CHAPTER IV.
[NAPOLEON].
The crowd flowing along the Quai Voltaire in Paris, on the shores of the Seine, changed its varied pictures so quickly that it resembled a kaleidoscope.
One bright morning about ten o'clock, a man was to be seen pursuing his way with hasty steps from the Rue Bonaparte across the bridge towards the Tuileries.
Although he was scarcely of the middle height, and rather shabby in dress, yet he caused many passengers to look at him for a moment--certainly only for a moment, but a Parisian seldom looks at anything much longer--from the unusual swiftness of his step, and the thoughtfulness with which he hastened on without looking to right or left, pursuing his way in a manner which proved him to be usually a dweller in large capitals.
The man thus hurrying to the royal and imperial palace was even meanly clad; from his dress, and his bent form, he might have been supposed a master in some elementary school, or a lawyer's clerk; but the changing expression of his sharply-cut features, his red and white northern complexion, and the penetrating glances of his light grey eyes, gave to his appearance a character which belied the impression first formed.
The man gained the other side of the Seine and entered the courtyard leading to the portal of the Tuileries.
He showed the sentry a paper, and on glancing at it the voltigeur de la garde stepped back, and with a short "Bien, Monsieur," admitted him into that inner court of the imperial residence, where no profane foot was permitted to enter, and into which only the court equipages and the carriages of the grandees of the empire were allowed to drive.
Without slackening his pace the little man hastened on. He passed by the great imperial entrance--before which, under a wide canopy, supported by golden lances, stood a group of officers of the household, and laquais de palais, conversing in whispers--to a smaller one, where he entered with the assurance of one who well knows the locality. He went up a step and into an anteroom, where in a large arm-chair sat a huissier de palais, performing his duty with quiet dignity.
"M. Piétri?" said the visitor.
"M. Piétri is in his cabinet," replied the huissier, half raising himself from his chair.
"Ask if he will receive M. Hansen, he has an appointment with me."
The huissier rose at once and entered the cabinet of the emperor's private secretary; after a moment he opened the door, saying, in a low tone, "Enter, sir!"
The former Danish advocate, that unwearied agitator on behalf of the rights of Denmark, entered the cabinet of Napoleon III.'s private secretary.
This cabinet was a large, light room, full of tables and repositories for papers, deeds, and maps. At the farther end was a spiral staircase which led into the apartment above, the entrance to which was closed by the silken folds of a dark portière.
Piétri sat before a large writing-table. He was still a young man, and slightly made. His rather long face had a bright, peaceful, spiritual expression, which gave a charm to any ordinary employment undertaken by him.
He bowed as Hansen entered, pushed back a packet of letters with which he was occupied, and politely pointed to an arm-chair which stood at a little distance from the writing-table.
"Well," said Piétri, commencing the conversation, as he fixed his bright eyes in expectation upon his visitor, "you have come from Germany, what have you seen and heard? Are matters ripe? In what mind are the people? Tell me everything--we must know every detail of what is occurring there, in order to take up our own position."
"Let me begin with the central point of the position," replied Hansen. "I was lately in Berlin, and I discovered nothing there, with regard to the views of statesmen or the national feeling, to make me doubt the correctness of my impressions."
At this moment a noise was heard at the top of the stairs at the further end of the cabinet, the heavy folds of the portière slowly opened, and a man appeared standing on the top step.
It was Napoleon III. who thus descended into his private secretary's cabinet.
Piétri rose as soon as he heard the portière withdrawn and the foot on the stairs, and remained standing before the writing-table.
Hansen followed his example.
The emperor slowly descended the steps. It was not the form represented in the life-size portrait; the hand placed commandingly upon the crown and sceptre of France, proudly draped in the imperial mantle, which well became the graceful, slender figure.
It was an old man who descended the stairs; embonpoint had destroyed the elegance of his figure, illness and pain made his carriage feeble and uncertain, his grey hair no longer thickly surrounded his brow, but fell in thin locks over his temples, and his eyes, in former times often veiled though capable of stormy flashes, now looked dull and wearied.
