemplating them in comparison. "The souls under the altar" introduced to the reader of the book of Revelation, with their purity, faithfulness, patience, but earnest inquiry: "How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not avenge our blood?" how much do they resemble the victims of the Inquisition, whose horrible secrets were disclosed by the opening of that infernal edifice in Rome by the republican government in 1849! And how much does the present period resemble that described in chap. xviii. ver. 13 of that book, where the destruction of Babylon the Great is described, and one of whose chief articles of traffic were not "the persons of men," as in Tyrus (Ezekiel xxvii.), but their "souls!"

And how Garibaldi appears like the agent by whom that destruction is to be accomplished, when we hear him repeat his open and tremendous denunciations against the papacy, now, recently, standing in Naples, almost in the same words which he wrote in New York in 1850, for this volume, and recorded on page 233.

Before the war with Italy the States of the Church were divided into four legations, not counting the district of Rome. The first comprised the provinces of Bologna, Ferrara, Forli and Ravenna, and was called Romagna. This is the portion which had been already annexed to Piedmont. The second, which separates the Romagna from the Neapolitan states, is composed of the provinces of Urbino, Pesaro, Macerata, Loreto, Ancona, Fermo, Ascoli and Camerino. It is this portion of the Roman territory which is commonly known under the name of the Marches, and is bounded on the north by Romagna, on the east by the Adriatic, on the south by the Neapolitan territory, and on the west by the provinces of Spoleto and Perugia. The third legation was composed of the provinces of Spoleto, Perugia and Rieti. The first two corresponded to what is generally known under the name of Umbria. The fourth legation comprised Velletri, Frosinone and Benevento, the last province being surrounded by Neapolitan territory. The district of Rome was placed under a special régime, and consisted of that city, of Viterbo, Orvieto and Civita Vecchia.

The course of policy recently adopted by Sardinia had now been made known by what was deemed a semi-official announcement by a Turin gazette, under the direction of Cavour. It was this: that the cabinet of Turin, in placing itself in the position of the representative of Italian nationality, had a right to reproach Austria for not having given to Venetia, either a separate government or an Italian army. This violation of the treaty of Villafranca had very naturally disquieted the Sardinian government, which, however, had no intention of provoking an imprudent war. On the contrary, it desired to prevent this, and demanded to this end, the dismissal of the foreign hordes which had been united by General Lamoricière. "It cannot be permitted," says the paper in question, "that Italy should be made the camping ground of twenty-five thousand foreign mercenaries, who entertain toward the Italians feelings of hatred and aversion." The Sardinian government cannot look on with indifference at the renewal of the massacres of Perugia. It owes protection to the populations of Umbria and the Marches, who are subjected to a military dictation which they hate, and it is better for the government to take the responsibility of energetic measures, which will be too late if it waits for the attack. Such was the substance of the article written while the people of Umbria and the Marches were in a state of insurrection. For, before that time, the following accounts had been received from different parts of the Pope's dominions. At Fano, Sinigaglia and Ancona, the government of Pius IX. were in serious danger. The last-named town in particular, which had revolted, and had been brought back to obedience rather by stratagem than by force, was said to be the centre of agitation and the hotbed of revolutionary incendiarism. A correspondence had just been discovered which compromised a great number of persons. Many had been arrested. It was connected with a conspiracy, the ramifications of which were said to be so widespread, and included men so high placed in society, that the authorities admitted that they were incapable of guarding against the storm without the assistance of an armed force. Advocates, officials, private individuals, and even a certain number of Roman officers, were compromised in the affair, but no general arrest could be attempted for fear of leading to a most dangerous collision. The mass of the people only waited as a signal the arrest of some eminent personages to rise in insurrection, and the police were well aware that a large depot of arms existed, but they were ignorant of the spot. Such was the situation of Ancona, which, it would appear, regulated the movements of the towns on the coast of the Adriatic, such as Sinigaglia, Fano and Pesaro, and of those in the interior, as Osimo, Loretto and Recanati, and as far as Macerata. In this state of things the Roman government had just ordered troops to proceed by forced marches on Ancona from Pesaro, Perugia and Rome.

At length Count Cavour gave notice to the Pope, in the following letter to Cardinal Antonelli, that he must immediately decide on what course to pursue.

"Turin, Sept. 7.

"Eminence: The government of his majesty, the King of Sardinia, could not without serious regret see the formation and existence of the bodies of foreign mercenary troops in the pay of the Pontifical government. The organization of such corps not consisting, as in all civilized governments, of citizens of the country, but of men of all languages, nations and religions, deeply offends the public conscience of Italy and Europe. The want of discipline inherent to such troops, the inconsiderate conduct of their chiefs, the irritating menaces with which they pompously fill their proclamations, excite and maintain a highly dangerous ferment. The painful recollection of the massacre and pillage of Perugia is still alive among the inhabitants of the Marches and Umbria. This state of things, dangerous in itself, becomes still more so after the facts which have taken place in Sicily and in the kingdom of Naples. The presence of foreign troops, which insults the national feeling, and prevents the manifestation of the wishes of the people, will infallibly cause the extension of the movement to the neighboring provinces. The intimate connection between the inhabitants of the Marches and Umbria and those of the provinces annexed to the states of the king, and reasons of order and security in his own territory, lay his majesty's government under the necessity of applying, as far as in its power, an immediate remedy to such evils. King Victor Emanuel's conscience does not permit him to remain a passive spectator of the bloody repression with which the arms of the foreign mercenaries would extinguish every manifestation of national feeling in Italian blood. No government has the right of abandoning to the will and pleasure of a horde of soldiers of fortune, the property, the honor and lives of the inhabitants of a civilized country.

"For these reasons, after having applied to his majesty, the king, my august sovereign, for his orders, I have the honor of signifying to your eminence that the king's troops are charged to prevent, in the name of the rights of humanity, the Pontifical mercenary corps from repressing by violence the expression of the sentiments of the people of the Marches and Umbria. I have, moreover, the honor to invite your excellency, for the reasons above explained, to give immediate orders for the disbanding and dissolving of those corps, the existence of which is a menace to the peace of Italy.

"Trusting that your eminence will immediately communicate to me the measures taken by the government of his holiness in the matter, I have the honor of renewing to your eminence the expression of my high consideration.

"Cavour."

The following is the reply of Cardinal Antonelli:

"Rome, Sept. 11.

