Notes
[74] As the history of this and the following period has been given in considerable detail by Wellhausen (Arab. Reich 280 ff.) from the Arab point of view, it is intended in these chapters to follow only the situation in Transoxania and the course of the Türgesh conquests, avoiding as far as possible a simple recapitulation of familiar matter. Thus little reference is made to the factional strife among the Arabs, though it naturally played a very important part in limiting their power to deal with the insurgents.
[75] See Chavannes, Documents 285, n. 3.
[76] Cf. Tab. II. 1718. 3 ff.
[77] Tab. 1462. 11; cf. 1688. 10, 1481 f.
[78] Tab. 1690. 16.
[79] Chav. Doc. 206 f., 293 f.
[80] Van Vloten, La Domination Arabe 28.
[81] Tab. 1533. 15.
[82] Tab. 1501. 2.
[83] Wellhausen 284 f.: van Vloten 22 f.: Tab. 1507 f.: Bal. 428 f.
[84] See Wellhausen 218.
[85] The variant readings in Tab. 1509. 11. (cf. Ibn al-Athīr) make it doubtful whether the taxes were reimposed on them or not.
[86] Tab. 1514. 11.
[87] See Yāqūt s.v.: Barthold, Turkestan 127: and cf. Tab. 1523. 3. The chief difficulty in Tabarī’s text is the abrupt change at the last word of l. 14 on p. 1516: thumma tahawwala (ashrashu) ilā marjin yuqālu lahu bawādaratun faʿatāhum sabābatun ... wahum nuzūlun bikamarjata. The context shows that it was not to Ashras that Sabāba came but to the garrison of Kamarja with the news that the Khāqān was retiring past them (mārrun bikum).
[88] The chronological difficulties are explained by Wellhausen 285 ff. They are of small importance however, and it seems preferable to follow his dates for these campaigns.
[89] Cf. Tab. 1528. 9. with 1529. 5 f. 14 f.
[90] Van Vloten, op. cit. 29 ff.: Wellhausen 289 ff. (cf. 302 f.). Another account of Hārith is given by Gardīzī ap. Barthold Turkestan, Texts pp. 1-2.
[91] Chav. Doc. 210, 136, 140; Barthold, Arab. Quellen 21. n. 8.
[92] Tab. 1490, 1591. 18: Wellhausen 292 and 284 n.: Barthold in Zeitschrift für Assyriologie XXVI (1911) 261.
[93] Tab. 1590. 5. There does not seem to be any record of when these Syrians were settled at Balkh.
[94] Wieger 1643: Chav. Doc. 284 f.
[95] Chav. Doc. 168.
[96] As Jūzjān is distinguished from Shubūrqān in Tab. 1608. 17, it is probable that this was the town Kundurm or Qurzumān mentioned in Yaʿqūbī’s Geog. 287.
[97] Tab. 1613: Chav. Doc. 83 f., 122 n. As regards the adjective Kharlukhī applied to the Jabghu in 1612. 16, the most satisfactory explanation is that given by Marquart, Hist. Glossen 183 f.
[98] The frequent references in the Chinese annals to the association of Se-kin-tʾi, king of Kish, with the Türgesh raise an interesting problem. There can be no doubt that he is the same prince as Al-Ishkand, ruler of Nasaf, in the Arabic records. The name is Iranian and personal, not dynastic. (See Justi’s Iranisches Namenbuch.) Al-Ishkand is first mentioned in the account of the Battle of the Pass, (Tab. 1542. 8) where he appears in command of a cavalry force on the side of the Khāqān, though Kish and Nasaf were both in the hands of the Arabs (1545. 1). The forces which he commanded were therefore not the ordinary local troops. During Hārith’s siege of Tirmidh he received reinforcements from Al-Ishkand, but no statement is made on the composition of his forces. He is mentioned again as accompanying the Khāqān and the Sughdians in the attack on Asad before the “Battle of the Baggage” (1597. 17-18,) where the reading ‘Ispahbadh of Nasā’ is probably an error in the tradition. Again there can be no question here of local troops from Nasaf or Kish. In the Chinese records Se-kin-tʾi appears as the commander of an independent force, not merely a detachment of Turks or levies from Shāsh or Farghāna. The most reasonable conclusion is that Al-Ishkand was the commander of the corps of Sughdian refugees. This would explain the title “King of the Warriors” by which he is sometimes mentioned in the Chinese records (Chav. Doc. 147 n. 1 and 313). The actual term (Chākar) from which the title was derived does not appear in the Arabic histories in this connection, but it is perhaps possible that a variant of the name (derived from razm) is to be read in Tab. 1614. 2 for the meaningless “razābin al-Kissī.” In 1609. 15 a force of “Bābīya” is mentioned along with the Sughdians, and the name, though unrecognisable, probably refers to some forces connected with Sughd. Wellhausen’s conclusion that the Sughdians and “Bābīya” formed part of the personal following of Hārith b. Surayj seems to force the connection in the text too far (hamala ʾl-hārithu waman maʿahu min ahliʾs-sughdi wal-bābīyati). On the other hand, since al-Ishkand appears as the ally of Hārith, we may conclude that some understanding existed between the latter and the Sughdians (and therefore the Turks) at the time of his revolt. It is probable that the Sughdian corps assisted in the recovery of Samarqand from the Arabs.