A Further Contribution to the Study of the Mortuary Customs of the North American Indians

by H. C. Yarrow

LIVING SEPULCHERS.

This is a term quaintly used by the learned M. Pierre Muret to express the devouring of the dead by birds and animals or the surviving friends and relatives. Exposure of the dead to animals and birds has already been mentioned, but in the absence of any positive proof, it is not believed that the North American Indians followed the custom, although cannibalism may have prevailed to a limited extent. It is true that a few accounts are given by authors, but these are considered apochryphal in character, and the one mentioned is only offered to show how credulous were the early writers on American natives.

That such a means of disposing of the dead was not in practice is somewhat remarkable when we take into consideration how many analogies been found in comparing old and new world funeral observances, and the statements made by Bruhier, Lafitau, Muret, and others, who give a number of examples of this peculiar mode of burial.

For instance, the Tartars sometimes ate their dead, and the Massagetics, Padæans, Derbices, and Effedens did the same, having previously strangled the aged and mixed their flesh with mutton. Horace and Tertullian both affirm that the Irish and ancient Britons devoured the dead, and Lafitau remarks that certain Indians of South America did the same, esteeming this mode of disposal more honorable and much to be preferred than to rot and be eaten by worms.

J. G. Wood, in his work already quoted, states that the Fans of Africa devour their dead, but this disposition is followed only for the common people, the kings and chiefs being buried with much ceremony.

The following extract is from Lafitau:[85]

Dans l’Amérique Méridionale quelque Peuples décharnent les corps de leurs Guerriers et les mangent leurs chairs, ainsi que je viens de le dire, et après les avoir consumées, ils conservent pendant quelque temps leurs cadavres avec respect dans leurs Cabanes, et il portent ces squeletes dans les combats en guise d’Etendard, pour ranimer leur courage par cette vue et inspirer de la terreur à leurs ennemis. ***

Il est vrai qu’il y en a qui font festin des cadavres de leurs parens; mais il est faux qu’elles les mettent à mort dans leur vieillesse, pour avoir le plaisir de se nourrir de leur chair, et d’en faire un repas. Quelques Nations de l’Amérique Méridionale, qui ont encore cette coutume de manger les corps morts de leurs parens, n’en usent ainsi que par piété, piété mal entenduë à la verité, mais piété colorée néanmoins par quelque ombre de raison; car ils croyent leur donner une sépulture bien plus honorable.

To the credit of our savages, this barbarous and revolting practice is not believed to have been practiced by them.

[ MOURNING, SACRIFICE, FEASTS, FOOD,
DANCES, SONGS, GAMES, POSTS, FIRES,
AND SUPERSTITIONS IN CONNECTION WITH BURIAL.]

The above subjects are coincident with burial, and some of them, particularly mourning, have been more or less treated of in this paper, yet it may be of advantage to here give a few of the collected examples, under separate heads.

MOURNING.

One of the most carefully described scenes of mourning at the death of a chief of the Crows is related in the life of Beckwourth,[86] who for many years lived among this people, finally attaining great distinction as a warrior.

I dispatched a herald to the village to inform them of the head chief’s death, and then, burying him according to his directions, we slowly proceeded homewards. My very soul sickened at the contemplation of the scenes that would be enacted at my arrival. When we drew in sight of the village, we found every lodge laid prostrate. We entered amid shrieks, cries, and yells. Blood was streaming from every conceivable part of the bodies of all who were old enough to comprehend their loss. Hundreds of fingers were dismembered; hair torn from the head lay in profusion about the paths; wails and moans in every direction assailed the ear, where unrestrained joy had a few hours before prevailed. This fearful mourning lasted until evening of the next day. ***

A herald having been dispatched to our other villages to acquaint them with the death of our head chief, and request them to assemble at the Rose Bud, in order to meet our village and devote themselves to a general time of mourning, there met, in conformity to the summons, over ten thousand Crows at the place indicated. Such a scene of disorderly, vociferous mourning, no imagination can conceive nor any pen portray. Long Hair cut off a large roll of his hair; a thing he was never known to do before. The cutting and hacking of human flesh exceeded all my previous experience; fingers were dismembered as readily as twigs, and blood was poured out like water. Many of the warriors would cut two gashes nearly the entire length of their arm; then, separating the skin from the flesh at one end, would grasp it in their other hand, and rip it asunder to the shoulder. Others would carve various devices upon their breasts and shoulders, and raise the skin in the same manner to make the scars show to advantage after the wound was healed. Some of their mutilations were ghastly, and my heart sickened to look at them, but they would not appear to receive any pain from them.

It should be remembered that many of Beckwourth’s statements are to be taken cum grana salis.

From I. L. Mahan, United States Indian agent for the Chippewas of Lake Superior, Red Cliff, Wisconsin, the following detailed account of mourning has been received:

There is probably no people that exhibit more sorrow and grief for their dead than they. The young widow mourns the loss of her husband; by day as by night she is heard silently sobbing; she is a constant visitor to the place of rest; with the greatest reluctance will she follow the raised camp. The friends and relatives of the young mourner will incessantly devise methods to distract her mind from the thought of her lost husband. She refuses nourishment, but as nature is exhausted she is prevailed upon to partake of food; the supply is scant, but on every occasion the best and largest proportion is deposited upon the grave of her husband. In the mean time the female relatives of the deceased have, according to custom, submitted to her charge a parcel made up of different cloths ornamented with bead-work and eagle’s feathers, which she is charged to keep by her side—the place made vacant by the demise of her husband—a reminder of her widowhood. She is therefore for a term of twelve moons not permitted to wear any finery, neither is she permitted to slicken up and comb her head; this to avoid attracting attention. Once in a while a female relative of deceased, commiserating with her grief and sorrow, will visit her and voluntarily proceed to comb out the long-neglected and matted hair. With a jealous eye a vigilant watch is kept over her conduct during the term of her widowhood, yet she is allowed the privilege to marry, any time during her widowhood, an unmarried brother or cousin, or a person of the same Dodem [sic] (family mark) of her husband.

At the expiration of her term, the vows having been faithfully performed and kept, the female relatives of deceased assemble and, with greetings commensurate to the occasion, proceed to wash her face, comb her hair, and attire her person with new apparel, and otherwise demonstrating the release from her vow and restraint. Still she has not her entire freedom. If she will still refuse to marry a relative of the deceased and will marry another, she then has to purchase her freedom by giving a certain amount of goods and whatever else she might have manufactured during her widowhood in anticipation of the future now at hand. Frequently, though, during widowhood the vows are disregarded and an inclination to flirt and play courtship or form an alliance of marriage outside of the relatives of the deceased is being indulged, and when discovered the widow is set upon by the female relatives, her slick braided hair is shorn close up to the back of her neck, all her apparel and trinkets are torn from her person, and a quarrel frequently results fatally to some member of one or the other side.

Thomas L. McKenney[87] gives a description of the Chippewa widow which differs slightly from the one above:

I have noticed several women here carrying with them rolls of clothing. On inquiring what these imported, I learn that they are widows who carry them, and that these are badges of mourning. It is indispensable, when a woman of the Chippeway Nation loses her husband, for her to take of her best apparel—and the whole of it is not worth a dollar—and roll it up, and confine it by means of her husband’s sashes; and if he had ornaments, these are generally put on the top of the roll, and around it is wrapped a piece of cloth. This bundle is called her husband, and it is expected that she is never to be seen without it. If she walks out she takes it with her; if she sits down in her lodge, she places it by her side. This badge of widowhood and of mourning the widow is compelled to carry with her until some of her late husband’s family shall call and take it away, which is done when they think she has mourned long enough, and which is generally at the expiration of a year. She is then, but not before, released from her mourning, and at liberty to marry again. She has the privilege to take this husband to the family of the deceased and leave it, but this is considered indecorous, and is seldom done. Sometimes a brother of the deceased takes the widow for his wife at the grave of her husband, which is done by a ceremony of walking her over it. And this he has a right to do; and when this is done she is not required to go into mourning; or, if she chooses, she has the right to go to him, and he is bound to support her.

I visited a lodge to-day, where I saw one of these badges. The size varies according to the quantity of clothing which the widow may happen to have. It is expected of her to put up her best and wear her worst. The “husband” I saw just now was 30 inches high and 18 inches in circumference.

I was told by the interpreter that he knew a woman who had been left to mourn after this fashion for years, none of her husband’s family calling for the badge or token of her grief. At a certain time it was told her that some of her husband’s family were passing, and she was advised to speak to them on the subject. She did so, and told them she had mourned long and was poor; that she had no means to buy clothes, and her’s being all in the mourning badge, and sacred, could not be touched. She expressed a hope that her request might not be interpreted into a wish to marry; it was only made that she might be placed in a situation to get some clothes. She got for answer, that “they were going to Mackinac, and would think of it.” They left her in this state of uncertainty, but on returning, and finding her faithful still, they took her “husband” and presented her with clothing of various kinds. Thus was she rewarded for her constancy and made comfortable.

The Choctaw widows mourn by never combing their hair for the term of their grief, which is generally about a year. The Chippeway men mourn by painting their faces black.

I omitted to mention that when presents are going round, the badge of mourning, this “husband” comes in for an equal share, as if it were the living husband.

A Chippeway mother, on losing her child, prepares an image of it in the best manner she is able, and dresses it as she did her living child, and fixes it in the kind of cradle I have referred to, and goes through the ceremonies of nursing it as if it were alive, by dropping little particles of food in the direction of its mouth, and giving it of whatever the living child partook. This ceremony also is generally observed for a year.

Figure 32 represents the Chippewa widow holding in her arms the substitute for the dead husband.

Fig. 32.—Chippewa Widow.

The substitution of a reminder for the dead husband, made from rags, furs, and other articles, is not confined alone to the Chippewas, other tribes having the same custom. In some instances the widows are obliged to carry around with them, for a variable period, a bundle containing the bones of the deceased consort.

Similar observances, according to Bancroft,[88] were followed by some of the Central American tribes of Indians, those of the Sambos and Mosquitos being as follows:

The widow was bound to supply the grave of her husband for a year, after which she took up the bones and carried them with her for another year, at last placing them upon the roof of her house, and then only was she allowed to marry again.

On returning from the grave the property of the deceased is destroyed, the cocoa palms being cut down, and all who have taken part in the funeral undergo a lustration in the river. Relatives cut off the hair, the men leaving a ridge along the middle from the nape of the neck to the forehead. Widows, according to some old writers, after supplying the grave with food for a year take up the bones and carry them on the back in the daytime, sleeping with them at night for another year, after which they are placed at the door or upon the house-top. On the anniversary of deaths, friends of the deceased hold a feast, called seekroe, at which large quantities of liquor are drained to his memory. Squier, who witnessed the ceremonies on an occasion of this kind, says that males and females were dressed in ule cloaks fantastically painted black and white, while their faces were correspondingly streaked with red and yellow, and they performed a slow walk around, prostrating themselves at intervals and calling loudly upon the dead and tearing the ground with their hands. At no other time is the departed referred to, the very mention of his name being superstitiously avoided. Some tribes extend a thread from the house of death to the grave, carrying it in a straight line over every obstacle. Fröebel states that among the Woolwas all property of the deceased is buried with him, and that both husband and wife cut the hair and burn the hut on the death of either, placing a gruel of maize upon the grave for a certain time.