"Excellency: Without taking into account the manner in which your Excellency has thought proper to have your letter of the 7th inst. conveyed to me, I have directed my whole attention calmly upon the subject you lay before me in the name of your sovereign, and I cannot conceal from you that it has cost me an extraordinary effort to do so. The new principles of public law which you lay down in your letter, would be, indeed, sufficient to dispense me from giving any answer at all, they being so contrary to those which have constantly been acknowledged by all governments and nations. Nevertheless, feeling deeply the inculpations cast upon the government of his holiness, I cannot refrain from at once noticing the blame, as odious as it is unfounded and unjust, pronounced against the troops belonging to the Pontifical government, and I must add, that I find the pretension of denying the right belonging to the Pontifical government as well as to any other, of having foreign troops in its service, utterly unjustifiable. In fact, many governments of Europe have foreign troops in their pay. On that subject it may be expedient to observe that, owing to the character with which the Sovereign Pontiff is invested as the common father of all believers, he ought to be less subject to criticism than any other for receiving in the ranks of his troops all who come and offer themselves from the various parts of the Catholic world, for the defence of the Holy See, and of the States of the Church.

"Nothing is more false or insulting than to attribute to the Pontifical troops the disorders which have taken place in the states of the Holy See. There is no necessity for asking, for history has already enregistered whence came the troops who have violently constrained the will of the people, and the artifices which have been made use of for throwing into perturbation the greater part of Italy, and ruining all that was most inviolable and most sacred, both in right and in justice.

"As to the consequences which it has been sought to make weigh on the legitimate action of the troops of the Holy See, to put down the rebellion of Perugia, it would truly be more logical to throw that responsibility on those who, from abroad, have excited the revolt; and you know perfectly well, M. le Comte, where that outbreak was concerted, whence were derived money, arms and means of all kinds, and whence instructions and orders were sent to the insurgents.

"There is, consequently, reason for representing as calumnious all that has been said by a party hostile to the government of the Holy See, as to the conduct of its troops, and for declaring that the imputations cast on their chiefs by the authors of proclamations of a nature to excite dangerous ferments, are not less. Your excellency concludes your painful dispatch by inviting me, in the name of your sovereign, to immediately order the disarming and disbanding of the said troops. This invitation was accompanied by a sort of menace on the part of Piedmont in case of refusal, to prevent the action of said troops by means of the royal troops.

"This involves a quasi injunction which I willingly abstain from qualifying. The Holy See could only repel it with indignation, strong in its legitimate rights, and appealing to the law of nations, under the ægis of which Europe has hitherto lived, whatever violence the Holy See may be exposed to suffer, without having provoked it, and against which it is my duty now to protest energetically in the name of his holiness. With sentiments of consideration, I am, etc.,

"G. Cardinal Antonelli."

The occupation of the Roman States by the King of Sardinia was one of the most important and unexpected steps in the war, which soon followed the preceding announcement. The above note was sent by Count Cavour to Cardinal Antonelli, minister of the Pope, in compliance with the urgent demand of the people of Umbria and the Marches, in which the Sardinian government had demanded the immediate dismissal of the papal mercenaries, affirming that the presence of upward of 20,000 foreign troops in the centre of Italy was incompatible with the treaty of Villafranca. The note threatened that unless this demand should be agreed to in 24 hours, the Sardinian army would enter those territories. No reply was received within that time, and then Victor Emanuel issued the following proclamation:

"Soldiers: You enter the Marches and Umbria to restore civil order in their desolated cities, and to afford the people the opportunity of expressing their wishes. You have not to combat powerful armies, but to free unhappy Italian provinces from foreign bands of mercenaries. You go not to avenge the injuries done to me and to Italy, but to prevent the bursting forth of popular hatred and vengeance against misrule. You will teach, by your example, forgiveness of injuries, and Christian tolerance to him who in his folly has compared to Islamism our love for our country, Italy.

"At peace with all the great powers, and without any idea of provocation, I intend to remove from the centre of Italy a perpetual source of disturbance and discord. I desire to spare the seat of the head of the church, to whom I am ready, in accord with allied and friendly powers, to give all those guarantees for independence and security which his blind counsellors have vainly imagined they could obtain from the fanaticism of that mischievous party that conspires against my authority and the liberty of the nation.

"Soldiers; They accuse me of ambition! Yes! one ambition is mine—that of restoring to Italy the principles of moral order and of preserving Europe from the continual peril of revolution and of war.

"Victor Emanuel."

Before the middle of September, General Cialdini had taken the town of Pesaro, and captured twelve hundred of the German troops, being a portion of those bands of foreign soldiers, against the keeping of which France and Piedmont had so long protested, and the retaining of which was the chief ground of the war. Orvieto was also taken. Fossombrone had risen in insurrection, as Pesaro had done before Cialdini's arrival; but Fossombrone, being unsupported, had been reduced to obedience, by such savage punishment as had been suffered by Perugia.

The "London Times" remarked, on receiving this news, and in reviewing the manifesto of Victor Emanuel:

"We freely admit that nothing but the extremity of the evil could justify the step which Sardinia has taken, but we think that step is justified. The evil would not cure itself. For all these reasons, we think the King of Sardinia is entitled to the sympathy of Englishmen in the war in which he has engaged. We wish him cordially success, and that his success may be rapid as well as decisive."

The war, in fact, was begun by the rulers and their hired butchers against the people, before the Sardinian troops crossed the frontier. The presence of those troops was also an insult to Italy, as their express object was to oppose the movement in the free territories. The same writer added the following remarks:

"Then there is the intolerable oppression of the Pope's government. The best proof of that oppression is the fact that the Pope dares not trust his own subjects with arms, but places himself, like Dionysius of Syracuse, in the hands of foreign mercenaries. The spectacle of a people kept down by such means is an outrage on the civilization of the age, and a danger and menace for all the rest of Italy. Till some government be established in the centre of Italy, which can be maintained without ten thousand French troops to garrison the capital, and five and twenty thousand foreign mercenaries to sack insurgent towns, it is in vain to hope for peace."

General Cialdini approached Ancona, and a naval squadron was to coöperate. The battle of Castelfidaro was fought on the 18th of September, when Lieut. General Cialdini was furiously attacked by General Lamoricière, with eleven thousand men and one hundred and forty cannon. Four thousand other papal troops made a sortie from Ancona, to support the latter. The contest was short but bloody. Many of the wounded papists used their daggers against the Piedmontese, who went to assist them. The results, said Cialdini's report, were as follows:

"The junction of Lamoricière's forces with Ancona has been prevented; we have taken six hundred prisoners, among whom are more than thirty officers, some of them of high rank; we have taken six guns, among others those given by Charles Albert to the Pope in 1848, one standard, and numerous ammunition wagons, etc. All the wounded, including General Pimodan, who led the attacking column, are in our hands, and a great number of killed."