The emperor, dressed in a plain black morning coat, and smoking a cigarette, the strong and excellent aroma of which preceded him in a light blue cloud, carefully descended the stairs, and entered the cabinet.
He walked slowly, with the heaviness of later years.
He stopped before his secretary, gave him a peculiar look from the veiled shadows of his eyes, and bowed low to Hansen. He seemed to scan him completely in a quick momentary examination, and he then turned his head to Piétri, with a slight expression of inquiry.
"Sire," said Piétri, "Monsieur Hansen, a Dane who is completely devoted to his country, and who has also done us good service, for as a Dane he loves France; he has travelled through Germany, seen many personages, and was about to tell me the result of his observations."
The emperor again bowed to Hansen; the amiable and charming kindness with which he could at will exercise a magic influence, shed a glow like sunshine over the weary indifference of his face.
"I know," he said, in his low but clear and penetrating voice, which expressed in a masterly way the finest shades of feeling, "I know that all Danes love their country, and for that reason they have warm hearts for France, their country's friend. Your name is known to me, sir, as that of a man distinguished for his burning and active patriotism, even in so patriotic a country as Denmark."
Hansen bowed low, whilst the pleasurable emotion he felt at the emperor's words caused him to blush.
"Sire," he said, "so gracious a recognition from your majesty's lips almost makes me forget that my zealous efforts in my country's behalf have been fruitless. If my humble name is known to your majesty, you must know, too, how much I love France and revere her emperor, upon whose mighty will it depends whether Denmark shall win back and maintain her rightful position amongst the nations of Europe."
The emperor bowed his head slightly. A sudden deeply penetrating glance shot from his half closed eyes towards the Danish agitator, whose upturned face expressed only deep veneration.
"My dear Piétri," said Napoleon III., turning to his secretary, "I came down to look through the morning's correspondence. Is it ready for me?"
"Here it is, sire," said Piétri, taking some papers from the table and handing them to the emperor.
Napoleon took them, and with a movement recalling his youthful agility, he rolled a chair close to the window, seated himself, and took from his étui another cigarette, which he lighted at the end of the one he had just smoked.
"I will not disturb your conversation," he said with an engaging smile. "Go on as if no one were here, I will quietly read my letters."
Piétri again seated himself before the writing-table, and signed to Hansen to do the same.
The emperor looked at the first of the papers he held in his hand very attentively; it was marked with a blue pencil at the most important passages.
"So you were lately in Berlin?" asked Piétri, again looking at Hansen expectantly.
"I was there," he replied, "and I brought away with me the conviction that a great German conflict is unavoidable."
"Do they desire it?"
"They do not desire the conflict; but they desire what cannot be obtained without a conflict."
"And that is----?"
"The perfect reform of the German Confederation, the military ascendency of Prussia to the Main; the complete setting aside of the traditions of Metternich's Germany. Count Bismarck is recklessly determined to reach his aim, and I believe he, too is convinced that this aim cannot be reached without war."
Piétri was silent for a few moments, and his eyes glanced at the emperor still immersed in his papers, then he looked full at Hansen and said:
"And would they not be pacified by the sole possession of Holstein and Schleswig? Provided Austria cedes her conjoint authority in the Duchies, I thought they intended to settle the boundaries of Silesia to your advantage."
A slight glow passed over Hansen's face, but he replied with unmoved voice:--
"No, the conflict cannot thus be avoided. I believe they were inclined to make great concessions in exchange for the entire possession of the Duchies; and if France heartily demanded it, Danish North Schleswig might be restored; but no palliative will prevent the conflict.