Benson[89] gives the following account of the Choctaws’ funeral ceremonies, embracing the disposition of the body, mourning feast and dance:

Their funeral is styled by them “the last cry.”

When the husband dies the friends assemble, prepare the grave, and place the corpse in it, but do not fill it up. The gun, bow and arrows, hatchet, and knife are deposited in the grave. Poles are planted at the head and the foot, upon which flags are placed; the grave is then inclosed by pickets driven in the ground. The funeral ceremonies now begin, the widow being the chief mourner. At night and morning she will go to the grave and pour forth the most piteous cries and wailings. It is not important that any other member of the family should take any very active part in the “cry,” though they do participate to some extent.

The widow wholly neglects her toilet, while she daily goes to the grave during one entire moon from the date when the death occurred. On the evening of the last day of the moon the friends all assemble at the cabin of the disconsolate widow, bringing provisions for a sumptuous feast, which consists of corn and jerked beef boiled together in a kettle. While the supper is preparing the bereaved wife goes to the grave and pours out, with unusual vehemence, her bitter wailings and lamentations. When the food is thoroughly cooked the kettle is taken from the fire and placed in the center of the cabin, and the friends gather around it, passing the buffalo-horn spoon from hand to hand and from mouth to mouth till all have been bountifully supplied. While supper is being served, two of the oldest men of the company quietly withdraw and go to the grave and fill it up, taking down the flags. All then join in a dance, which not unfrequently is continued till morning; the widow does not fail to unite in the dance, and to contribute her part to the festivities of the occasion. This is the “last cry,” the days of mourning are ended, and the widow is now ready to form another matrimonial alliance. The ceremonies are precisely the same when a man has lost his wife, and they are only slightly varied when any other member of the family has died. (Slaves were buried without ceremonies.)

SACRIFICE.

Some examples of human sacrifice have already been given in connection with another subject, but it is thought others might prove interesting. The first relates to the Natchez of Louisiana.[90]

When their sovereign died he was accompanied in the grave by his wives and by several of his subjects. The lesser Suns took care to follow the same custom. The law likewise condemned every Natchez to death who had married a girl of the blood of the Suns as soon as she was expired. On this occasion I must tell you the history of an Indian who was noways willing to submit to this law. His name was Elteacteal; he contracted an alliance with the Suns, but the consequences which this honor brought along with it had like to have proved very unfortunate to him. His wife fell sick; as soon as he saw her at the point of death he fled, embarked in a piragua on the Mississippi, and came to New Orleans. He put himself under the protection of M. de Bienville, the then governor, and offered to be his huntsman. The governor accepted his services, and interested himself for him with the Natchez, who declared that he had nothing more to fear, because the ceremony was past, and he was accordingly no longer a lawful prize.

Elteacteal, being thus assured, ventured to return to his nation, and, without settling among them, he made several voyages thither. He happened to be there when the Sun called the Stung Serpent, brother to the Great Sun, died. He was a relative of the late wife of Elteacteal, and they resolved to make him pay his debt. M. de Bienville had been recalled to France, and the sovereign of the Natchez thought that the protector’s absence had annulled the reprieve granted to the protected person, and accordingly he caused him to be arrested. As soon as the poor fellow found himself in the hut of the grand chief of war, together with the other victims destined to be sacrificed to the Stung Serpent, he gave vent to the excess of his grief. The favorite wife of the late Son, who was likewise to be sacrificed, and who saw the preparations for her death with firmness, and seemed impatient to rejoin her husband, hearing Elteacteal’s complaints and groans, said to him: “Art thou no warrior?” He answered, “Yes: I am one.” “However,” said she, “thou cryest; life is dear to thee, and as that is the case, it is not good that thou shouldst go along with us; go with the women.” Elteacteal replied: “True; life is dear to me. It would be well if I walked yet on earth till to the death of the Great Sun, and I would die with him.” “Go thy way,” said the favorite, “it is not fit thou shouldst go with us, and that thy heart should remain behind on earth. Once more, get away, and let me see thee no more.”

Elteacteal did not stay to hear this order repeated to him; he disappeared like lightning; three old women, two of which were his relatives, offered to pay his debt; their age and their infirmities had disgusted them of life; none of them had been able to use their legs for a great while. The hair of the two that were related to Elteacteal was no more gray than those of women of fifty-five years in France. The other old woman was a hundred and twenty years old, and had very white hair, which is a very uncommon thing among the Indians. None of the three had a quite wrinkled skin. They were dispatched in the evening, one at the door of the Stung Serpent, and the other two upon the place before the temple. *** A cord is fastened round their necks with a slip-knot, and eight men of their relations strangle them by drawing, four one way and four the other. So many are not necessary, but as they acquire nobility by such executions, there are always more than are wanting, and the operation is performed in an instant. The generosity of these women gave Elteacteal life again, acquired him the degree of considered, and cleared his honor, which he had sullied by fearing death. He remained quiet after that time, and taking advantage of what he had learned during his stay among the French, he became a juggler and made use of his knowledge to impose upon his countrymen.

The morning after this execution they made everything ready for the convoy, and the hour being come, the great master of the ceremonies appeared at the door of the hut, adorned suitably to his quality. The victims who were to accompany the deceased prince into the mansion of the spirits came forth; they consisted of the favorite wife of the deceased, of his second wife, his chancellor, his physician, his hired man, that is, his first servant, and of some old women.

The favorite went to the Great Sun, with whom there were several Frenchmen, to take leave of him; she gave orders for the Suns of both sexes that were her children to appear, and spoke to the following effect:

“Children, this is the day on which I am to tear myself from you (sic) arms and to follow your father’s steps, who waits for me in the country of the spirits; if I were to yield to your tears I would injure my love and fail in my duty. I have done enough for you by bearing you next to my heart, and by suckling you with my breasts. You that are descended of his blood and fed by my milk, ought you to shed tears? Rejoice rather that you are Suns and warriors; you are bound to give examples of firmness and valor to the whole nation: go, my children, I have provided for all your wants, by procuring you friends; my friends and those of your father are yours too; I leave you amidst them; they are the French; they are tender-hearted and generous; make yourselves worthy of their esteem by not degenerating from your race; always act openly with them and never implore them with meanness.

“And you, Frenchmen,” added she, turning herself towards our officers, “I recommend my orphan children to you; they will know no other fathers than you; you ought to protect them.”

After that she got up; and, followed by her troop, returned to her husband’s hut with a surprising firmness.

A noble woman came to join herself to the number of victims of her own accord, being engaged by the friendship she bore the Stung Serpent to follow him into the other world. The Europeans called her the haughty lady, on account of her majestic deportment and her proud air, and because she only frequented the company of the most distinguished Frenchmen. They regretted her much, because she had the knowledge of several simples with which she had saved the lives of many of our sick. This moving sight filled our people with grief and horror. The favorite wife of the deceased rose up and spoke to them with a smiling countenance: “I die without fear;” said she, “grief does not embitter my last hours. I recommend my children to you; whenever you see them, noble Frenchmen, remember that you have loved their father, and that he was till death a true and sincere friend of your nation, whom he loved more than himself. The disposer of life has been pleased to call him, and I shall soon go and join him; I shall tell him that I have seen your hearts moved at the sight of his corps; do not be grieved; we shall be longer friends in the country of the spirits than here, because we do not die there again.”[91*]

These words forced tears from the eyes of all the French; they were obliged to do all they could to prevent the Great Sun from killing himself, for he was inconsolable at the death of his brother, upon whom he was used to lay the weight of government, he being great chief of war of the Natches, i.e. generalissimo of their armies; that prince grew furious by the resistance he met with; he held his gun by the barrel, and the Sun, his presumptive heir, held it by the lock, and caused the powder to fall out of the pan; the hut was full of Suns, Nobles, and Honorables[92*] but the French raised their spirits again, by hiding all the arms belonging to the sovereign, and filling the barrel of his gun with water, that it might be unfit for use for some time.

As soon as the Suns saw their sovereign’s life in safety, they thanked the French, by squeezing their hands, but without speaking; a most profound silence reigned throughout, for grief and awe kept in bounds the multitude that were present.

The wife of the Great Sun was seized with fear during this transaction. She was asked whether she was ill, and she answered aloud, “Yes, I am”; and added with a lower voice, “If the Frenchmen go out of this hut, my husband dies and all the Natches will die with him; stay, then, brave Frenchmen, because your words are as powerful as arrows; besides, who could have ventured to do what you have done? But you are his true friends and those of his brother.” Their laws obliged the Great Sun’s wife to follow her husband in the grave; this was doubtless the cause of her fears; and likewise the gratitude towards the French, who interested themselves in behalf of his life, prompted her to speak in the above-mentioned manner.

The Great Sun gave his hand to the officers, and said to them: “My friends, my heart is so overpowered with grief that, though my eyes were open, I have not taken notice that you have been standing all this while, nor have I asked you to sit down; but pardon the excess of my affliction.”

The Frenchmen told him that he had no need of excuses; that they were going to leave him alone, but that they would cease to be his friends unless he gave orders to light the fires again,[93*] lighting his own before them; and that they should not leave him till his brother was buried.

He took all the Frenchmen by the hands, and said: “Since all the chiefs and noble officers will have me stay on earth, I will do it; I will not kill myself; let the fires be lighted again immediately, and I’ll wait till death joins me to my brother; I am already old, and till I die I shall walk with the French; had it not been for them I should have gone with my brother, and all the roads would have been covered with dead bodies.”

Improbable as this account may appear, it has nevertheless been credited by some of the wisest and most careful of ethnological writers, and its seeming appearance of romance disappears when the remembrance of similar ceremonies among Old World peoples comes to our minds.

An apparently well-authenticated case of attempted burial sacrifice is described by Miss A. J. Allen,[94] and refers to the Wascopums, of Oregon.

At length, by meaning looks and gestures rather than words, it was found that the chief had determined that the deceased boy’s friend, who had been his companion in hunting the rabbit, snaring the pheasant, and fishing in the streams, was to be his companion to the spirit land; his son should not be deprived of his associate in the strange world to which he had gone; that associate should perish by the hand of his father, and be conveyed with him to the dead-house. This receptacle was built on a long, black rock in the center of the Columbia River, around which, being so near the falls, the current was amazingly rapid. It was thirty feet in length, and perhaps half that in breadth, completely enclosed and sodded except at one end, where was a narrow aperture just sufficient to carry a corpse through. The council overruled, and little George, instead of being slain, was conveyed living to the dead-house about sunset. The dead were piled on each side, leaving a narrow aisle between, and on one of these was placed the deceased boy; and, bound tightly till the purple, quivering flesh puffed above the strong bark cords, that he might die very soon, the living was placed by his side, his face to his till the very lips met, and extending along limb to limb and foot to foot, and nestled down into his couch of rottenness, to impede his breathing as far as possible and smother his cries.