General Cialdini conceded the honors of war to this corps, and officers and men were allowed to return to their homes.

General Lamoricière, accompanied by a few horsemen, fled from the field of battle on the 18th, and, following the road by the sea through the defiles of Conero, succeeded in reaching Ancona. All the prisoners and troops were indignant at his conduct. Nothing remained of Lamoricière's army except the troops shut up in Ancona; all the rest were in the hands of the royal troops, with the exception of two thousand men dispersed in the mountains. The Sardinian government offered to the English government to set all the Irish prisoners at liberty. The latter sent a courteous reply, leaving it entirely to the Sardinian government to take such resolutions as it might deem most suitable. The Sardinian government ordered the release of all Frenchmen taken prisoners from Lamoricière.

"The mercenary army of General Lamoricière (as the "London Times" remarked) was the last hope of the Pope. Lamoricière, whom the last accounts had described as seeking a junction with the Royalist Neapolitan troops, and threatening a southward movement upon the Garibaldians, had appeared suddenly before Ancona. Cialdini accepted the offered battle, and the event has been that the African general was totally and entirely routed. Those bands, from whom so much was expected, seem to be of no avail whatever against the Sardinian soldiers. This fire-eating and pious soldado, who had fulminated such dreadful threats, and who was known to have done such strong deeds among the Arabs, has really done nothing in Italy which might not have been done by one of the College of Cardinals. With eleven thousand men, and the vigorous aid of the garrison of Ancona, he has simply marched up to a signal defeat."

Ancona was soon after besieged, blockaded, bombarded, and captured. The Sardinian navy and army displayed great skill as well as discipline and courage in this operation. The particulars of this must be omitted, as well as most others connected with the march of Victor Emanuel on his triumphant course toward Naples.

The city of Spoleto was besieged and soon taken. The besieged had three guns, two on a platform above, overlooking the town, and one below, placed in an embrasure on the left of the outer gate of the enceinte, so as to command the road leading up to it. They were iron guns of no great range, but still serviceable. The smallest of the three, in the embrasure by the gate, was the only one that did any execution.

The Piedmontese arrived at Spoleto in the morning. They were between two thousand and three thousand strong, and had one battery of field artillery, consisting of six guns. The fact is, that the whole thing was a farce; there was very little attack, and still less defence. The report of the commandant of Spoleto is an enormous exaggeration.

The Piedmontese, on their part, did not press the siege with much vigor. The Italians were positively disaffected, and threatened their foreign comrades to blow up the powder magazine if they did not give in. Most of the Irish asked nothing better than to escape from the service and from the country, and the rest of the garrison—the motley crew of German, French, Swiss, and Belgians—they were few in number and of little worth. The whole loss of the Piedmontese was, according to the evidence afterward obtained, under one hundred men. The loss of the garrison is stated at three killed and ten wounded.

Nothing, certainly, says a visitor, could be more complete or miserable than the failure and break-down of the Irish contingent to the Pope's harlequin army. It would be very unjust, however, to consider this to be in any degree a stain on the gallant Irish nation, whose impetuous courage and many excellent military qualities, every one must recognize and admire. The same ignominious disasters might, and no doubt would, have fallen to the lot of any body of men, no matter of what nation, similarly recruited, and deceived, and neglected, and sent into the field without the training and education which make the soldier. The shame falls not on Ireland, but on those who insnared unwilling recruits to prop a bad cause.

Perugia, which was the scene of an inhuman butchery last year, committed by some of the horde of foreign wretches who formed the Pope's army, was now held by about three thousand of them, who made a strong resistance. The garrison had raised barricades in all parts of the town, and occupied the houses, from which they fired upon the Sardinians. Every street was the scene of a conflict; but the assistance afforded to General Fanti by the inhabitants made the struggle much shorter than it would otherwise have been. A considerable portion of the Pontifical carbineers contrived to escape out of the town—the others retired to the citadel, which could not hold out long. Toward evening the fort capitulated, and the whole of the garrison, consisting of 1,600 men, were made prisoners, as well as General Schmidt, who commanded them. He was the worthy chief of the adventurers whom the Italians so cordially detested. Switzerland refused to acknowledge him. He was one of the heroes of that impious war of the Sonderbund, which caused much bloodshed in the Swiss cantons. He was subsequently exiled.

Victor Emanuel's address to the people of Southern Italy, dated at Ancona, October 9th, 1860, concludes thus:

"People of Southern Europe: My troops are advancing among you to establish order. I do not come to impose upon you my will, but to cause yours to be respected. You will be able to manifest it freely. Providence, which protects just causes, will inspire the vote which you will deposit in the urn. Whatever be the gravity of events, I wait tranquilly the judgment of civilized Europe and that of history, because I have the consciousness of having fulfilled my duty as king and Italian. In Europe my policy will not be useless in reconciling the progress of the people with the stability of monarchies. In Italy I know that I terminate the era of revolutions.

"Victor Emanuel.

"Farini.

"Given at Ancona, Oct. 9, 1860."

In the middle of October Victor Emanuel entered from the north the kingdom of Naples, which Garibaldi had now won for him, though by expressly disobeying him, as we have before seen. The Piedmontese army, approaching by two columns, was now drawing, as a writer remarked, "the iron circle, out of which there is no outlet. One column has already passed Foggia on its way to Benevento and the Upper Volturno; it has landed at Manfredonia, and is making its way through the plains of the Capitanata. The other, under the personal command of the king himself, has landed at Giulia, and has pushed forward to Pescara, whence a branch leads into the main road from the north through the Abruzzi into the rear of Capua.

"As for the Piedmontese troops landed at Naples, they have already taken up their position in line. It was high time, for the fatiguing service, in the heavy autumnal rains, with the cold winds, the heavy dews, and chilly mornings, was fast thinning the ranks. For the most part in the open air, or with but indifferent huts, constructed of branches and straw, without camp fires at night, and with continual alarms, it was a wonder that these young volunteers could resist as they did."

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CHAPTER XX.

"Our Tricolor, not as in days that are gone,

Shows Italia disjoin'd, but united in one;

The White is the Alps, our volcanos the Red,

And the Green the rich fields over Lombardy spread,".

Dall' Ongaro. T. D.