"Believe me, sir!" he continued, with animation, "this conflict is no quarrel about the German Grand Duchies; they know well enough in Berlin that they must in time fall to Prussia, and they do not fear the resolutions of the Grand Duke of Augustenburg. The strife arises from the historical development of Prussia and Germany. Prussia is really not the second German state, but the first, and the German Confederation grants her only the second place, and represses her natural powers of development by a machinery the springs of which are set in motion in Vienna.
"This is the true cause of the quarrel: Prussia desires the place which naturally belongs to her, and which Austria held formerly. The quarrel has lasted years and years, and would perhaps have continued many years longer in its latent form--for the exercise of the wits of European diplomatists--if Bismarck had not been at the head of the marvellously expansive Prussian state. This statesman is an incarnation of the Prussian spirit, strengthened by an extraordinary and genial originality. He knows how to develop in the highest degree the rich and well-knit strength of the country, and he has determined to put an end to Prussia's present position. He can be led to no second Olmütz; he will gain for Prussia her place in Germany, or perish."
The emperor's hand with the papers it held slowly sank into his lap, and his eyes, suddenly opened widely, and burning with excitement, were fixed on Hansen's face. His master's attention did not escape Piétri; he said, with a slight smile:--
"It is indeed wonderful to hear a Dane speak so enthusiastically of the Prussian minister, here in Paris."
"Why not?" asked Hansen, quietly. "This man who knows what he wants, and exerts all his powers to gain what he wills, who loves his country and determines to increase its greatness and power, compels my respect,--he deserves esteem for his efforts--admiration if he succeeds. Between Bismarck and myself stands my country, Denmark. The German part of the Duchies we do not desire and could not make use of,--but we want what is Danish, and what is necessary to protect the Danish frontier. If this is yielded we shall have no cause to be the foe of Prussia or Germany. If this is withheld Prussia may for ever reckon little Denmark amongst her enemies, for exactly the same reasons which influence Herr von Bismarck's policy."
Napoleon III. listened attentively.
Piétri said:--
"Have you gained the impression that there is an inclination on the part of Prussia to meet the wishes of Denmark?"
"I do not think this impossible," replied Hansen, firmly, "especially," he continued with great distinctness, "if Prussia, in her difficult position, might by such an arrangement, gain the support of one of the great powers. It would then only be necessary to arrange the frontier line, so as to maintain the interests of both Denmark and Germany."
As he slowly uttered these words he looked at the emperor. Napoleon had raised the letter in his hand near to his eyes, which were fixed without any especial expression upon the paper.
Piétri enquired further:--
"Supposing that Bismarck desires war, or more properly, desires objects only to be obtained by war, will the king proceed to extremities, rather than dismiss his minister? I speak to you without reserve," he added, apparently with reckless candour; "you live in the political world, and know as well as I do what is said in the circles surrounding the Prussian ambassador. Did you receive the impression in Berlin that Count Goltz might possibly succeed Bismarck?"
"No," replied Hanson, decidedly. "The King of Prussia shrinks excessively from war,--that is to say, not from war itself, but from a war with Austria--a German war. The king dreads such a war and earnestly wishes to avoid it. If Vienna would meet him in the principal points, he would probably make many more concessions than Bismarck would approve. But when once the question is asked the king will not yield the principle. He has created a new army organization. According to all judges it is exemplary, and he carried it out in spite of the opposition of parliament; he will not draw back when the first opportunity comes of vindicating and enlarging Prussia's powerful position in Germany. The king will strike with a heavy heart, but he will strike, and after the first cannon has fired he will be only a general. I have not conversed with King William myself," continued Hansen, "but what I have said is the résumé of conversations I have had with those who know intimately both the situation and the personages concerned. As to Herr von Bismarck's position," he continued, "it is perfectly firm. Bismarck will never forfeit the king's confidence."
"Why not?" asked Piétri, with animation.
"Because he is a soldier."
"That is to say, he wears the Landwehr uniform."