Bancroft[95] states that—

The slaves sacrificed at the graves by the Aztecs and Tarascos were selected from various trades and professions, and took with them the most cherished articles of the master and the implements of their trade wherewith to supply his wants—

while among certain of the Central American tribe death was voluntary, wives, attendants, slaves, friends, and relations sacrificing themselves by means of a vegetable poison.

To the mind of a savage man unimpressed with the idea that self-murder is forbidden by law or custom, there can seem no reason why, if he so wills, he should not follow his beloved chief, master, or friend to the “happy other world;” and when this is remembered we need not feel astonished as we read of accounts in which scores of self immolations are related. It is quite likely that among our own people similar customs might be followed did not the law and society frown down such proceedings. In fact the daily prints occasionally inform us, notwithstanding the restraints mentioned, that sacrifices do take place on the occasion of the death of a beloved one.

FEASTS.

In Beltrami[96] an account is given of the funeral ceremonies of one of the tribes of the west, including a description of the feast which took place before the body was consigned to its final resting-place:

I was a spectator of the funeral ceremony performed in honor of the manes of Cloudy Weather’s son-in-law, whose body had remained with the Sioux, and was suspected to have furnished one of their repasts. What appeared not a little singular and indeed ludicrous in this funeral comedy was the contrast exhibited by the terrific lamentations and yells of one part of the company while the others were singing and dancing with all their might.

At another funeral ceremony for a member of the Grand Medicine, and at which as a man of another world I was permitted to attend, the same practice occurred. But at the feast which took place on that occasion an allowance was served up for the deceased out of every article of which it consisted, while others were beating, wounding, and torturing themselves, and letting their blood flow both over the dead man and his provisions, thinking possibly that this was the most palatable seasoning for the latter which they could possibly supply. His wife furnished out an entertainment present for him of all her hair and rags, with which, together with his arms, his provisions, his ornaments, and his mystic medicine bag, he was wrapped up in the skin which had been his last covering when alive. He was then tied round with the bark of some particular trees which they use for making cords, and bonds of a very firm texture and hold (the only ones indeed which they have), and instead of being buried in the earth was hung up to a large oak. The reason of this was that, as his favorite Manitou was the eagle, his spirit would be enabled more easily from such a situation to fly with him to Paradise.

Hind[97] mentions an account of a burial feast by De Brebeuf which occurred among the Hurons of New York:

The Jesuit missionary, P. de Brebeuf, who assisted at one of the “feasts of the dead” at the village of Ossosane, before the dispersion of the Hurons, relates that the ceremony took place in the presence of 2,000 Indians, who offered 1,300 presents at the common tomb, in testimony of their grief. The people belonging to five large villages deposited the bones of their dead in a gigantic shroud, composed of forty-eight robes, each robe being made of ten beaver skins. After being carefully wrapped in this shroud, they were placed between moss and bark. A wall of stones was built around this vast ossuary to preserve it from profanation. Before covering the bones with earth a few grains of Indian corn were thrown by the women upon the sacred relics. According to the superstitious belief of the Hurons the souls of the dead remain near the bodies until the “feast of the dead”; after which ceremony they become free, and can at once depart for the land of spirits, which they believe to be situated in the regions of the setting sun.

Ossuaries have not been used by savage nations alone, for the custom of exhuming the bones of the dead after a certain period, and collecting them in suitable receptacles, is well known to have been practiced in Italy, Switzerland, and France. The writer saw in the church-yard of Zug, Switzerland, in 1857, a slatted pen containing the remains of hundreds of individuals. These had been dug up from the grave-yard and preserved in the manner indicated. The catacombs of Naples and Paris afford examples of burial ossuaries.

SUPERSTITION REGARDING BURIAL FEASTS.

The following account is by Dr. S. G. Wright, acting physician to the Leech Lake Agency, Minnesota:—

Pagan Indians or those who have not become Christians still adhere to the ancient practice of feasting at the grave of departed friends; the object is to feast with the departed; that is, they believe that while they partake of the visible material the departed spirit partakes at the same time of the spirit that dwells in the food. From ancient time it was customary to bury with the dead various articles, such especially as were most valued in lifetime. The idea was that there was a spirit dwelling in the article represented by the material article; thus the war-club contained a spiritual war-club, the pipe a spiritual pipe, which could be used by the departed in another world. These several spiritual implements were supposed, of course, to accompany the soul, to be used also on the way to its final abode. This habit has now ceased.

FOOD.

This subject has been sufficiently mentioned elsewhere in connection with other matters and does not need to be now repeated. It has been an almost universal custom throughout the whole extent of the country to place food in or near the grave of deceased persons.

DANCES.

Gymnastic exercises, dignified with this name, upon the occasion of a death or funeral, were common to many tribes. It is thus described by Morgan:[98]

An occasional and very singular figure was called the “dance for the dead.” It was known as the O-hé-wä. It was danced by the women alone. The music was entirely vocal, a select band of singers being stationed in the center of the room. To the songs for the dead which they sang the dancers joined in chorus. It was plaintive and mournful music. This dance was usually separate from all councils and the only dance of the occasion. It was commenced at dusk or soon after and continued until towards morning, when the shades of the dead who were believed to be present and participate in the dance were supposed to disappear. The dance was had whenever a family which had lost a member called for it, which was usually a year after the event. In the spring and fall it was often given for all the dead indiscriminately, who were believed then to revisit the earth and join in the dance.

The interesting account which now follows is by Stephen Powers[99] and relates to the Yo-kaí-a of California, containing other matters of importance pertaining to burial:

I paid a visit to their camp four miles below Ukiah, and finding there a unique kind of assembly-house, desired to enter and examine it, but was not allowed to do so until I had gained the confidence of the old sexton by a few friendly words and the tender of a silver half dollar. The pit of it was about 50 feet in diameter and 4 or 5 feet deep, and it was so heavily roofed with earth that the interior was damp and somber as a tomb. It looked like a low tumulus, and was provided with a tunnel-like entrance about 10 feet long and 4 feet high, and leading down to a level with the floor of the pit. The mouth of the tunnel was closed with brush, and the venerable sexton would not remove it until he had slowly and devoutly paced several times to and fro before the entrance.

Passing in I found the massive roof supported by a number of peeled poles painted white and ringed with black and ornamented with rude devices. The floor was covered thick and green with sprouting wheat, which had been scattered to feed the spirit of the captain of the tribe, lately deceased. Not long afterwards a deputation of the Senèl come up to condole with the Yo-kaí-a on the loss of their chief, and a dance or series of dances was held which lasted three days. During this time of course the Senèl were the guests of the Yo-kaí-a, and the latter were subjected to a considerable expense. I was prevented by other engagements from being present, and shall be obliged to depend on the description of an eye-witness, Mr. John Tenney, whose account is here given with a few changes:

There are four officials connected with the building, who are probably chosen to preserve order and to allow no intruders. They are the assistants of the chief. The invitation to attend was from one of them, and admission was given by the same. These four wore black vests trimmed with red flannel and shell ornaments. The chief made no special display on the occasion. In addition to these four, who were officers of the assembly-chamber, there were an old man and a young woman, who seemed to be priest and priestess. The young woman was dressed differently from any other, the rest dressing in plain calico dresses. Her dress was white covered with spots of red flannel, cut in neat figure, ornamented with shells. It looked gorgeous and denoted some office, the name of which I could not ascertain. Before the visitors were ready to enter, the older men of the tribe were reclining around the fire smoking and chatting. As the ceremonies were about to commence, the old man and young woman were summoned, and, standing at the end opposite the entrance, they inaugurated the exercises by a brief service, which seemed to be a dedication of the house to the exercises about to commence. Each of them spoke a few words, joined in a brief chant, and the house was thrown open for their visitors. They staid at their post until the visitors entered and were seated on one side of the room. After the visitors then others were seated, making about 200 in all, though there was plenty of room in the center for the dancing.

Before the dance commented the chief of the visiting tribe made a brief speech in which he no doubt referred to the death of the chief of the Yo-kaí-a, and offered the sympathy of his tribe in this loss. As he spoke, some of the women scarcely refrained from crying out, and with difficulty they suppressed their sobs. I presume that he proposed a few moments of mourning, for when he stopped the whole assemblage burst forth into a bitter wailing, some screaming as if in agony. The whole thing created such a din that I was compelled to stop my ears. The air was rent and pierced with their cries. This wailing and shedding of tears lasted about three or five minutes, though it seemed to last a half hour. At a given signal they ceased, wiped their eyes, and quieted down.

Then preparations were made for the dance. One end of the room was set aside for the dressing-room. The chief actors wens five men, who were muscular and agile. They were profusely decorated with paint and feathers, while white and dark stripes covered their bodies. They were girt about the middle with cloth of bright colors, sometimes with variegated shawls. A feather mantle hung from the shoulder, reaching below the knee; strings of shells ornamented the neck, while their heads were covered with a crown of eagle feathers. They had whistles in their months as they danced, swaying their heads, bending and whirling their bodies; every muscle seemed to be exercised, and the feather ornaments quivered with light. They were agile and graceful as they bounded about in the sinuous course of the dance.

The five men were assisted by a semicircle of twenty women, who only marked time by stepping up and down with short step. They always took their places first and disappeared first, the men making their exit gracefully one by one. The dresses of the women were suitable for the occasion. They were white dresses, trimmed heavily with black velvet. The stripes were about three inches wide, some plain and others edged like saw teeth. This was an indication of their mourning for the dead chief, in whose honor they had prepared that style of dancing. Strings of haliotis and pachydesma shell beads encircled their necks, and around their waists were belts heavily loaded with the same material. Their head-dresses were more showy than those of the men. The head was encircled with a bandeau of otters’ or beavers’ fur, to which were attached short wires standing out in all directions, with glass or shell beads strung on them, and at the tips little feather flags and quail plumes. Surmounting all was a pyramidal plume of feathers, black, gray, and scarlet, the top generally being a bright scarlet bunch, waving and tossing very beautifully. All these combined gave their heads a very brilliant and spangled appearance.

The first day the dance was slow and funereal, in honor of the Yo-kaí-a chief who died a short time before. The music was mournful and simple, being a monotonous chant in which only two tones were used, accompanied with a rattling of split sticks and stamping on a hollow slab. The second day the dance was more lively on the part of the men, the music was better, employing airs which had a greater range of tune, and the women generally joined in the chorus. The dress of the women was not so beautiful, as they appeared in ordinary calico. The third day, if observed in accordance with Indian custom, the dancing was still more lively and the proceedings more gay, just as the coming home from a Christian funeral is apt to be much more jolly than the going out.