THE PRESENT POSITION OF THINGS—DOUBTS RESPECTING GARIBALDI—DESCRIPTIONS OF THE CAMP AT CAPUA—ENGLAND DECLARES FOR VICTOR EMANUEL—GARIBALDI'S PROCLAMATIONS —MEETING OF GARIBALDI AND VICTOR EMANUEL.

And now the short but momentous drama of the year was drawing rapidly toward its close. Whatever opinions may be entertained respecting the original intentions of Louis Napoleon, Victor Emanuel, or their counsellors, or the period when they were expected to come to their accomplishment, it seems certain that the steps taken by them not only hastened the epoch, but secured its success. The world may perhaps never know what part was performed by individuals in plans and councils, nor be able to judge of their comparative merits or abilities. But of Garibaldi we have much better opportunity to form our opinion, and on most points there is little room for doubt or misapprehension. One question still remained to be solved to those who had not attentively observed his career in former times; and some, probably, expected to see him ultimately break the promise which he had made, to resign his power and possessions to Victor Emanuel; while more, it is natural to believe, expected to see him claim a high reward, or at least to accept such splendid honors and permanent powers as the King of Sardinia would, of course, be ready to bestow. Anxious fears were expressed, and eager inquiries were made, by many well-wishers of Italy and admirers of her hero, especially about the epoch at which we have arrived.

The siege of Capua was pressed. A Scotch gentleman, who had visited Garibaldi's camp and hospitals, thus wrote on the 6th of October:

"Let any man go to the hospital—what cruel wounds, what horrific sights! and how cheerfully some of the sufferers bear their troubles. We have heard much of the noble way in which our English heroes in the Crimea conducted themselves. Truly many of the common soldiers of this patriot army might take rank beside them. Again, as to the officers. If Garibaldi has thought it advisable to break some of their swords, how many instances can be cited of a heroism in others which cannot be surpassed. There is a young Sicilian nobleman, Baron de Cozzo, commonly termed 'The Flower of Sicily,' and beloved by Garibaldi as a son, now lying cruelly wounded and suffering in the hospital of Caserta. He had fought untouched all through the campaign, from Palermo to Capua. He was in the thick of the battle of the 12th at Capua, and was still unhurt, but he observed a private of his company in the front struck down wounded; he returned, put the man on his back, and was carrying him off, when he received his own wound, and such a one as will most probably render him a painful cripple the rest of his days, if, indeed, he survives it. Hundreds of wounded men, and many others mere boys, came into Naples yesterday, after the battle; and we must reflect how many more must have fought bravely to render such an account.

"Yesterday morning, Captains Smelt and Davidson started early for the batteries situate on the hills of St. Angelo. On arriving at the camp at the base of the hill, they joined Lieutenant Cowper, of Major Pietuni's brigade, and proceeded to the batteries where the guns had been put into position in order to prevent the royalist army from getting round to Caserta, as they had previously succeeded in doing. On gaining the summit of the hill they perceived a body of artillery with a couple of guns advancing from the right of Cajazzo, with some cavalry on the left. The officers having been granted the use of the guns, opened fire upon the enemy as they gradually approached. Although the first trial shots fell somewhat short, they had the effect of checking the artillery. The cavalry, however, advanced notwithstanding, when another shell fell in amongst them, and sent them flying. Captains Davidson, Smith, and Cowper, finding that they were now making tolerably good practice, and seeing a house on the other side of the river where there appeared to be something stirring, they dropped a shell right into the centre of the said mansion, and out came the contents like so many bees disturbed in their hive.

"We started this morning for Santa Maria. The havoc amongst the avenues of trees on the roads shows how severe the contest must have been.

"The view of the field of operations from the top of Mount St. Angelo toward Capua, is most commanding. Garibaldi, in a round black hat turned up at the rim, and in a light brown cloak, lined with Rob Roy tartan, was coming down the hill with his staff, and we joined in. He held a sort of standing council at the bottom of the hill with one or two officers who met him, but he spoke so low, that only those quite close to him could hear a word. We then returned to Caserta with Colonel Peard, Major Wortley, Captains Sarsfield and Davidson."

An American gentleman who visited the camp before Capua, and the Palace of Caserta in October, thus spoke of them in a letter:

"In company with two English gentlemen and Madame S., of Naples, I visited the camp before Capua. As we drove down the road leading to the River Volturno, we reached the extreme point where the road turned round the base of St. Angelo, when a sentinel stopped us, saying, 'You are in great danger from the batteries from the other side, which command the entire road you have just come down, and they have been firing upon us this morning.' We at once halted, and sent our carriage back, and under the conduct of one of Garibaldi's men, ascended the mountain till we reached the summit of the rising ground, and had a good view of Capua and its defences. While thus standing at gaze, aided by glasses, a gun was fired from a small battery we had not before observed on the side of the opposite mountain. In an instant the ball flew over our heads, and chanced to fall in the camp beyond, near a group of officers, and killed a horse. With this notice to quit, we descended and reached the road of St. Angelo, just as Garibaldi and his staff were ascending, and soon saw him standing alone on the highest point, scanning the enemy's position with his glass. One of his aids who had joined us, and who was known to Madame S., said it was the general's custom to remain for hours upon the mountain; so we were compelled to give up all hope of seeing him. As we were walking toward the place where our carriage was, we were addressed by an English gentleman, such a one as we have in our minds when we hear the song sung of 'The fine old English gentleman, all of the olden time.' His dress and bearing were alike the type of a landed gentleman out of the agricultural counties. He begged us to avoid the road, as we were within the range of the enemy's guns. Thanking him for his kindness we left him, and among our guesses we thought he must be no other than Colonel Praed, who is to command the English contingent—a regiment of men just arrived, and who had been that day sent forward as far as the king's palace at Caserta.

"When we reached the palace, whose magnificent courts and rooms we found filled with English, we there met this gentleman (Col. Praed), and asked Lieutenant Campbell, whom we knew, if that was his colonel. 'Oh no! that gentleman came down with us, and has offered his services as a private. He has declined a commission, and will act only with us as a common soldier.' We mixed with the soldiers, who told us that they were to be sent to the front that night, and expected to be in action the next day. They were as joyous as they would have been going out to a May party. While thus occupied, Lieutenant Campbell called our attention to a lady in a military costume, just entering the court, attended by a gentleman. Her dress was a velvet cap, with a feather, a grey suit, the full skirt of which hung in many folds to her knees. She wore military boots with spurs, and a sword hung by a waist belt. Her face was handsome—a dark brunette, with fine flashing eyes. The English clustered around her, and she addressed them a few words of welcome, whereupon the cheers of the soldiers made the walls of the palace vocal with strange music for such a place. The lady was the Countess de la Torre, who commands a company, and has greatly distinguished herself by her courage and coolness. In the battle of the 1st instant a shell fell near her, and those near by, thinking as most persons do at such times, that 'discretion is the better part of valor,' fell upon their faces awaiting the bursting, but the countess, following the example of the great Frederick under similar circumstances, stood with her arms folded, and when it exploded, she uttered the most fierce reproaches on those who cowered."