"That is only the exterior, but in this case it is not an idle appearance. Bismarck is a soldier: he is a man of action, of quick and clear decision; his diplomatic pen does not tremble at the roar of cannon or the clash of arms; he would be as calm riding over a battle-field as sitting by a green table. The king feels this; he is himself a soldier, and he trusts him. I know Count Goltz has many friends, but these friends deceive themselves, and I can assure them, that if they have chosen him in Paris, they have not in Berlin."
There was a short silence.
After Piétri had glanced at the emperor, he further enquired:--
"But what is the national feeling? Judging from the press, war is not popular?"
"Indeed it is not," replied Hansen; "the people dread a defeat, and the parliamentary opposition believe in their short-sightedness that Bismarck is commencing a war to get himself out of the blind alley into which they think they have forced him. They little know the man with whom they have to do!"
"But," objected Piétri, "will not the Prussian government place itself in a very dangerous position if it begins a war against Austria and Germany, whilst its own subjects oppose this war and regard it unfavourably?"
"I think this danger is apparent, but not real," replied Hansen. "The army--and this is the main point--will do its duty, and in spite of all opposition will be ready in full strength; and all who speak and write against Bismarck now, will fall at his feet after the first victory. Interior strife will be extinguished when the first battle is won: each addition to Prussia, each step towards the unity of Germany, will tend to make the war which procured them more popular."
"Victory!" exclaimed Piétri; "but will Prussia be victorious?"
"It must be so," said Hansen, calmly. "Austria deceives herself both as to the forces she can, with the help of Germany, place in the field, and those at the command of Prussia. The strength of the Prussian army is immense; it is quickly concentrated and homogeneous. The Austrian army is weak, and cannot be properly bound together, or placed under a united command. The South German soldiers with whom I have spoken, and who know the condition of Austria, have no doubt of the success of Prussia. The conduct of the war on the South German side must be a very lame affair, for they have not yet even begun their military preparations. Hanover and Hesse desire to remain neutral, but they have concluded no treaty, and after all their hesitation they will be surprised. Austria will find her only energetic support in Saxony, where Beust, the life and soul of the anti-Prussian movement, has succeeded in getting the army ready to take the field."
"You believe entirely in victory for Prussia?" asked Piétri, in a tone that showed he was not inclined to share the belief without demur.
"I do," replied Hansen, "and I think all prudent policy must reckon on it almost as a certainty."
"You spoke just now," said Piétri, after a short pause, "of additions to Prussia. What do you think she will demand, or take, if victory is on her side?"
"All that she needs, and can keep."
"That is, expressed in names and numbers?"
"The whole of North Germany unconditionally."
Piétri made a movement of incredulity.
"Be assured I am not deceived," said Hansen; "the people themselves will desire conquests when Prussian blood has once flowed: what is to be gained from Prussia must be gained before the war; after one victory they will not listen to argument in Berlin."
The emperor stood up.
Piétri and Hansen also rose.
Napoleon placed the packet of papers which his secretary had given him again on the table.
He bowed his head slightly to Hansen, and said--
"I am very glad, sir, to have made your acquaintance, and I shall always be happy to be useful to a nation whose every member is so inspired with patriotism."
Hansen bowed low, and left the room.
As the door closed behind him the emperor rose quickly, his eyes shone, and he said, as he stepped hastily towards Piétri:--
"Piétri, do you believe that man observes sharply, and is well informed?"
"I know him to be a sharp observer. As to his information, I know that Bismarck has received him; that he has had intercourse with various political personages in Germany, and that he has a talent for discovering the direction of popular opinion. Nevertheless I think he over-estimates the power of Prussia. Bismarck impressed him greatly, and the impression made is mirrored in his report. We have seen the same before; this Prussian minister well knows how to gain those whom he wishes to win."
The emperor gazed thoughtfully before him. "I fear," he said, in a low voice, "that the man is right, and that we have a great and difficult historical problem before us. Can we support Austria without wounding Italy, already too strong to be ignored? Can Prussia prevail, and Germany be reconstituted, without danger to the prestige of France--yes, even to our frontier! Alsace and Lorraine once were German."