A Yo-kaí-a widow’s style of mourning is peculiar. In addition to the usual evidences of grief, she mingles the ashes of her dead husband with pitch, making a white tar or unguent, with which she smears a band about two inches wide all around the edge of the hair (which is previously cut off close to the head), so that at a little distance she appears to be wearing a white chaplet.

It is their custom to “feed the spirits of the dead” for the space of one year by going daily to places which they were accustomed to frequent while living, where they sprinkle pinole upon the ground. A Yo-kaí-a mother who has lost her babe goes every day for a year to some place where her little one played when alive, or to the spot where the body was burned, and milks her breasts into the air. This is accompanied by plaintive mourning and weeping and piteous calling upon her little one to return, and sometimes she sings a hoarse and melancholy chant, and dances with a wild static swaying of the body.

SONGS.

It has nearly always been customary to sing songs at not only funerals, but for varying periods of time afterwards, although these chants may no doubt occasionally have been simply wailing or mournful ejaculation. A writer[100] mentions it as follows:

At almost all funerals there is an irregular crying kind of singing, with no accompaniments, but generally all do not sing the same melody at the same time in unison. Several may sing the same song and at the same time, but each begins and finishes when he or she may wish. Often for weeks, or even months, after the decease of a dear friend, a living one, usually a woman, will sit by her house and sing or cry by the hour, and they also sing for a short time when they visit the grave or meet an esteemed friend whom they have not seen since the decease. At the funeral both men and women sing. No. 11 I have heard more frequently some time after the funeral, and No. 12 at the time of the funeral, by the Twanas. (For song see p. 251 of the magazine quoted.) The words are simply an exclamation of grief, as our word “alas,” but they also have other words which they use, and sometimes they use merely the syllable la. Often the notes are sung in this order, and sometimes not, but in some order the notes do and la, and occasionally mi, are sung.

Some pages back will be found a reference, and the words of a peculiar death dirge sung by the Senèl of California, as related by Mr. Powers. It is as follows:

Hel-lel-li-ly,

Hel-lel-lo,

Hel-lel-lo.

Mr. John Campbell, of Montreal, Canada, has kindly called the attention of the writer to death songs very similar in character; for instance, the Basques of Spain ululate thus:

Lelo il Lelo, Lelo dead Lelo,

Lelo il Lelo,

Lelo zarat, Lelo zara,

Il Lelon killed Lelo.

This was called the “ululating Lelo.” Mr. Campbell says:

This again connects with the Linus or Ailinus of the Greeks and Egyptians *** which Wilkinson connects with the Coptic “ya lay-lee-ya lail.” The Alleluia which Lescarbot heard the South Americans sing must have been the same wail. The Greek verb ὀλολύζω and the Latin ululare, with an English howl and wail, are probably derived from this ancient form of lamentation.

In our own time a writer on the manner and customs of the Creeks describes a peculiar alleluia or hallelujah he heard, from which he inferred that the American Indians must be the descendants of the lost tribes of Israel.

GAMES.

It is not proposed to describe under this heading examples of those athletic and gymnastic performances following the death of a person which have been described by Lafitau, but simply to call attention to a practice as a secondary or adjunct part of the funeral rites, which consists in gambling for the possession of the property of the defunct. Dr. Charles E. McChesney, U.S.A., who for some time was stationed among the Wahpeton and Sisseton Sioux, furnishes a detailed and interesting account of what is called the “ghost gamble.” This is played with marked wild-plum stones. So far as ascertained it is peculiar to the Sioux. Figure 33 appears as a fair illustration of the manner in which this game is played.

Fig. 33.—Ghost Gamble.

After the death of a wealthy Indian the near relatives take charge of the effects, and at a stated time—usually at the time of the first feast held over the bundle containing the lock of hair—they are divided into many small piles, so as to give all the Indians invited to play an opportunity to win something. One Indian is selected to represent the ghost and he plays against all the others, who are not required to stake anything on the result, but simply invited to take part in the ceremony, which is usually held in the lodge of the dead person, in which is contained the bundle inclosing the lock of hair. In cases where the ghost himself is not wealthy the stakes are furnished by his rich friends, should he have any. The players are called in one at a time, and play singly against the ghost’s representative, the gambling being done in recent years by means of cards. If the invited player succeeds in beating the ghost, he takes one of the piles of goods and passes out, when another is invited to play, &c., until all the piles of goods are won. In cases of men only the men play, and in cases of women the women only take part in the ceremony.

Before white men came among these Indians and taught them many of his improved vices, this game was played by means of figured plum-seeds, the men using eight and the women seven seeds, figured as follows, and shown in Figure 34.

Fig. 34.—Figured Plum Stones.

Two seeds are simply blackened on one side, the reverse containing nothing. Two seeds are black on one side, with a small spot of the color of the seed left in the center, the reverse side having a black spot in the center, the body being plain. Two seeds have a buffalo’s head on one side and the reverse simply two crossed black lines. There is but one seed of this kind in the set used by the women. Two seeds have half of one side blackened and the rest left plain, so as to represent a half moon; the reverse has a black longitudinal line crossed at right angles by six small ones. There are six throws whereby the player can win, and five that entitle him to another throw. The winning throws are as follows, each winner taking a pile of the ghost’s goods:

Fig. 35.—Winning Throw No. 1.	Fig. 36.—Winning Throw No. 2.
Fig. 37.—Winning Throw No. 3.	Fig. 38.—Winning Throw No. 4.
Fig. 39.—Winning Throw No. 5.	Fig. 40.—Winning Throw No. 6.

Two plain ones up, two plain with black spots up, buffalo’s head up, and two half moons up wins a pile. Two plain black ones up, two black with natural spots up, two longitudinally crossed ones up, and the transversely crossed one up wins a pile. Two plain black ones up, two black with natural spots up, two half moons up, and the transversely crossed one up wins a pile. Two plain black ones, two black with natural spots up, two half moons up, and the buffalo’s head up wins a pile. Two plain ones up, two with black spots up, two longitudinally crossed ones up, and the transversely crossed one up wins a pile. Two plain ones up, two with black spots up, buffalo’s head up, and two long crossed up wins a pile. The following auxiliary throws entitle to another chance to win: two plain ones up, two with black spots up, one half moon up, one longitudinally crossed one up, and buffalo’s head up gives another throw, and on this throw, if the two plain ones up and two with black spots with either of the half moons or buffalo’s head up, the player takes a pile. Two plain ones up, two with black spots up, two half moons up, and the transversely crossed one up entitles to another throw, when, if all of the black sides come up, excepting one, the throw wins. One of the plain ones up and all the rest with black sides up gives another throw, and the same then turning up wins. One of the plain black ones up with that side up of all the others having the least black on gives another throw, when the same turning up again wins. One half moon up, with that side up of all the others having the least black on gives another throw, and if the throw is then duplicated it wins. The eighth seed, used by the men, has its place in their game whenever its facings are mentioned above. I transmit with this paper a set of these figured seeds, which can be used to illustrate the game if desired. These seeds are said to be nearly a hundred years old, and sets of them are now very rare.

Fig. 41.—Auxiliary Throw No. 1.	Fig. 42.—Auxiliary Throw No. 2.
Fig. 43.—Auxiliary Throw No. 3.	Fig. 44.—Auxiliary Throw No. 4.
Fig. 45.—Auxiliary throw No 5.

For assisting in obtaining this account Dr. McChesney acknowledges his indebtedness to Dr. C. C. Miller, physician to the Sisseton Indian Agency.

Figures 35 to 45 represent the appearance of the plum stones and the different throws; these have been carefully drawn from the set of stones sent by Dr. McChesney.

POSTS.

These are placed at the head or foot of the grave, or at both ends, and have painted or carved on them a history of the deceased or his family, certain totemic characters, or, according to Schoolcraft, not the achievements of the dead, but of those warriors who assisted and danced at the interment. The northwest tribes and others frequently plant poles near the graves, suspending therefrom bite of rag, flags, horses’ tails, &c. The custom among the present Indians does not exist to any extent. Beltrami[101] speaks of it as follows:

Here I saw a most singular union. One of these graves was surmounted by a cross, whilst upon another close to it a trunk of a tree was raised, covered with hieroglyphics recording the number of enemies slain by the tenant of the tomb and several of his tutelary Manitous.

Fig. 46.—Grave Posts.

The following extract from Schoolcraft[102] relates to the burial posts used by the Sioux and Chippewas. Figure 46 is after the picture given by this author in connection with the account quoted:

Among the Sioux and Western Chippewas, after the body had been wrapped in its best clothes and ornaments, it is then placed on a scaffold or in a tree until the flesh is entirely decayed, after which the bones are buried and grave-posts fixed. At the head of the grave a tubular piece of cedar or other wood, called the adjedatig, is set. This grave-board contains the symbolic or representative figure, which records, if it be a warrior, his totem, that is to say the symbol of his family, or surname, and such arithmetical or other devices as seem to denote how many times the deceased has been in war parties, and how many scalps he has taken from the enemy—two facts from which his reputation is essentially to be derived. It is seldom that more is attempted in the way of inscription. Often, however, distinguished chiefs have their war flag, or, in modern days, a small ensign of American fabric, displayed on a standard at the head of their graves, which is left to fly over the deceased till it is wasted by the elements. Scalps of their enemies, feathers of the bald or black eagle, the swallow-tailed falcon, or some carnivorous bird, are also placed, in such instances, on the adjedatig, or suspended, with offerings of various kinds, on a separate staff. But the latter are superadditions of a religious character, and belong to the class of the Ke-ke-wa-o-win-an-tig (ante, No. 4). The building of a funeral fire on recent graves is also a rite which belongs to the consideration of their religious faith.

FIRES.

It is extremely difficult to determine why the custom of building fires on or near graves was originated, some authors stating that the soul thereby underwent a certain process of purification, others that demons were driven away by them, and again that they were to afford light to the wandering soul setting out for the spirit land. One writer states that—

The Algonkins believed that the fire lighted nightly on the grave was to light the spirit on its journey. By a coincidence to be explained by the universal sacredness of the number, both Algonkins and Mexicans maintained it for four nights consecutively. The former related the tradition that one of their ancestors returned from the spirit land and informed their nation that the journey thither consumed just four days, and that collecting fuel every night added much to the toil and fatigue the soul encountered, all of which could be spared it.

So it would appear that the belief existed that the fire was also intended to assist the spirit in preparing its repast.

Stephen Powers[103] gives a tradition current among the Yurok of California as to the use of fires:

After death they keep a fire burning certain nights in the vicinity of the grave. They hold and believe, at least the “Big Indians” do, that the spirits of the departed are compelled to cross an extremely attenuated greasy pole, which bridges over the chasm of the debatable land, and that they require the fire to light them on their darksome journey. A righteous soul traverses the pole quicker than a wicked one, hence they regulate the number of nights for burning a light according to the character for goodness or the opposite which the deceased possessed in this world.

Dr. Emil Bessels, of the Polaris expedition, informs the writer that a somewhat similar belief obtains among the Esquimaux.