On the 11th of October, Lord John Russell, in an official dispatch to the British minister at Turin, declared that although the Emperor of the French had expressed his displeasure at the invasion of the Roman territory, the Emperor of Russia that of Naples, and the Prince of Prussia had also objected, the British government could see no cause sufficient for those objections. He closed with these words:

"Her majesty's government will turn their eyes rather to the gratifying prospect of a people building up the edifice of their liberties, and consolidating the work of their independence, amid the sympathies and good wishes of Europe. I have, etc.,

(Signed) "J. Russell.

"P. S.—You are at liberty to give a copy of this dispatch to Count Cavour. "To Sir James Hudson, etc., etc."

Garibaldi, on the 15th of October, issued the following proclamation:

"Italy and Victor Emanuel!

"To satisfy a wish cherished by the whole nation, I, the dictator, decree as follows:

"The Two Sicilies, which have been redeemed by Italian blood, and which have freely elected me their dictator, form an integral part of one and indivisible Italy under her constitutional king, Victor Emanuel, and his descendants.

"On the arrival of the king, I will depose in his hands the dictatorship conferred upon me by the nation.

"The pro-dictators are charged with the execution of the present decree.

"G. Garibaldi.

"Caserta, Oct. 15."

After this decree, both parties which had been vying with each other to destroy Garibaldi, saw that there was an end to their calculations. His enemies felt that, in spite of all intrigues and ingratitude, he rose higher than ever at the moment they thought of crushing him, and his false friends understood that his noble nature will always find out the right way, in spite of the abuse which is made of the sacred name of friendship, to lead him where their interest might wish him to go. Indeed, this time they fell into their own snare, for this announcement was accelerated by their last effort to divert Garibaldi from the right path.

The day was now at hand, when an end was to be put to doubts and fears, and the mouths of calumniators were to be stopped forever. How can the enemies of Garibaldi look upon their aspersions without mortification; or even the greater part of the first journalists of Europe as well as of America, reperuse their evil prognostications, without a desire to recall or to make some amends for their unworthy suspicions? How must the character of Garibaldi rise in the view of those who were unacquainted with his previous life, and allowed themselves to attribute to him the weakness of judgment, the selfish aims, or the uncontrolled passions of common men, since they have found him exalted far above the ordinary level of soldiers and statesmen! How must his willful calumniators turn, not only in bitter disappointment, after the defeat of their criminal efforts, but with self-loathing, from the contemplation of a character which makes their perfidy appear doubly hideous by contrast.

Can we not imagine, in some just degree, what must have been the feelings of his own heart, even through the periods of his greatest darkness, when, independently of the opinions or fears of friends, and the aspersions and intrigues of foes, he proceeded on his gigantic task with unshaken resolution, undeviating step, and unfailing success, from the beginning to the end? The difficulties, dangers, delays, obstacles and opponents continually around him, far from overpowering, impeding or disheartening him, never seemed to agitate or excite him. Self-possessed, as if in tranquil scenes, he appears never to have lost, even for a moment, the full exercise of his judgment or the perfect control of his passions. He entered every new scene with a consciousness of these extraordinary faculties, and came out of it confirmed, by new experience, in his ability to do everything necessary in future. With such conscious integrity and powers, how lofty must have been his feelings during every stage of his career; and how exalted and delightful when he arrived at its close!

The contemplation of such a character cannot fail to be useful as well as delightful to every virtuous mind and heart; and the new model which he has bequeathed to the world by his pure and splendid example, must be extensively and long appreciated, and have great and blessed effects. And one way in which it must most naturally act, will be by encouraging men possessing traits like his own, in different spheres of life, duly to estimate those humble virtues, which have been so much underrated in our country in late years, because thrust aside or trampled down by the empty vanity of wealth, or the impudence of corrupt party power. Indeed, we may hope that the example of the pure and noble Garibaldi, since it has been so displayed as to strike all eyes, and to engage all minds, will impress upon good citizens a sense of the duty which they have so long neglected, of combining to cast bad rulers from the seats designed for better men.

A letter from Naples, dated the 29th of October, gave the following affecting account of the interview between Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi:

"I was on my way to the head-quarters of Victor Emanuel, at Teano, and took a cut through the mountains. While waiting for a conveyance, I met Major Cattabene, commandant of Garibaldi's head-quarters. He was coming from Teano, and to him I am indebted for the following account of the interview between Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi. Garibaldi had taken up his quarters at a small inn, about four miles and a half between Teano and Speranzano, on the 25th. He ordered his column to advance and take up positions, and sent Count Trecchi to see the king. On the following morning, Count Trecchi and Missori came to inform him that Cialdini was within an hour's march, and the king not far behind. Garibaldi left immediately with his staff, and three-quarters of an hour afterward he came in sight of the head of the Piedmontese column. He put spurs to his horse. The Piedmontese advanced as follows: the 23d and 24th regiments of the Como Brigade; the 26th and 27th of Pinerolo's Brigade; and then a battery of rifle cannon. The columns presented arms to Garibaldi, and opened to allow him to pass through. Cialdini rushed forward, and Garibaldi, jumping from his horse, embraced him affectionately. After exchanging a few words, Garibaldi remounted to meet the king. Victor Emanuel was not far behind, leading on his own division. Seeing the red shirts, the king took his telescope, and, recognizing Garibaldi, put spurs to his horse and galloped toward him. Garibaldi did the same. When they were within ten paces of each other, the officers of the king and of Garibaldi shouted, 'Long live Victor Emanuel!' Garibaldi advanced, took off his hat, and in a voice somewhat hoarse with emotion, said, 'King of Italy!' Victor Emanuel put his hand to his kepi, then held it out to Garibaldi, and equally moved, replied, 'Thank you.' They stood thus, hand in hand, nearly a minute, without uttering another word.