Piétri smiled.
"Your majesty loves to jest!"
"Ah! Piétri," said the emperor, placing his hand on his secretary's shoulder, partly to impress his words, partly as if seeking a support, "you do not know the Germans; I know and understand them, for I have lived amongst them. The German nation is a lion, which knows not his own power; a child might lead him with a chain of flowers,--yet in his claws there is strength to destroy the whole European world, when he knows his own nature and when he once tastes blood. And in this war he will taste blood--the old jest, 'l'appetit vient en mangeant' will turn to frightful earnest; let this Prussian lion once break his chain, and he will be a frightfully dangerous neighbour."
The emperor said this half aloud in short broken sentences, while his eyes, as if following a vision, stared into space.
A quiet smile played round Piétri's lips.
"Your majesty has a dark hour," said he, in the calm encouraging tone used to one ill and excited; "I believe the strongest element in the German lion is sleep--should he awake and play the dangerous pranks your majesty describes, he will find on our frontier our large armies and the imperial eagle. The impertinent lion will soon be taught his place."
The emperor let his head sink down on the arm still resting on Piétri's shoulder; his whole figure seemed to collapse, his eyes glowed wildly beneath their veil of eyelashes, his breath came with difficulty through his parted lips, as if it struggled to form words which might express his gloomy thoughts. The mighty emperor seemed oppressed by the darkest forebodings; at last, without the least movement in his lips, he said, in a low tone which filled the quiet room with a trembling shudder,
"I am not the Great Napoleon!"
The voice was so sad, so chilling, so deeply melancholy that Piétri's face, before calm and smiling, turned pale as if touched by deadly cold.
He sought for a reply; but a noise was heard, the portière was withdrawn, and on the upper step of the staircase appeared the emperor's groom of the chambers, who announced:
"M. Drouyn de Lhuys requests an audience."
At the first sound the emperor had withdrawn his arm from Piétri's shoulder, and his countenance had regained its usual calm, cold expression. He received the announcement with his ordinary manner, and replied:
"I will come."
The groom of the chambers withdrew.
"I know what he wants," said Napoleon, "he wishes me to put a spoke in the rolling wheel, to prevent hostilities. I often wish to do so--but is it possible? Shall I risk at this moment the great question? for if I speak and my word is not obeyed, the firebrand is kindled which will endanger the existence of France and of myself. If I permit things to go on, time at any rate is gained, and time brings favourable chances, and the possibility of strengthening the power and influence of France without a war. Well, let us hear what he wishes."
And he walked slowly towards the stairs. At the first step he paused, and returned several paces into the cabinet.
"Piétri," said he in a low tone, "what do you think of Drouyn de Lhuys?"
"Sire," he replied, "I admire his deep and extended information, and I have a great respect for his character."
The emperor was silent for a moment.
"He is very near the House of Orleans," he said with some hesitation.
"Sire," replied Piétri firmly, "he has given your majesty his oath, and I know M. Drouyn de Lhuys too well to doubt that his oath is sacred."
The emperor was again silent for a moment, then he made a slight sign of adieu to Piétri with his hand, and mounted the stairs to the apartment above.
Piétri returned to his writing-table, and looked through the remainder of the correspondence.
Napoleon III. entered his plainly furnished cabinet, walked up to the writing-table and touched a bell. The groom of the chambers appeared.
"M. Drouyn de Lhuys!" said the emperor.
A few moments afterwards the Minister for Foreign Affairs entered his sovereign's cabinet.
Drouyn de Lhuys at this time was about sixty years of age, tall and strongly made. His thin grey hair and equally grey whiskers, arranged in the English fashion, surrounded a healthy looking, fresh-coloured face, lighted up by an expression of kindliness and affability.
The appearance of this well-known man resembled a well-to-do English landlord, rather than an experienced statesman who had thrice already, under circumstances of great difficulty, filled the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs.