Figure 47 is a fair illustration of a grave-fire; it also shows one of the grave-posts mentioned in a previous section.

Fig. 47.—Grave Fire.

SUPERSTITIONS.

An entire volume might well be written which should embrace only an account of the superstitious regarding death and burial among the Indians, so thoroughly has the matter been examined and discussed by various authors, and yet so much still remains to be commented on, but in this work, which is mainly tentative, and is hoped will be provocative of future efforts, it is deemed sufficient to give only a few accounts. The first is by Dr. W. Mathews, United States Army,[104] and relates to the Hidatsa:

When a Hidatsa dies, his shade lingers four nights around the camp or village in which he died, and then goes to the lodge of his departed kindred in the “village of the dead.” When he has arrived there he is rewarded for his valor, self-denial, and ambition on earth by receiving the same regard in the one place as in the other, for there as here the brave man is honored and the coward despised. Some say that the ghosts of those that commit suicide occupy a separate part of the village, but that their condition differs in no wise from that of the others. In the next world human shades hunt and live in the shades of buffalo and other animals that have here died. There, too there are four seasons, but they come in an inverse order to the terrestrial seasons. During the four nights that the ghost is supposed to linger near his former dwelling, those who disliked or feared the deceased, and do not wish a visit from the shade, scorch with red coals a pair of moccasins which they leave at the door of the lodge. The smell of the burning leather they claim keeps the ghost out; but the true friends of the dead man take no such precautions.

From this account it will be seen that the Hidatsa as well as the Algonkins and Mexicans believed that four days were required before the spirit could finally leave the earth. Why the smell of burning leather should be offensive to spirits it would perhaps be fruitless to speculate on.

The next account, by Keating,[105] relating to the Chippewas, shows a slight analogy regarding the slippery-pole tradition already alluded to:

The Chippewas believe that there is in man an essence entirely distinct from the body; they call it Ochechag, and appear to supply to it the qualities which we refer to the soul. They believe that it quits the body it the time of death, and repairs to what they term Chekechekchekawe; this region is supposed to be situated to the south, and on the shores of the great ocean. Previous to arriving there they meet with a stream which they are obliged to cross upon a large snake that answers the purpose of a bridge; those who die from drowning never succeed in crossing the stream; they are thrown into it and remain there forever. Some souls come to the edge of the stream, but are prevented from passing by the snake, which threatens to devour them; these are the souls of the persons in a lethargy or trance. Being refused a passage these souls return to their bodies and reanimate them. They believe that animals have souls, and even that inorganic substances, such as kettles, &c., have in them a similar essence.

In this land of souls all are treated according to their merits. Those who have been good men are free from pain; they have no duties to perform, their time is spent in dancing and singing, and they feed upon mushrooms, which are very abundant. The souls of bad men are haunted by the phantom of the persons or things that they have injured; thus, if a man has destroyed much property the phantoms of the wrecks of this property obstruct his passage wherever he goes; if he has been cruel to his dogs or horses they also torment him after death. The ghosts of those whom during his lifetime he wronged are there permitted to avenge their injuries. They think that when a soul has crossed the stream it cannot return to its body, yet they believe in apparitions, and entertain the opinion that the spirits of the departed will frequently revisit the abodes of their friends in order to invite them to the other world, and to forewarn them of their approaching dissolution.

Stephen Powers, in his valuable work so often quoted, gives a number of examples of superstitions regarding the dead, of which the following relates to the Karok of California:

How well and truly the Karok reverence the memory of the dead is shown by the fact that the highest crime one can commit is the pet-chi-é-ri the mere mention of the dead relative’s name. It is a deadly insult to the survivors, and can be atoned for only by the same amount of blood-money paid for willful murder. In default of that they will have the villain’s blood. *** At the mention of his name the mouldering skeleton turns in his grave and groans. They do not like stragglers even to inspect the burial place. *** They believe that the soul of a good Karok goes to the “happy western land” beyond the great ocean. That they have a well-grounded assurance of an immortality beyond the grave is proven, if not otherwise, by their beautiful and poetical custom of whispering a message in the ear of the dead. *** Believe that dancing will liberate some relative’s soul from bonds of death, and restore him to earth.

According to the same author, when a Kelta dies a little bird flies away with his soul to the spirit land. If he was a bad Indian a hawk will catch the little bird and eat him up, soul and feathers, but if he was good he will reach the spirit land. Mr. Powers also states that—

The Tolowa share in the superstitious observance for the memory of the dead which is common to the Northern Californian tribes. When I asked the chief Tahhokolli to tell me the Indian words for “father” and “mother” and certain others similar, he shook his head mournfully and said, “All dead,” “All dead,” “No good.” They are forbidden to mention the name of the dead, as it is a deadly insult to the relatives, *** and that the Mat-tóal hold that the good depart to a happy region somewhere southward in the great ocean, but the soul of a bad Indian transmigrates into a grizzly bear, which they consider, of all animals, the cousin-german of sin.

The same author who has been so freely quoted states as follows regarding some of the superstitions and beliefs of the Modocs:

*** It has always been one of the most passionate desires among the Modok, as well as their neighbors, the Shastika, to live, die, and be buried where they were born. Some of their usages in regard to the dead and their burial may be gathered from an incident that occurred while the captives of 1873 were on their way from the Lava Beds to Fort Klamath, as it was described by an eye-witness. Curly-headed Jack, a prominent warrior, committed suicide with a pistol. His mother and female friends gathered about him and set up a dismal wailing; they besmeared themselves with his blood and endeavored by other Indian customs to restore his life. The mother took his head in her lap and scooped the blood from his ear, another old woman placed her hand upon his heart, and a third blew in his face. The sight of the group—these poor old women, whose grief was unfeigned, and the dying man—was terrible in its sadness. Outside the tent stood Bogus-Charley, Huka Jim, Shucknasty Jim, Steamboat Frank, Curly-headed Doctor, and others who had been the dying man’s companions from childhood, all affected to tears. When he was lowered into the grave, before the soldiers began to cover the body, Huka Jim was seen running eagerly about the camp trying to exchange a two-dollar bill of currency for silver. He owed the dead warrior that amount of money, and he had grave doubts whether the currency would be of any use to him in the other world—sad commentary on our national currency!—and desired to have the coin instead. Procuring it from one of the soldiers he cast it in and seemed greatly relieved. All the dead man’s other effects, consisting of clothing, trinkets, and a half dollar, were interred with him, together with some root-flour as victual for the journey to the spirit land.

The superstitious fear Indians have of the dead or spirit of the dead may be observed from the following narrative by Swan.[106] It regards the natives of Washington Territory:

My opinion about the cause of these deserted villages is this: It is the universal custom with these Indians never to live in a lodge where a person has died. If a person of importance dies, the lodge is usually burned down, or taken down and removed to some other part of the bay; and it can be readily seen that in the case of the Palux Indians, who had been attacked by the Chehalis people, as before stated, their relatives chose at once to leave for some other place. This objection to living in a lodge where a person has died is the reason why their sick slaves are invariably carried out into the woods, where they remain either to recover or die. There is, however, no disputing the fact that an immense mortality has occurred among these people, and they are now reduced to a mere handful.

The great superstitious dread these Indians have for a dead person, and their horror of touching a corpse, oftentimes give rise to a difficulty as to who shall perform the funeral ceremonies; for any person who handles a dead body must not eat of salmon or sturgeon for thirty days. Sometimes, in cases of small-pox, I have known them leave the corpse in the lodge, and all remove elsewhere; and in two instances that came to my knowledge, the whites had to burn the lodges, with the bodies in them, to prevent infection.

So, in the instances I have before mentioned, where we had buried Indians, not one of their friends or relatives could be seen. All kept in their lodges, singing and drumming to keep away the spirits of the dead.

According to Bancroft[107]—

The Tlascaltecs supposed that the common people were after death transformed into beetles and disgusting objects, while the nobler became stars and beautiful birds.

The Mosquito Indians of Central America studiously and superstitiously avoid mentioning the name of the dead, in this regard resembling those of our own country.

Enough of illustrative examples have now been given, it is thought, to enable observers to thoroughly comprehend the scope of the proposed final volume on the mortuary customs of North American Indians, and while much more might have been added from the stored-up material on hand, it has not been deemed advisable at this time to yield to a desire for amplification. The reader will notice, as in the previous paper, that discussion has been avoided as foreign to the present purpose of the volume, which is intended, as has been already stated, simply to induce further investigation and contribution from careful and conscientious observers. From a perusal of the excerpts from books and correspondence given will be seen what facts are useful and needed; in short, most of them may serve as copies for preparation of similar material.

To assist observers, the queries published in the former volume are also given.

1st. Name of the tribe; present appellation; former, if differing any; and that used by the Indians themselves.

2d. Locality, present and former.—The response should give the range of the tribe and be full and geographically accurate.

3d. Deaths and funeral ceremonies; what are the important and characteristic facts connected with these subjects? How is the corpse prepared after death and disposed of? How long is it retained? Is it spoken to after death as if alive? when and where? What is the character of the addresses? What articles are deposited with it; and why? Is food put in the grave, or in or near it afterwards? Is this said to be an ancient custom? Are persons of the same gens buried together; and is the clan distinction obsolete, or did it ever prevail?

4th. Manner of burial, ancient and modern; structure and position of the graves; cremation.—Are burials usually made in high and dry grounds? Have mounds or tumuli been erected in modern times over the dead? How is the grave prepared and finished? What position are bodies placed in? Give reasons therefor if possible. If cremation is or was practiced, describe the process, disposal of the ashes, and origin of custom or traditions relating thereto. Are the dead ever eaten by the survivors? Are bodies deposited in springs or in any body of water? Are scaffolds or trees used as burial places; if so, describe construction of the former and how the corpse is prepared, and whether placed in skins or boxes. Are bodies placed in canoes? State whether they are suspended from trees, put on scaffolds or posts, allowed to float on the water or sunk beneath it, or buried in the ground. Can any reasons be given for the prevalence of any one or all of the methods? Are burial posts or slabs used, plain, or marked, with flags or other insignia of position of deceased. Describe embalmment, mummification, desiccation, or if antiseptic precautions are taken, and subsequent disposal of remains. Are bones collected and reinterred; describe ceremonies, if any, whether modern or ancient. If charnel houses exist or have been used, describe them.

5th. Mourning observances.—Is scarification practiced, or personal mutilation? What is the garb or sign of mourning? How are the dead lamented? Are periodical visits made to the grave? Do widows carry symbols of their deceased children or husbands, and for how long? Are sacrifices, human or otherwise, voluntary or involuntary, offered? Are fires kindled on graves; why, and at what time, and for how long?

6th. Burial traditions and superstitions.—Give in full all that can be learned on these subjects, as they are full of interest and very important.

In short, every fact bearing on the disposal of the dead; and correlative customs are needed, and details should be as succinct and full as possible.

One of the most important matters upon which information is needed is the “why” and “wherefore” for every rite and custom; for, as a rule, observers are content to simply state a certain occurrence as a fact, but take very little trouble to inquire the reason for it.