"Garibaldi and the king, still holding each other's hand, followed the troops for about a quarter of an hour. Their suites had mingled together, and followed at a short distance behind them. Passing a group of officers, Garibaldi saluted them. Among them were Farini, minister of war, in the foraging cap of a staff officer, and General Fanti. The king and Garibaldi were conversing. After the king followed the 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th regiments of the line, then sixty guns, and four regiments of cavalry. His majesty was at the head of 30,000 men.

"Before reaching Teano, King Victor Emanuel halted, and ordered a portion of his army to file off in presence of Garibaldi, that every one might observe the good feeling which prevailed between him and the chieftain. He then reviewed Bixio's Brigade, which was posted a little beyond Calvi. He was received with the enthusiastic and unanimous shout of 'Long live the King of Italy!' Garibaldi has 7,000 men divided between different positions. The king remained at Teano; Garibaldi returned to Calvi to give orders."

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CHAPTER XXI.

"Rest in thy shadowy cave, O sun!

But soon return with joy,

For Crona's bloody strife is done:

Let songs the night employ,

For Fingal there, on Crona's banks,

His foes had triumph'd o'er,

And backward turn'd their foreign ranks,

Like surges from the shore."

"Now spread the sail! said Morven's king,

And catch the winds for home.

We rose upon the wave with joy,

And rush'd through Ocean's foam."

Ossian Versified. T. D.

GARIBALDI'S ANNOUNCEMENT OF VICTOR EMANUEL'S APPROACH TO NAPLES—THEY ENTER TOGETHER—GARIBALDI RESIGNS HIS DICTATORSHIP—CAPITULATION AND SURRENDER OF CAPUA—HIS ADDRESS TO THE HUNGARIAN HUZZARS—HIS FAREWELL TO HIS TROOPS—HE SAILS FOR CAPRERA—UNEXPECTED CHANGES —LETTERS DESCRIBING THEM.

The siege of Capua was now pressed; and, during its continuance, the besiegers were joined by the Sardinian army, which had already, after its victorious career through the territories of the Pope, approached Naples.

Garibaldi announced the approach of Victor Emanuel in the following terms:

PROCLAMATION OF GARIBALDI TO THE INHABITANTS OF NAPLES.

"To-morrow, Victor Emanuel, the king of Italy, the elect of the nation, will cross the line which has divided us from the rest of our country for so many centuries; and, listening to the unanimous voice of this brave population, will appear here among us. Let us receive, in a becoming manner, him who is sent by Providence, and scatter in his path, as a pledge of our rescue and of our affection, the flower of concord, so grateful to him, so necessary to Italy.

"No more political distinctions! no more parties! no more discords! Italy one, as the people of this metropolis have expressed it, and the gallant king, be the perennial symbols of our regeneration and of the greatness and prosperity of the country.

"G. Garibaldi."

Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi entered Naples together, on the 7th of October. The following animated description of the scene is from a letter of that date.

"King Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi entered Naples together, for it would have been a grievous thing if, as had been feared, the apostle of Italian liberty, the man of a century, had not been united with the sovereign on this great occasion. When they left the railway en route for the cathedral, there were Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi on his left hand, and the pro-dictators of Sicily and Naples sitting opposite them in the same carriage. The suite followed, and all along the railway to the Duomo there was a perfect ovation. The streets, which are very narrow, and scarcely wide enough to admit of more than two fat persons abreast, were festooned with flowers and evergreens, hung from window to window; pictures, tapestry, banners, and all the adjuncts of a great fête in Naples were there, but looking as triste and downcast as heavy rains could make them. On arriving at the Duomo, or the cathedral, the piazza of which was beautifully decorated, his majesty was received by the authorities, and conducted to the high altar, amidst such a storm of shouts and applause as could only be compared to the storm which was raging outside. 'Viva Victor Emanuel!' 'Viva Garibaldi!' 'Viva Italia Unita!' Such were the cries which rose, not from one, but from a united body of many thousands, who waved their hats, and handkerchiefs, and flags, as the royal party advanced to the high altar; and this in the cathedral church of San Januarius, the special protector of the Bourbons, whose favor (the saint's) Baron Brenier not long since requested as an honor for M. Thouvenel.

"The king did not take his seat on the throne, but stood a little below it, and wiped his hands, and then his face, with his pocket-handkerchief, and then looked round with that bold, undaunted aspect which indicated an iron nerve. Shortly after, the ceremony began, and his majesty knelt at the prie-Dieu (a stool for kneeling), whilst Garibaldi, the pro-dictators, Farini, and others, stood behind him. The Te Deum was sung in magnificent style.

"As soon as the ceremony was over, they came down the aisle, and I had an admirable view of the king and the Liberator face to face, and as a gleam of sun shone out on the monarch, every line was visible. 'Humanity' came first, and 'Divinity' after. The difference in the two expressions could not fail to strike the most insensible. I looked at Victor Emanuel's unvarying face and bold glance, and said, he is the Re Galantuomo, true to his word, and ready to maintain it with his sword; but I looked on Garibaldi, and felt all the moral grandeur of his character—not a statesman, because he is something much higher—he carries in his face his character: an amiability which wins all hearts, and an energy which overcomes all difficulties. The crowd around each was immense, though the soldiers round the church on either side did all they could to keep the path open, but it was all of no use; one of the poorest of the poor laid hold of his sovereign's hand and walked with him; and the people clung to Garibaldi and kissed and embraced him as a father. He was the greater idol in a temple of idols; and so the royal party walked down the church, and entered their carriage in the midst of the bursts, and long-continued storms of applause, as heretofore. The king was dressed, let me say, as a general of division, and Garibaldi in the same simple dress in which he had conquered the Two Sicilies and given away a kingdom.

"As the cathedral clergy refused to officiate on this occasion, the clergy of the palace offered their services."

On the 8th of November, the day after his entry into Naples with the king, at eleven o'clock, Garibaldi, followed by the ministry, presented to his majesty, in the throne-hall, and in the prescribed form, the Plebiscitum, or Vote of the People. The Minister of the Interior and Police thus addressed the king:

"Sire: The Neapolitan people, assembled in Comitia, by an immense majority, have proclaimed you their king. Nine millions of Italians unite themselves to the other provinces governed by your majesty with so much wisdom, and verify your solemn promise that Italy must belong to Italians."

The king answered in a few noble words. The act of union was performed. The ministry then offered their resignation, the dictatorship having expired from which they had received their powers. The enthusiasm of the people of Naples continued to be expressed in the highest degree.