The eyes alone, sharp, clear, and observing, beneath the broad brow, gave an idea of the talent of this strong, excellent, and distinguished man, accustomed to unravel and knit together the tangled threads of European policy.
The minister wore a black morning coat, with the large rosette of the Legion of Honour in the button-hole.
The emperor advanced to meet him and held out his hand.
"I am delighted to see you, my dear minister," he said, with an engaging smile, "what have you to tell me? how does Europe get on?"
"Sire," replied Drouyn de Lhuys with his peculiarly slow, and pedantic-sounding sharpness of pronunciation, "Europe is sick, and will soon have a dangerous paroxysm if your Majesty does not employ soothing measures."
"Do you not over-estimate my power," said the emperor, smiling, "by thinking that I can? But," he added seriously, "speaking without metaphor, you wish to tell me that hostilities in Germany are about to break out--is it not so?" and sinking into an easy chair, he signed to his minister also to seat himself.
"It is true, sire," said Drouyn de Lhuys, as he seated himself, opened his portfolio and drew from it some papers, "that this is what I wished to say to your Majesty. Here is a despatch from Vienna stating, that--in incredible blindness--they have determined to commence hostilities and to urge matters to an immediate rupture. They are about to summon the States in the duchies without the consent of Prussia, and Count Mensdorff has forwarded a despatch to Berlin, which is really an ultimatum, as it requires in a high tone the immediate suspension of all military preparations."
The minister handed the emperor the despatch; he looked through it hastily, and placed it on the table.
"Here," added Drouyn de Lhuys, "is a despatch from Benedetti, stating most positively that Herr von Bismarck is determined to take the most decided measures to obtain for Prussia her proper position in Germany. The project of reform which he brought before the assembly of the German Confederacy in Frankfort, was a moral declaration of war against the preponderance of Austria, and the position bestowed on her by the treaty of Vienna. Count Mensdorff's despatch, which I have had the honour of naming to your Majesty, has already arrived in Berlin, and been presented by Count Karolyi. It has given great offence. Benedetti describes it as one of those compositions which in former times the German Emperor addressed to the Margrave of Brandenburg, and it has served greatly to diminish the King of Prussia's repugnance to war. Thus on both sides matters are hastening towards war, and, in a few weeks perhaps, the armies will be opposed to each other, and the whole of Europe will take part in the quarrel, if your Majesty does not command a halt."
The minister stopped, and looked at the emperor inquiringly. Napoleon leant dreamily on the arm of his chair.
"And what do you advise me to do, my dear minister?" he asked after a short pause, as he raised himself a little and looked anxiously at Drouyn de Lhuys' calm and open countenance.
"Your Majesty knows my opinion on this subject," he replied, "though I fear you do not share it. A German war must be prevented for the sake of France, for the sake of the peace of Europe. I think I do not deceive myself," he continued, "when I express my conviction that Prussia will emerge from such a war more powerful and more to be dreaded, for I cannot believe in the military success of weak and decaying Austria; and as to the remainder of Germany, it is not worth speaking of, with its isolated little armies without military or political connexion. To permit Prussia to become more powerful--to become the supreme leader in Germany--is completely against the interest of France. Your Majesty must allow me to say that the France of to-day--the France of Napoleon," he added, slightly bowing,--"should, according to my views, pursue the same course of policy towards Prussia and the House of Hohenzollern as Bourbon France formerly pursued towards Austria and the House of Hapsburg. Then Austria's endeavour was the union of the military and political strength of the German nation, and France, wherever she turned, found herself opposed by the House of Hapsburg. Prussia now holds the same place, and continually thwarts our lawful ambition, and if in this war she succeeds in uniting in her own hands the military power of Germany, our plans will all be crossed, and the influence which we justly exercise on the affairs of Europe greatly diminished."
"But if Prussia is beaten?" asked the emperor.