Any material the result of careful observation will be most gratefully received and acknowledged in the final volume; but the writer must here confess the lasting obligation he is under to those who have already contributed, a number so large that limited space precludes a mention of their individual names.

Criticism and comments are earnestly invited from all those interested in the special subject of this paper and anthropology in general. Contributions are also requested from persons acquainted with curious forms of burial prevailing among other tribes of savage men.

The lithographs which illustrate this paper have been made by Thos. Sinclair & Son, of Philadelphia, Pa., after original drawings made by Mr. W. H. Holmes, who has with great kindness superintended their preparation.

FOOTNOTES

[1.] Hist. Ind. Tribes of U.S., 1853, pt. 3, p. 193.

[2.] Antiq. of Southern Indians, 1873, pp. 108-110.

[3.] Hist. of Carolina, 1714, p. 181.

[4.] Hist. Ind. Tribes of U.S., 1855, pt. 5, p. 270.

[5.] Rep. Smithsonian Institution, 1871, p. 407.

[6.] Voy. dans l’Arizona, in Bull. Soc. de Géographie, 1877.

[7.] Nat. Races Pacif. States 1874, vol. 1, p. 555.

[8.] Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. iii, p. 133.

[9.] L’incertitude des Signes de la Mort, 1749, t. 1, p. 439.

[10.] Rites of Funeral, Ancient and Modern, 1683, p. 45.

[11.] Schoolcraft Hist. Ind. Tribes of the United States, 1853, Pt. 3, p. 140.

[12.] U.S. Geol. Surv. of Terr. 1876, p. 473.

[13.] Life and adventures of Moses Van Campen, 1841, p. 252.

[14.] Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1830, vol i, p. 302.

[15.] Antiquities of Tennessee. Smith. Inst. Cont. to Knowledge. No. 259, 1876. Pp. 1, 8, 37, 52, 55, 82.

[16.] Pop. Sc. Month., Sept., 1877, p. 577.

[17.] Nat. Races of the Pacific States, 1874, vol. i, p. 780.

[18.] A detailed account of this exploration, with many illustrations, will be found in the Eleventh Annual Report of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, 1878.

[19.] Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol. i, p. 174 et seq.

[20.] American Naturalist, 1877, xi, No. 11, p. 688.

[21.] Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. of Science, 1875, p. 288.

[22.] Bartram’s Travels, 1791, p. 513.

[23.] Bartram’s Travels, 1791, p. 515.

[24.] A Concise Nat. Hist. of East and West Florida, 1775.

[25.] Mem. Hist. sur la Louisiane, 1753, vol. i, pp. 241-243.

[26.] Uncivilized Races of the World, 1870, vol i, p. 464.

[27.] Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 1867, p. 406.

[28.] Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. 1, p. 62.

[29.] Hist. of Virginia, 1722, p. 185.

[30.] Collection of Voyages, 1812, vol. xiii, p. 39.

[31.] Hist. Ind. Tribes United States, 1854, Part IV, pp. 155 et seq.

[32.] Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol. 1, p. 360.

[33.] Letter to Samuel M. Burnside, in Trans. and Coll. Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol. 1, p. 318.

[34.] A mummy of this kind, of a person of mature age, discovered in Kentucky, is now in the cabinet of the American Antiquarian Society. It is a female. Several human bodies were found enwrapped carefully in skins and cloths. They were inhumed below the floor of the cave; inhumed, and not lodged in catacombs.

[35.] Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. i, p. 89.

[36.] Billings’ Exped., 1802, p. 161.

[37.] Pre-historic Races, 1873, p. 199.

[38.] Rawlinson’s Herodotus, Book i, chap. 198, note.

[39.] Amer. Naturalist, 1876, vol. x, p. 455 et seq.

[40.] Manners, Customs, &c., of North American Indians, 1844, vol. ii, p. 5.

[41.] Uncivilized Races of the World, 1870, vol. i, p. 483.

[42.] Hist. de l’Amérique Septentrionale, 1753, tome ii, p. 43.

[43.] Pioneer Life, 1872.

[44.] I saw the body of this woman in the tree. It was undoubtedly an exceptional case. When I came here (Rock Island) the bluffs on the peninsula between Mississippi and Rock River (three miles distant) were thickly studded with Indian grave mounds, showing conclusively that subterranean was the usual mode of burial. In making roads, streets, and digging foundations, skulls, bones, trinkets, beads, etc., in great numbers, were exhumed, proving that many things (according to the wealth or station of survivors) were deposited in the graves. In 1836 I witnessed the burial of two chiefs in the manner stated.—P. Gregg.

[45.] Tract No. 50, West. Reserve and North. Ohio Hist. Soc. (1879?), p. 107.

[46.] Hist. of Ft. Wayne, 1868, p. 284.

[47.] The Last Act, 1876.

[48.] Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. iii, p. 341.

[49.] Hist. Indian Tribes of the United States, 1854, part IV, p. 224.

[50.] Adventures on the Columbia River, 1831, vol. ii, p. 387.

[51.] Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol. i, p. 377.

[52.] Hist. Indian Tribes of the United States, 1853, part iii, p. 112.

[53.] Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol iii, p. 169.

[54.] Amer. Naturalist, November, 1878, p. 753.

[55.] Proc. Dav. Acad. Nat. Sci., 1867-’76, p. 64.

[56.] Pre-historic Races, 1873, p. 149.

[57.] Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Nov. 1874, p. 168.

[58.] Amer. Naturalist, Sept., 1878, p. 629.

[59.] Explorations of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of Utah, 1852, p. 43.

[60.] Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific, 1831, vol. i, p. 332.

[61.] Nat. Races of Pac. States, 1871, vol. i, p. 780.

[62.] Am. Antiq. and Discov., 1838, p. 286.

[63.] Nat. Races of Pac. States, 1874 vol. i, p. 69.

[64.] Travels in Alaska, 1869, p. 100.

[65.] Alaska and its Resources, 1870, pp. 19, 132, 145.

[66.] Life on the Plains, 1854, p. 68.

[67.] Tour to the Lakes, 1827, p. 305.

[68.] Long’s Exped. to the St. Peter’s River, 1824, p. 332.

[69.] L’incertitude des signes de la Mort, 1742, tome i, p. 475, et seq.

[70.] The writer is informed by Mr. John Henry Boner that the custom still prevails not only in Pennsylvania, but at the Moravian settlement of Salem, N.C.

[71.] Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 1866, p. 319.

[72.] Uncivilized Races of the World, 1874, v. ii, p. 774, et seq.

[73.] Hist. of Florida, 1775, p. 88.

[74.] Antiquities of the Southern Indians, 1873, p. 105.

[75.] Bartram’s Travels, 1791, p. 516.

[76.] “Some ingenious men whom I have conversed with have given it as their opinion that all those pyramidal artificial hills, usually called Indian mounds, were raised on this occasion, and are generally sepulchers. However, I am of different opinion.”

[77.] League of the Iroquois, 1851, p. 173.

[78.] Myths of the New World, 1868, p. 255.

[79.] Hist. N. A. Indians, 1844, i, p. 90.

[80.] Northwest Coast, 1857, p. 185.

[81.] Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1877, i., p. 200.

[82.] Uncivilized Races of the World, 1870, vol. i, p. 483.

[83.] Exploration Great Salt Lake Valley, Utah, 1859, p. 48.

[84.] Hist. North American Indians, 1844, vol. ii, p. 141.

[85.] Mœurs des Sauvages, 1724, tome ii, p. 406.

[86.] Autobiography of James Beckwourth, 1856, p. 269.

[87.] Tour to the Lakes, 1827, p. 292.

[88.] Nat. Races of Pacific States, 1874, vol. i, pp. 731, 744.

[89.] Life Among the Choctaws, 1860, p. 294.

[90.] Bossu’s Travels (Forster’s translation), 1771, p. 38.

[91.] At the hour intended for the ceremony, they made the victims swallow little balls or pills of tobacco, in order to make them giddy, and as it were to take the sensation of pain from them; after that they were all strangled and put upon mats, the favorite on the right, the other wife on the left, and the others according to their rank.

[92.] The established distinctions among these Indians were as follows: The Suns, relatives of the Great Sun, held the highest rank; next come the Nobles; after them the Honorables; and last of all the common people, who were very much despised. As the nobility was propagated by the women, this contributed much to multiply it.

[93.] The Great Sun had given orders to put out all the fires, which is only done at the death of the sovereign.

[94.] Ten Years in Oregon, 1850, p. 261.

[95.] Nat. Races of Pacif. States, 1875, vol iii, p. 513.

[96.] Pilgrimage, 1828, vol. ii, p. 443.

[97.] Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition, 1860, ii, p. 164.

[98.] League of the Iroquois, 1851, p. 287.

[99.] Cont. to North American Ethnol., 1878, iii, p. 164.

[100.] Am. Antiq., April, May, June, 1879, p. 251.

[101.] Pilgrimage, 1828, ii, p. 308.

[102.] Hist. Indian Tribes of the United States, 1851, part i, p. 356.

[103.] Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. ii., p. 58.

[104.] Ethnol. and Philol. of the Hidatsa Indians. U.S. Geol. Surv. of Terr., 1877, p. 409.

[105.] Long’s Exped., 1824, vol. ii, p. 158.

[106.] Northwest Coast, 1857, p. 212.

[107.] Nat. Races Pacif. States, 1875, vol. iii, p. 512.