The Capitulation of Capua was signed November 2, and, abridged, was in these terms:

"Convention on the capitulation of Capua, arranged by mutual agreement, by order of his excellency, Gen. Della Rocca (commander of the corps of the Sardinian army), commanding the besieging corps, and by order of Field Marshal De Cornet, commanding the place, by the undersigned commissaries, and afterward ratified by the respective generals in command.

"1. The place to be given up in twenty-four hours to the troops of

Victor, with the entire armament, arms, clothes, provisions, bridge

equipage, horses, carts, and all else, civil and military, belonging to

the government.

2. The gates and fortifications to be immediately

given up.

3. The garrison to march out with the honors of war.

4. The forces to go with banners, arms and baggage, 2,000 men

hourly, laying down their arms outside (officers retaining their

swords), and proceeding to Naples on foot, embark for a Sardinian

port. The generals to go to Naples by railroad. The families

of soldiers not to follow the column. The sick and wounded to

remain in Capua.

5. A mixed commission to superintend affairs,

and an inventory to be made," etc.

The scene presented at the surrender is thus described by an American who was in Garibaldi's army.

"At 7 A.M. we took up the line of march for Capua. The sun rose in all his glory, after having hid his face for three days. The troops were in the finest spirits, and decked their arms and colors with branches and flowers, and as they marched up the road the bands played the opera of 'Don Giovanni,' the troops joining in the chorus, the gay Calabrese dancing with very joy. With such music as this, with glorious mountains, and a beleaguered city lying prostrate before us, you can imagine that we do not sigh for the Academy of Music. At 11 A.M., 12,000 men laid down their arms in the beautiful plain in front of the city. A sadder sight I have not witnessed since the surrender of Vera Cruz to Lieutenant General Scott. The city is now in the quiet possession of our troops, and all the cities in the valley are illuminated. General Avezzana's division marched tonight for Caserta, the palace of the king. Captain Warwick, the young Virginian, is now with Colonel Wyndham, the gallant commander of General Dunn's brigade (General Dunn having been severely wounded). General Jackson, a major general of the English army, has been here for three weeks past, lending his sympathy and his presence, even upon the field of battle, to this glorious cause. "The palace and hunting park at Caserta are said to be the most magnificent in the world."

After the surrender of Capua, the battalions of volunteers were disbanded, to be reorganized in the regular Italian army, if they wished to remain in service. They were to be sent to Northern and Central Italy, and disposed as follows: The Medici division in Parma; the Turr division in Palermo; the Cosenz in Bologna; and the Bixio in Florence.

Garibaldi asked of the king amnesty for all the soldiers who had deserted from the Sardinian army to join his expeditions, and the request was immediately granted to both regulars and volunteers.

Garibaldi decreed as follows on the 15th of October:

"That the Two Sicilies, which owe their rescue to Italian blood, and who have freely chosen me as Dictator, form an integral part of Italy, one and indivisible, with her constitutional king, Victor Emanuel, and his descendants."

GARIBALDI'S ADDRESS ON DELIVERING FLAGS TO THE HUNGARIAN HUSSARS IN NAPLES.

"Neapolitans: This is a fine day—a great day! It is fine and great, because it reunites, with a new chain, the brotherhood which binds Italy to Hungary. The peoples are consolidated together. The free Italians cannot, ought not, to forget it—nor will they forget it." (Here the people broke out in overwhelming applause, "Viva Garibaldi!" The general replied:) "Italians free! Yes, they shall be—all, and soon. To a life wholly consecrated to the cause of liberty—to the thought of our nationality—nothing else have I added, nothing else do I wish to add, but the right to speak the truth—to speak it equally to the powerful and the people.

"Hear me, then, generous people of this great and beautiful metropolis, and, if I deserve anything of you, believe my words.

"The canker, the ruin of our Italy, has always been personal ambitions—and they are so still. It is personal ambitions which blind the Pope-king, and urge him to oppose this national movement, so great, so noble, so pure—yes, so pure—that it is unique in the history of the world. It is the Pope-king who retards the moment of the complete liberation of Italy. The only obstacle, the true obstacle, is this.

"I am a Christian, and I speak to Christians—I am a good Christian, and speak to good Christians. I love and venerate the religion of Christ, because Christ came into the world to deliver humanity from slavery, for which God has not created it. But the Pope, who wishes all men to be slaves—who demands, of the powerful of the earth, fetters and chains for Italians—the Pope-king does not know Christ: he lies to his religion.

"Among the Indians, two geniuses are recognized and adored—that of good and that of evil. Well, the Genius of Evil for Italy is the Pope-king. Let no one misunderstand my words—let no one confound Popery with Christianity—the Religion of Liberty with the avaricious and sanguinary Politics of Slavery.

"Repeat that. Repeat it. It is your duty.

"You who are here—you, the educated and cultivated portion of the citizenship—you have the duty to educate the people. Educate them to be Christian—educate them to be Italian. Education gives liberty—education gives to the people the means and the power to secure and defend their own independence.

"On a strong and wholesome education of the people depend the liberty and greatness of Italy.

"Viva Victor Emanuel! Viva Italia! Viva Christianity!"

Garibaldi's proclamation to his troops, when about to retire to Caprera, commences thus:

"To my companions in arms!

"We must consider the period which is now about to close as the last step but one in our regeneration, and prepare ourselves to finish splendidly the stupendous conception of the choice men of twenty generations, the fulfillment of which Providence has assigned to this fortunate generation.

"Yes, young men! Italy owes to you an enterprise which deserves the applause of the world. You have conquered, and you will conquer, because you are now trained to the tactics which decide battles. You have not degenerated from those who entered the Macedonian phalanxes, and struck to the heart the proud conquerors of Asia.

"This stupendous page of our history must be followed by one more glorious still; and the slave will finally show to the free brother a sharpened iron which belonged to the links of his chains.

"To arms all!—all!—and the oppressors, the supremely powerful, shall be turned into dust."

Garibaldi embarked in the small steamer, Washington, for his island, and was so eager to be once more in retirement, that he cast off the hawser with his own hands.

The following account of his arrival at Caprera we translate from a letter dated:

"Milan, Nov. 16, 1860.

"By the return of the steamer Washington to Naples, we have received direct news from the Island of Caprera, where Garibaldi has established his winter quarters. As soon as he placed his foot on shore in the island, the dictator felt himself free as from an incubus weighing on his mind and heart. As Garibaldi never could remain inactive under so seductive a sky, like Victor Emanuel, he is in his element only when in the field of battle, or hunting among rocks. In fact, he speaks of the re-conquest of his own individual liberty, which he wishes to divide with his three war-horses, which, when he had first stepped on the sand on the island, he unbridled and left free among the fields.