"I do not believe in such a result," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, "but grant it is so, what do we gain? Austria, with unbounded power, would place herself at the head of Germany, and the old enmity of the House of Hapsburg, strengthened by the Italian war, would be exercised with new energy to our disadvantage. There is but one policy for France, that is, to uphold the present position in Germany--to nourish, to sharpen the antagonism between Prussia and Austria, but never let it come to a war, to a decision; and to make use of the fear felt for both these powerful rivals in the smaller courts of Germany to extend our own influence. Thus, in an imperceptible way, we shall easily obtain what the Emperor Napoleon I. obtained from the confederacy of the Rhine--the power of using federal Germany against the two great states. I cannot believe there is any other policy for France to pursue with regard to Germany. Prussian or even Austrian Germany must always be our foe, and a very dangerous foe: let us oppose the two great powers, and drive in between them the wedge of the German kingdoms and dukedoms jealous of their sovereignty; then, if we act prudently and carefully, and require nothing to hurt the national feeling, Germany will be completely subservient to our will."
"You think then--?" said the emperor inquiringly.
"That your Majesty must prevent the outbreak of war in Germany with all your energy, or the position of France in Europe will be much imperilled."
The emperor was silent for a time, and tapped with his fingers upon the arm of his chair, then he said:
"Do you believe that I can prevent war; do you believe I am strong enough to force back the half-drawn sword into the scabbard? Yes, if Palmerston still lived," he said, thoughtfully; "with him it would have been possible; but with the England of to-day, who has great words, but deeds no longer!----Do you believe my single voice will be heard? And if I am not heard? Must I not fear that, as in the story of Jason, the two foes about to fall on each other will quickly unite against him who would have thrust himself between them? Bismarck would soon see such a game. Oh! I have let this man become too great!"
Drouyn de Lhuys calmly replied--
"I do not share the fears and difficulties your Majesty has so graciously pointed out. A single word from you would prevent the war. I must impart to your Majesty a conversation I had with Bismarck, the last time I saw him. He explained to me with the greatest openness and freedom from all reserve, the position he desired Prussia should hold in Germany. A war with Austria he declared was an absolute necessity for the historical development of Germany, since Austria would never freely allow Prussia to take the place due to her. 'But though this war is necessary,' said the Prussian minister, 'and though I, and every Prussian government, must regard it as a certain logical event, yet the exact moment in which it must commence depends upon the will and statesmanship of the government. I should certainly not be so foolish as to undertake two great wars at once, and to strike France and Austria at the same time. If you are in earnest in desiring the delay of the outbreak required by the chronic German question, say so plainly and openly. I can wait.' So said Herr von Bismarck. I implore your Majesty," continued Drouyn de Lhuys, "to authorise me to make the declaration he thus invited, and to say plainly that France will not permit a German war, and that in case hostilities commence, her armies will at once start for the frontier."
The minister looked anxiously into the emperor's face. He still gazed thoughtfully before him.
After a few moments Napoleon spoke:
"I cannot entirely share your views, my dear minister. Like yourself I see the danger that may accrue to France from a German war; I also acknowledge the truth of your opinion that the relations of the old confederacy enabled us to exert considerable influence in Germany in a comfortable and easy manner. But," he added thoughtfully, "could such relations continue? A movement is passing through the world, urging national union, and I think it highly dangerous to endeavour to oppose the spirit of the times. I know you are dissatisfied with what I have done in Italy, with what I must perhaps still do; and yet I think I am right. The pulses in the life of the people now beat so strongly, that the balance of the world can no longer be maintained by those little weights which old politicians threw now into one, now into the other scale. National agglomerations must take place, and we must endeavour to place such a weight in the balance as shall prevent its kicking the beam. Besides, Germany will not be so dangerous as you fear. The German races have no craving for foreign conquest; they are not offensive, and only struggle for a federal formation. I regard, too, the result of the war differently. I do not think that either of the two opponents will be completely and absolutely victorious; they will weaken each other: we will, to a certain extent, harass the victor, and I believe in the end Germany will be divided into three parts: Prussia with North Germany, Austria, and South Germany. Then," he continued with a smile, "you will have an excellent opportunity, my dear minister, of proving your favourite proverb--Divide et impera, and your work will be less in detail than heretofore."