[INDEX]

Abiquiu, Ancient cemetery of [111]

Acaxers and Yaquis, cairn burial [143]

“Adjedatig” [197]

Aerial burial in canoes, Chinooks [171]

sepulture, [152]

Alaric’s burial [181]

Alaska cave burial [129]

Alaskan mummies [134], [135]

Alden, E. H., Scaffold burial [161]

Aleutian Islanders, embalmment [135], [136]

Algonkins, Burial fires of the [198]

Alibamans, Aquatic burial of suicides by [180]

Allen, Miss A. J., Burial sacrifice [189]

Ancient burial customs of barbaric tribes [152]

cemetery of Abiquiu [111]

nations, Tree burial of [165], [166]

Ancients, Curious mourning observances [165], [166]

Antiquity of cremation [143]

Apingi burial [125], [126]

Aquatic burial, Alibamans, of suicides [180]

Cherokees [180]

Chinooks [180]

Gosh-Utes [181]

Hyperboreans [180]

Ichthyophagi [180]

Itzas [180]

Kavague [180]

Lotophagians [180]

Obongo [180]

Ascena or Timber Indians [103]

Atwater, Caleb, Burial mounds [117]

Australian scaffold burial [167]

Aztecs and Taracos, Burial sacrifice [190]

[Baldwin], C. C., Pottawatomie surface burial [141]

Balearic Islanders, Cairn burial [143]

Bancroft, H. H., Burial sacrifice [190]

, Canoe burial in ground [112]

, Costa Rica hut burial [154]

, Doracho cist burial [115]

, Esquimaux burial boxes [155]

, Mourning, Central Americans [185]

, Pima burial [98]

, Superstitions regarding dead [201]

Barbaric tribes, Ancient burial customs of [152]

Barber, E. A., Burial urns [138]

, Partial cremation [151]

Bari of Africa, burial [125]

Bartram, John, Cabin burial [122]

, Choctaw ossuary [120]

, Partial scaffold burial [169]

Bechuana burial [126]

Beckwourth, James, Crow mourning [183]

Beechey, Capt. F. W., Lodge burial [154]

Beltrami, J. C., Burial feast [190]

, Burial posts [197]

Benson, H. C., Choctaw burial [186]

Bessels, Dr. Emil, Esquimaux superstition [198]

Beverly, Robert, Virginia mummies [131]

Birgan, Meaning of word [93]

Blackbird’s burial [139]

Blackfeet burial lodges [154]

cairn burial [143]

tree burial [161]

Bonaks, Cremation [144]

Bone cleaning of the dead [168]

Boner, J. H., Moravian mourning [166]

Bossu, M., Burial denied to suicides [180]

Boteler, Dr. W. C., Oto burial ceremonies [96]

Box burial, Creek, Choctaw, and Cherokee [155]

, Esquimaux [155], [156]

, Indians of Talomeco River [155]

, Innuits and Ingaliks [156], [158]

, Kalosh [156]

Bransford, Dr. J. C., U.S.N., Burial urns discovered by [138]

Brebeuf, Pere de, Burial feast [191]

Brice, W. A., Surface burial [141]

Brinton, Dr. D. G., Burial of collected bones [170]

Bruhier, J. J., Corsican customs [147]

Persian burial [103]

Brule Sioux, tree and scaffold burial [158], [160]

Burchard, J. L., Pit burial [124]

Butterfield, H., Shoshone cairn burial [143]

Burial, Apingi [125], [126]

, Aquatic [180]

canoes and houses [177-179]

, Bari of Africa [125]

, Bechuanas [126]

beneath or in cabins, wigwams, or houses [122]

, Box [155]

, Carolina tribes [93]

, Caddos [103]

, Cairn [142]

, Cairn, Ute [142]

case, Cheyenne [162], [163]

, Cave [126]

, Chieftain, of the [110], [111]

, Classification of [92-93]

, Damara [126]

dance, Yo-kaí-a [192], [194]

dances [193]

feast, Description of, by Beltrami [190], [191]

, Hurons, of the [191]

feasts [190]

, superstitions regarding [191]

fires, Algonkins [198]

, Yurok [198]

, Esquimaux [198]

food [192]

games [195]

, Grave [101]

, Ground, in canoes [112]

in logs [138], [139]

in mounds [115]

in standing posture [151], [152]

, Indians of Virginia [125]

, Iroquois [140]

, Kaffir [126]

, Klamath and Trinity Indians [106], [107]

, Latookas [126]

, Lodge [152]

lodges, Blackfeet [154]

, Cheyenne [154]

, Shoshone [153], [154]

, Muscogulges [122], [123]

, Meaning and derivation of word [93]

, Moquis, [114]

, Navajo, [123]

, Obongo, [139], [140]

of Alaric, [181]

of Blackbird, [139]

of De Soto, [181]

of Long Horse, [153]

of Ouray, [128]

, Parsee, [105], [106]

, Pit, [93]

, Pitt River Indians, [151]

posts, Sioux and Chippewa, [197], [198]

, Round Valley Indians, [124]

sacrifice, Aztecs and Tarascos, [190]

, Indians of Northwest, [180]

, Indians of Panama, [180]

, Natchez, [187], [189]

, Tsinūk, [179]

, Wascopums, [189], [190]

, Sacs and Foxes, [94], [95]

scaffolds, [162]

song, Schiller’s, [110], [111]

of Basques and others, [195]

superstitions, Chippewas, [199], [200]

, Indians of Washington Territory, [201]

, Karok, [200]

, Kelta, [200]

, Modocs, [200], [201]

, Mosquito Indians, [201]

, Tlascaltecs, [201]

, Tolowa, [200]

, Surface, [138], [139]

, Urn, [137]

and cover, Georgia, [138]

, New Mexico, [138]

[Cabins], wigwams, or houses, Burial beneath or in, [122]

Caddos, Burial, [103]

Cairn burial, Acaxers and Yaquis, [143]

, Balearic Islanders, [143]

, Blackfeet, [143]

, Esquimaux, [143]

, Kiowas and Comanches, [142], [143]

, Pi-Utes, [143]

, Reasons for, [143]

, Shoshonis, [143]

Calaveras Cave, [128], [129]

California steatite burial urn, [138]

Campbell, John, Burial songs, [195]

Canes sepulchrales, [104]

Canoe burial in ground, [112]

, Mosquito Indians, [112], [113]

, Santa Barbara, [112]

, Clallam, [173], [174]

, Twana, [171], [173]

Canoes and houses, Burial, [177-179]

Canoes, Superterrene and aerial burial in, [171]

Caraibs, Verification of death, [146]

Carolina tribes, Burial among, [93]

Catlin, George, Burial of Blackbird, [139]

, Golgotha of Mandans, [170]

, Mourning cradle, [181]

Cave burial, [126]

, Alaska, [129]

, Calaveras, [128], [129]

, Utes, [127], [128]

Cherokee aquatic burial, [180]

Cheyenne burial case, [162], [163]

lodges, [154]

Chillicothe mound, [117], [118]

Chinook aerial burial in canoes, [171]

aquatic burial, [180]

mourning cradle, [181], [182]

Chippewa burial superstitions, [199], [200]

mourning, [184]

scaffold burial, [161], [162]

widow, [184], [185]

Choctaw mound burial, [120]

scaffold burial, [169]

Choctaws funeral ceremonies, [186]

Cist burial, Doracho, [115]

graves, Kentucky, [114], [115]

, Indians of Illinois, [114]

Cists or stone graves, [113]

, Solutré, [113]

, Tennessee, [113]

Clallam canoe burial, [173], [174]

house burial, [175]

Classification of burial, [92]

Cleveland, Wm. J., Tree and scaffold burial, [158]

Collected bones, Interment of, [170]

Comanche inhumation, [99], [100]

Congaree and Santee Indians, embalmment [132], [133]

Corsican funeral custom [147]

Cox, Ross, Cremation [144]

Coyotero Apaches, Inhumation [111], [112]

Cradle, mourning, Illustration of [181]

Crock, Choctaw, and Cherokee box burial [155]

Creeks and Seminoles, Inhumation [95], [96]

, “Hallelujah” of the [195]

Cremation, Antiquity of [143]

, Bonaks [144]

furnace [149]

, Indians of Clear Lake [147]

, Indians of Southern Utah [149]

mound, Florida [148], [149]

, Nishinams [144]

, Partial [150], [151]

, Se-nél [147], [148]

, Tolkotins [144-146]

Crow lodge burial [153]

mourning [183], [184]

Curious mourning observances of ancients [165], [166]

Curtiss, E., Exploration by [115], [116]

[Dakhnias] [104]

Dall, W. H., Burial boxes [156]

, Cave burial [129]

, Mummies [134]

Damara burial [126]

Dance for the dead [192]

Dances, Burial [192]

Danish burial logs [139]

Dead, Dance for the [192]

Delano, A., Tree burial [161]

Description of burial feast [190], [191]

De Soto’s burial [181]

Devouring the dead, Fans of Africa [182]

, Indians of South America [182], [183]

, Massageties, Padæns, and others [182]

Dolmens in Japan [115]

Doracho cist burial [115]

Drew, Benjamin, Schiller’s burial song [110]

Dumont, M. Butel de, House burial [124]

[Eells], Rev. M., Canoe burial [171]

Embalmment, Aleutian Islanders. [135], [136]

, Congaree and Santee Indians [132], [133]

, or mummification [130]

Engelhardt, Prof. C. [139]

Esquimaux box burial [155], [156]

burial fires [198]

cairn burial [143]

lodge burial [154]

European ossuaries [191]

Excavation of Indian mound, North Carolina [120-122]

[Fans] of Africa devour the dead [182]

Feasts, Burial [190]

Fires, Burial [198]

Fiske, Moses, Cists [113]

Florida cremation mound [148], [149]

mound burial [119], [120]

Food, Burial [192]

Ford, Lieut. Geo. E., U.S.A., Cabin burial [123]

Foreman, Dr. E., Burial urns [138]

Cremation [149]

Foster, J. W., Urn burial [137]

Cremation [150]

Funeral ceremonies, Choctaws [186]

, Twanas and Clallams [176]

custom, Corsican [147]

Furnace, Cremation [149]

[Gageby], Capt. J. H., U.S.A., Box burial [155]

Games, Burial [195]

Gardner, Dr. W., U.S.A., Theory of scaffold burial [167]

Ghost gamble [195-197]

Gianque, Florian, Mound burial [120]

Gibbs, George [106]

, Burial canoes and houses [177]

Gilbert, G. K., Klamath burial [147]

Moquis burial [114]

Gillman, Henry, Exploration of mound [148]

Given, Dr. O. G., Cairn burial [142]

“Golgothas,” Mandans [170]

Gosh-Utes, Aquatic burial amongst [181]

Grave burial [101]

Gregg, Dr. P., Surface burial [140]

Grinnell, Dr. Fordyce, Comanche inhumation [99]

Wichita burial customs [102]

Grossman, Capt. F. E., Pima burial [98]

Gros Ventres and Mandans, Scaffold burial [161]

“Hallelujah” of the Creeks [195]

Hammond, Dr. J. F., Burial lodges [154]

Hardisty, W. L., Log burial in trees [166]

Hidatsa superstitions [199]

Hind, Henry Youle, Burial feast [191]

Hoffman, Dr. W. J. [99]

Drawing of Pima burial [111], [153]

Holbrook, W. C., Burial mounds [118]

Holmes, W. H., Drawings by [106], [203]

Hough, Franklin B., Canoe burial in the ground [112]

House burial, Clallams [175]

, Paskagoulas and Billoxis [124], [125]

Hurons, Burial feast of [191]

Hyperboreans, aquatic burial [180]

[Ichthyophagi], aquatic burial [180]

Illinois mounds [118]

Indian mound in North Carolina, Excavation of [120-122]

Indians of Bellingham Bay, lodge burial [154]

of Clear Lake, cremation [147]

of Costa Rica, lodge burial [154]

of Illinois, cist burial [114]

of Northwest, burial sacrifice [180]

of Panama, burial sacrifice [180]

of South America devour the dead [182], [183]

of Southern Utah, cremation [149]

of Talomeco River, box burial [155]

of Taos, inhumation [101], [102]

of Virginia, burial [125]

of Washington Territory, burial superstition [201]

Inhumation [93]

, Comanches [99], [100]

, Coyotero Apaches [111], [112]

, Creeks and Seminoles [95], [96]

, Indians of Taos [101], [102]

, Mohawks [93]