"But a pleasing surprise came, on his arrival, to enliven the mind of the Italian hero. The modest cottage which had served him as an abode the past year, during his absence had been changed for a handsome and elegant casino. The avenues were well marked out, and, instead of the nakedness of the ground, the wild and uncultivated aspect in which he had last seen it, he observed marks of recent cultivation, plantations of trees and hedges, well arranged, convenient and well-made roads.

"Garibaldi, full of wonder, went about trying to imagine and divine what magical hand could have made so great a change. He even almost began to doubt whether it was the Island of Caprera. Entering the house, and looking about in every part, he found in the centre a rich and commodious hall, and, supported from the wall, a large and beautiful portrait. It was one of Victor Emanuel!"

The following is from a letter of the Rev. J. Newman, dated "Naples, November, 1860:"

AN INTERVIEW WITH GARIBALDI.

It was my good fortune to have an interview with General Garibaldi, in the royal palace at Caserta, a day or two before his departure. When I arrived at the palace, the dictator was in the king's garden, sitting for his photograph—a pretty Italian lady acting as artist. General Turr, and the other officers of his staff, were present; also the wife of the mayor of Palermo, and two other ladies. As in ordinary cases, the artist had great difficulty in arranging the general's head and hands, but still more in getting him to keep them arranged, according to order. And after the picture was finished, he was the first to look at it, which he jocosely pronounced good. He then walked with one of his staff, and again with the mayor's wife, through the broad avenues of the garden, and finally strolled off alone, with his arms thrown behind and his head inclined forward, like one in deep reflection.

He kindly received me into his private apartments in the palace, where, by a most winning manner, he made me feel myself quite at home. Learning that I was an American, and having himself travelled through North and South America, the conversation turned upon the United States. He indicated his comprehensive and penetrating mind by a marvellous familiarity with our history and prosperity. Nothing can exceed the grace and dignity with which he conversed. He was mild in his manner till I suggested the great want of railroads in Italy, when he immediately grew animated, and drew a striking contrast between Italy and America, as to material greatness, and concluded with expressions of hope that a brighter day is dawning upon his native land. Garibaldi is so justly proud of his American antecedents, that it is not egotism for me to claim for our country an important agency in the Italian Revolution, by the impressions our institutions and greatness made upon his mind while there. My previous admiration for the man was increased by this brief interview. He seemed to me to be a man of exalted purpose and of generous sympathies. He is now in the prime of life, and in the enjoyment of robust health, which he preserves by his simple mode of living. He is above the medium height, and has a powerful muscular frame. His complexion is florid; his hair and beard sandy; his brow lofty, and his eyes are of a light chestnut hue, and when at ease they have that dreamy expression so peculiar to many great men. He is not particularly dignified in his address; his gait is even careless; his carriage might be thought uncourtly, yet there is that indefinable something in his presence which, while it does not overawe you, yet impresses you with a profound respect for the man. He is certainly an extraordinary character, and the most popular man now before the world. He is honest in his principles, unselfish in his purposes, unalterable in his decisions, lasting in his friendships, bitter in his enmities, and magnanimous to all. When I saw him he was attired in grey pants, a red shirt, and a grey mantelet, lined with a red and black plaid, the sides of which were looped upon his shoulders, giving free play to his arms. He wore a Chinese cap, common in England, and a serviceable sword was dangling at his side, which constituted his uniform. His mode of living is extremely simple, so much so that his staff joke him by saying they do not expect to get much to eat where he is. He never takes wine, and generally breakfasts upon a cup of coffee and a few Italian chestnuts. He had formed the decision to retire to his island home. If you will turn to your map, you will see a little island on the northern coast of Sardinia, near the entrance of the Straits of Bonifaccio, and opposite to the southern point of Corsica. This is Caprera, where the famous Garibaldi, with his son and daughter, together with a few choice friends, is now residing. The island is less than six miles in length and not two in breadth. It consists of two rocks, which belonged to an Englishman and the general. The former is now dead, and Garibaldi is left alone in his rockland glory. But on reaching his island, he was most agreeably surprised; the appearance of his home had been so changed since he left. Well cultivated fields and beautiful plantations, with shady groves and spacious avenues, had taken the place of a stony desert. It looked as if a magician had been there, and struck the island with his wand, bidding nature forthwith to lavish her treasures on this chosen spot. But the general was still more surprised when, instead of his humble cottage, an elegant villa stood before him; but on entering it the mystery was solved, for on the wall hung the portrait of his friend Victor Emanuel, whose generosity had anticipated his happiness.

The following extract of an unpublished letter from a gentleman in Piedmont to a friend in New York, contains a most particular description of Garibaldi's arrival at Caprera:

"Turin, Nov. 24, 1860.

"What do you say of all that has been passing here, and of Garibaldi, the king-maker? You will have heard that this true patriot refused the rank of first marshal of the kingdom of Italy, which would have made him the first person after the king; and the order of Annunziale, which is equal to that of the Golden Fleece, and generally only given to born princes.

"Garibaldi lives near the Island of Sardinia, on the small Isle of Caprera, right in front of the Pass of Bonafaccio. It is a mere rock, uninhabited or nearly so, where he has a small house and a little garden, where he lives with his daughter, spending his time fishing. To this hermitage he has retired, after having made a present to Victor Emanuel of the kingdom of Naples. But you may fancy his surprise, when, on arrival, he found his little garden had given room for a park, with large trees, more than a century old, with flower-beds, etc., etc. He entered his house. The outer walls were as he left them; but the interior had become a palace, with magnificent furniture and velvet hangings, with gold fringes, etc. He passed into the study, and there above the massive mahogany table, hanging against the wall, upon the velvet tapestry, a large painting, made by one of the first artists of the day, in which he could not but recognize himself, sitting at a table, his head bent over a drawing of a plan of battle he was forming, while the king standing next him, his right arm leaning familiarly on his shoulder, was looking, in a bending position, at what he was doing.

"Was this not a pretty surprise which the king prepared for his faithful follower, the fisherman's son, who had given him a kingdom and would accept nothing—neither rank, nor honors—in return?"

THE END.

---

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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Punctuation has been normalized.

Variations in spelling hyphenation and accentuation were maintained. Correction In Table of contents Chapter V byExiles now by Exiles.