"Then your majesty will not forbid the German war?" asked Drouyn de Lhuys.
"I believe I neither can, nor ought," replied the emperor; "Italy too, presses me to fulfil my promise. Free to the Adriatic!"
"A promise your majesty ought never to have given," said the minister, firmly.
"Perhaps," said Napoleon; "but it is given, and I cannot leave every question open. Mexico weighs heavily upon me."
Napoleon sighed deeply. After a pause he added:--
"I will make an effort to reconcile your views with my own. Let us ask in Vienna if they are willing to yield me Venice to restore to Italy. It would form the basis of a possible alliance with Austria, which would enable us to interfere with real power and a prospect of success in the complicated German question. Then, even if the negotiation were successful, it would leave us free."
"I do not believe the measure would be successful," said Drouyn de Lhuys; "the House of Hapsburg prizes Venice highly, although it has always been a burden and a drawback; but I do wish to obtain this apple of discord, for without it an alliance may one day be formed against us between Austria and Italy. I doubt, too, whether a free choice will hereafter be left to us. The rôles are distributed before a performance is begun, and those who dally may be set aside. Nevertheless, I can say nothing against the principle of the step your Majesty proposes, and if you wish it, it shall be carried out immediately."
The emperor seized a letter which lay on his writing-table, and said, as he looked through it hastily, "I am urgently requested by Saxony to grant no support to the Prussian claims. I cannot give any distinct response; but will you instruct the ambassador in Dresden, confidentially, that he may discreetly insinuate, that it depends upon the cabinet in Vienna whether the wishes here expressed are fully complied with, and that they completely meet my own views."
Drouyn de Lhuys bowed.
"It will also be needful," continued the emperor, "to talk confidentially in Berlin of the guarantees which Bismarck might be inclined to give us, provided his plans in Germany succeed. You know how evasive and dilatory they are in Berlin on this point. They wish to hear my demands, and I cannot and will not express them definitely."
Drouyn de Lhuys again bowed in silence.
The emperor stood up. His minister also rose.
Napoleon stepped up to him and said with the fascinating smile which lighted up his face with an irresistible charm:
"You are not satisfied, my dear minister; but believe me this policy is the best. We shall gain time, and in political life time is a power which gives everything to those who use it aright."
"I know the value of time," replied the minister, "but perhaps in gaining time we may lose the right moment."
"True," said the emperor, drawing himself up with a movement recalling his earlier years, "yet trust in my star, and in that of France."
"These stars are too bright not to inspire confidence," replied Drouyn de Lhuys, but without any enthusiasm. He took up his portfolio, and said:
"Has your majesty any further commands?"
"I will not detain you," said Napoleon, and shaking his minister heartily by the hand, he dismissed him.
After he had left the room the emperor remained for some time lost in thought.
"I cannot directly force events," he said half to himself, "I must allow them to take their course. If my veto were not heard, I should be obliged to undertake a frightful war, and then? I must endeavour by the careful and prudent study of events to turn them to our advantage."
He placed himself before a marble bust of Cæsar which stood on a black pedestal in his cabinet, and he gazed for some time on the beautifully chiselled features of the Roman conqueror of the world.
"Thou great antetype of my house," he said, while an electric brightness beamed from his upturned eyes. "At this moment I too must say, Jacta est alea! But," he added gloomily, "thy dice were thrown by thyself, and forced by thy mighty hand to fall according to thy will. The pitiless iron hand of fate throws my dice, and I must take them as they fall!"
An attendant entered and announced:--"The emperor's breakfast is served."
Napoleon left the cabinet.