, Otoe and Missouri Indians. [96], [97], [98]

, Pimas [98], [99]

, Wah-peton and Sisseton Sioux [107-110]

, Wichitas [102], [103]

, Yuki [99]

Innuit and Ingalik box burial [156-158]

Interment of collected bones [170]

Iroquois scaffold burial [169], [170]

surface burial [140]

Itzas, Aquatic burial [180]

[Japan] dolmens [115]

Jenkes, Col. C. W., Partial cremation [150]

Johnston, Adam, Cremation myth [144]

Jones, Dr. Charles C., Stone graves of Tennessee [114]

Natchez burial [169]

Joseph, Judge Anthony, Inhumation of Taos Indians [101]

[Kaffir] burial [126]

Kalosh box burial [156]

Kavague aquatic burial [180]

Kaw-a-wāh [142]

Keating, William H., Burial scaffolds [162]

, Burial superstitions [199]

“Keeping the Ghost” [160]

Kent, M. B., Sac and Fox burial [94]

Kentucky cist graves [114], [115]

mummies [133]

Kiowa and Comanche cairn burial [142], [143]

Kitty-ka-tats [102]

Klamath and Trinity Indians, burial [106], [107]

Klingbeil, William, Partial cremation [151]

[Lafitau], J. F. [182]

“Last cry” [186]

Latookas burial [126]

Lawson, John, Partial embalmment [132]

, Pit burial [93]

List of illustrations, Burial customs [87]

Living sepulchers [182]

Lodge burial [152]

, Crow [153]

, Esquimaux [154]

, Indians of Bellingham Bay [154]

, Indians of Costa Rica [154]

, Sioux [152], [153]

Log burial [138], [139]

, Danish [139]

in trees, Loucheux [166]

Long Horse, burial of [153]

Lotophagians, Aquatic burial [180]

Loucheux, log burial in trees [166]

[McChesney], Dr. Charles E. [107-111]

, “Ghost gamble” [195]

McDonald, Dr. A. J., Rock fissure burial [127]

McKenney, Thomas L., Scaffold burial [161]

, Chippewa widow [184]

Macrobrian Ethiopians, Preservation of the dead [136], [137]

Mahan, I. L., Chippewa mourning [184]

Mandan “Golgothas” [170]

Matthews, Dr. Washington, U.S.A., Hidatsa superstition [199]

, Tree burial [161]

Menard, Dr. John, Navajo burial [123]

Miami Valley mound burial [120]

Midawan, a ceremony of initiation [122]

Miller, Dr. C. C., Assistance from [197]

Mitchell, Dr. Samuel L., Kentucky mummies [133], [134]

Mohawks, Inhumation [93]

Moquis burial [114]

Moravian mourning [166]

Morgan, Lewis H., Burial dance [192]

, Partial scaffold burial [169]

Morse, E. S., Dolmens in Japan [115]

Mortuary customs of Parthians, Medes, etc. [104]

Persians [103], [104]

Mosquito Indians, Burial superstition of [201]

, canoe burial in ground [112], [113]

Mound burial [115]

, Choctaws [120]

, Florida [119], [120]

, Miami Valley [120]

, Ohio [117], [118]

Mounds, Illinois [118], [119]

of stone [118]

Mourning ceremonies, Sioux [109], [110]

, Chippewa [184]

cradle, Chinook [181], [182]

, engraving of [181]

Crows [183], [184]

customs of widows [185], [186]

, Indians of Northwest [179]

Moravian [166]

observances, Twana and Clallams [176]

sacrifice, feasts, food, etc [183]

Mummies, Alaskan [134], [135]

, Kentucky [133]

, Northwest coast [135]

, Virginia [131], [132]

Mummification or embalmment [130]

Mummification, Theories regarding [130]

Muret, Pierre, Living sepulchres [182]

, Persian mortuary customs [103]

Muscogulge burial [122], [123]

[Natchez] burial sacrifice [187-189]

scaffold burial [169]

Navajo burial [123]

Norm [142]

New Mexico burial urn [138]

Nishinams, Cremation among the [144]

Norris, P. W., lodge burial [153]

North Carolina Indians, Partial cremation [150], [151]

Northwest coast mummies [135]

, Indians of, mourning [179]

[Obongo] aquatic burial [180]

surface burial [139], [140]

Observers, Queries for, regarding burial [202], [203]

Ohio mound burial [117]

Oh-sah-ke-uck [94]

Ojibwa and Cree surface burial [141]

Ossuaries, European [191]

Otis, Dr. George A., U.S.A., Burial case [162]

Oto and Missouri Indians, Inhumation [96-98]

Ouray, Burial of [128]

Owsley, Dr. W. J., Cist graves [114]

[Partial] cremation [150]

, North Carolina Indians [150], [151]

scaffold burial and ossuaries [168]

Parsee burial [105], [106]

Paskagoulas and Billoxis, House burial [124], [125]

Persians, Mortuary customs of the [103], [104]

Pimas, Inhumation among [98], [99]

Pinart, M. Alphonse, Pima burial [98]

Pinkerton, John, Virginia mummies [131]

Piros [101]

Pit burial [93]

Pitt River Indians, Burial and cremation [151]

Pi-Ute cairn burial [143]

Posts, Burial [197]

Potherie, De la M., Surface burial [140]

Powell, J. W., Stone graves or cists [113]

Powers, Stephen, Burial dance [192]

, Burial song [194]

, Origin of cremation [144]

, Se-nél cremation [147]

, Yuki burial [99]

Preparation of dead, Similarity of, between Comanches and African tribes [100]

Preservation of dead, Macrobrian Ethiopians [136], [137]

, Werowance of Virginia [131], [132]

Priest, Josiah, Box burial [155]

Putnam, F. W., Stone graves or cists [115], [116]

[Queries] for observers regarding burial [202], [203]

Quiogozon or ossuary [94]

[Reason] for cairn burial [143]

Remarks, Final [203]

Review of Turner’s narrative [165]

Robertson, R. S., Surface burial [139]

Roman, Bernard, Choctaw hone houses [168]

, Funeral customs of Chickasaws [123]

Round Valley Indians, burial among [124]

[Sacrifice] [187]

Sacs and Foxes, burial among [94], [95]

, surface burial [140], [141]

Sauer, Martin, Aleutian mummies [135]

Sauks, Foxes, and Pottawatomies, surface burial among [151]

Scaffold burial, Australia [167]

, Chippewas [161], [162]

, Choctaw [169]

, Gros-Ventres and Mandans [161]

, Iroquois [169], [170]

, Natchez [169]

, Sioux [163], [164]

, Tent burial on [174]

Scaffolds, Theory regarding [167], [168]

Schiller’s burial song [110]

Schoolcraft, Henry R., Burial posts [197]

, Cremation myth [144]

, Mohawk burial [93], [95]

, Partial embalmment [132]

Seechaugas [158]

Sellers, George Escoll, Cist burial [114]

Se-nél, Cremation among the [147], [148]

Sepulture, Aerial [152]

Sheldon, William, Caraib burial customs [146]

Shoshone burial lodges [153], [154]

cairn burial [143]

Sicaugu [158]

Simpson, Capt. J. H., U.S.A., Aquatic burial [181]

Sioux and Chippewa burial posts [197], [198]

lodge burial [152], [153]

mourning ceremonies [109], [110]

Sioux, scaffold burial of the [163], [164]

, tree burial of the [161]

Solutré cists [113]

Songs, Burial [194]

, of Basques and others [195]

Southern Indians, Urn burial among [137]

Spainhour, Dr. J. Mason, Curious burial [120]

Spencer, J. W., Partial surface burial [140]

Standing posture, Burial in [151], [152]

Stansbury, Capt. H., U.S.A., Lodge burial [152]

Steatite burial urn, California [138]

Sternberg, Dr. George M., U.S.A., Grave mounds [119]

, Burial case discovered [162]

Stone graves or cists [113]

mounds [118]

Superstition, Hidatsa [199]

regarding burial feasts [191]

Superstitions, Burial [199]

Superterrene and aerial burial in canoes [171]

Surface burial [138], [139]

, Ojibways and Crees [141]

, Sacs and Foxes [140], [141]

, Sauks, Foxes, and Pottawatomies [141]

Swan, James G., Canoe burial [171]

, Klamath burial [106]

, Superstitions [201]

[Tāh-zee] [142]

Tegg, William, Antiquity of cremation [143]

, Towers of silence [104]

Tennessee cists [113]

Tent burial on scaffold [174]

Theories regarding mummification or embalmment [130]

regarding use of scaffolds [176], [168]

Tiffany, A. S., Cremation furnace [149]

Timberlake, H., Aquatic burial [180]

Tolkotin cremation [144], [146]

Tompkins, Gen. Chas. H., U.S.A., Partial cremation [151]

Towers of silence, Description of [104-106]

Tree and scaffold burial [158]

, Brulé Sioux [158], [160]

burial, ancient nations [165], [166]

, Blackfeet [101]

, Sioux [101]

Tsinūk burial sacrifice [179]

Turner, Dr. L. S., Scaffold burial [163]

Turner’s narrative, Review of [165]

Twana and Clallam mourning observances [176]

canoe burial [171-173]

Twanas and Clallams, funeral ceremonies [176]

[Urn] burial by Southern Indians [137]

Ute cairn burial [142]

cave burial [127], [128]

[Van] Camper, Moses. Mode of burial of Indians inhabiting Pennsylvania [112]

Van Vliet, Gen. Stewart, U.S.A., Tree and scaffold burial [153]

Verification of death, Caraibs [146]

Virginia mummies [131], [132]

[Wah-peton] and Sisseton Sioux, Inhumation among [107-110]

Wascopums, Burial sacrifice of [189], [190]

Wee-ka-nahs [101]

Welch, H., Surface burial [141]

Werowance of Virginia, preservation of the dead [131], [132]

Whitney, J. D., burial cave, Description of a [128]

Whymper, Frederic, Burial boxes [156]

Wichitas, Inhumation among the [102], [103]

Widow, Chippewa [184], [185]

Widows, Mourning customs of [185], [186]

Wilcox, E., Partial cremation [150]

Wilkins, Charles, Kentucky mummies [133]

Williams, Monier, Parsee burial [104]

Wood, Rev. J. G., African surface burial [139]

, Bari burial [125]

, Fans of Africa devour the dead [182]

, Obongo aquatic burial [180]

Wright, Dr. S. G., Superstitions regarding burial feasts [191]

[Yo-kaí-a] burial dance [192-194]

Young, John, Tree burial [161]

Yuki inhumation [99]

Yurok burial fires [198]

[Note on Illustrations]

BAE Annual Report 1 did not distinguish between Plates (full page, unpaginated) and Figures (inline). In the present article, most illustrations were full-page plates.

For this e-text, Plates were rescaled to 25% by pixel count, while most Figures were rescaled to 33%. The original is strongly sepia-toned, so the distinction between color and grayscale illustrations reflects the transcriber’s judgement rather than a clear difference in the original.