| BOOK I | |
|---|
| THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY
IN ROME | |
| PART I | |
| INTRODUCTORY | |
| PAGE |
| A sketch of the early Jewish colony in Rome—Allusion to Jews
by Cicero—Favour shown them by Julius Cæsar—Mention
of Jews by the great poets of the Augustine age—Characteristic
features and moral power of Jews—Their numbers in
the days of Nero | [3] |
| I | |
| (a) FOUNDATION OF THE CHURCH IN ROME—INFLUENCE OF
S. PETER | |
| Into this colony of Jews came the news of the story of Jesus Christ—Was
S. Peter among the first preachers of Christianity
in Rome?—Quotations from early Christian writers on
this subject—Traditional memories of S. Peter in Rome | [7] |
| II | |
| EARLY REFERENCES | |
| Quotations from patristic writers of the first three centuries,
bearing on the foundation of the Church in Rome, including
the oldest Catalogues of the Bishops of Rome—Deduction
from these quotations | [13] |
| PART II | |
| I | |
| (b) FOUNDATION OF THE CHURCH IN ROME—INFLUENCE OF
S. PAUL | |
| S. Paul in Rome—His share in laying the foundation stories
in the Capital—Paul’s Christology more detailed than that
contained in S. Mark’s Gospel, which represents S. Peter’s
teaching | [21] |
| II | |
| POSITION OF CHRISTIANS AFTER A.D. 64 | |
| The great fire of Rome in the days of Nero brought the unnoticed
sect of Christians into prominence—The games of Nero—Never
again after A.D. 64 did Christians enjoy “stillness”—The
policy of the State towards them from this time
was practically unaltered | [25] |
| III | |
| THE VEILED SHADOW OF PERSECUTION—POLICY OF THE
FLAVIAN EMPERORS | |
| Silence respecting details of persecutions in pagan and in Christian
writings—Reason for this—These writings contain little
history; but the Christian writings are coloured with the daily
expectation of death and suffering—In spite of persecution
the numbers of Christians increased rapidly—What was the
strange attraction of Christianity?—Persecution of the sect
under the Flavian Emperors Vespasian, Titus, Domitian | [35] |
| PART III | |
| INTRODUCTORY | |
| The correspondence between Trajan and Pliny, and the Imperial
Rescript—Genuineness of this piece in Pliny’s
Letters | [45] |
| I | |
| THE LETTERS OF PLINY | |
| Nerva—Character of Trajan—Story of correspondence here
referred to—Pliny’s Letters—Reply of Trajan, which contained
the famous Rescript—Tertullian’s criticism of Rescript—Pliny’s
Letters—They were no ordinary letters, but
were intended for public reading—Pliny’s character—The
vogue of writing letters as literary pieces for public reading—Pliny’s
Letters briefly examined—The letter here under
special consideration—Its great importance in early
Christian history | [48] |
| II | |
| VOGUE OF EPISTOLARY FORM OF LITERATURE | |
| Letters of public men considered as pieces of literature—After
Trajan there were very few Latin writings until the close
of the fourth century—In that period some celebrated
letters again appear (written by Symmachus and by Sidonius
Apollinaris a few years later)—These letters were evidently
written as pieces of literature intended for public circulation | [63] |
| III | |
| THE NEW TESTAMENT EPISTLES, AND LETTERS OF APOSTOLIC
FATHERS | |
| Adoption of favourite letter-form as literary pieces—in Epistles
of the New Testament, and in letters of Apostolic Fathers | [69] |
| PART IV | |
| I | |
| (a) HADRIAN—HIS POLICY TOWARDS CHRISTIANITY | |
| Hadrian—His life of travel—His character—Early policy
towards Christians—He insults Christianity in his building
of Aelia Capitolina on site of Jerusalem—The great Jewish
war—Its two results—(a) Complete change in the spirit of
the Jews—(b) A new conception of the Christian sect on
part of Roman Government—It was now recognized that
the Christian was no mere Jewish dissenter, but a member
of a distinct sect, dangerous to Roman policy | [75] |
| II | |
| (b) HADRIAN—HIS ENMITY TOWARDS CHRISTIANITY GRADUALLY
INCREASED | |
| Last years of Hadrian—Persecution of Christians more pronounced—Undoubted
authorities for this graver position of
Christians throughout the Empire—Table showing succession
of Antonines to the Empire | [81] |
| III | |
| ANTONINUS PIUS AND MARCUS ANTONINUS—THEIR IDEALS | |
| Character of Antoninus Pius—His intense love for Rome—His
determination to restore the old simple life to which Rome
owed her greatness—His devotion to ancient Roman traditions,
and to the old Roman religion—Antoninus Pius and
his successor Marcus lived themselves the simple austere life
they taught to their court and subjects | [84] |
| IV | |
| INTENSE ANTIPATHY OF THE ANTONINES TO CHRISTIANITY | |
| Reason of the Antonines’ marked hostility to the Christian sect—The
Christians stood resolutely aloof from the ancient
religion which these two great sovereigns believed was indissolubly
bound up with the greatness of Rome—With such
views of the sources of Roman power and prosperity, only
a stern policy of persecution was possible—This policy,
pursued in days of Pius, was intensified by his yet greater
successor Marcus—The common idea that the Christians were
tolerated in the days of the Antonines must be abandoned—Their
sufferings under the rule of these great Emperors,
especially in the days of Marcus, can scarcely be exaggerated | [91] |
| BOOK II | |
| THE LIFE OF A CHRISTIAN IN THE EARLY
DAYS OF THE FAITH | |
| INTRODUCTORY | [101] |
| I | |
| NUMBERS OF CHRISTIANS IN THE EARLY DAYS | |
| Certain reasons to which the rapid acceptance of Christianity was
owing—The great numbers of the early converts is borne
witness to by pagan authors, such as Tacitus and Pliny, and
by Christian contemporary writers such as Clement of Rome,
Hermas, Irenæus, and others—The testimony of the Roman
catacombs described in detail in Fourth Book is also referred
to | [102] |
| II | |
| THE ASSEMBLIES OF CHRISTIANS | |
| These “assemblies” constituted a powerful factor in the
acceptance and organization of the religion of Jesus—Their
high importance is recognized by the great teachers of
the first days—Quotations from these are given | [107] |
| III | |
| OF WHOM THESE PRIMITIVE “ASSEMBLIES” WERE COMPOSED | |
| Information respecting these early meetings of Believers is supplied
by leading Christian teachers—Quotations from these
are given | [110] |
| IV | |
| WHAT WAS TAUGHT AND DONE IN THESE “ASSEMBLIES” | |
| A general picture of one of them by Justin Martyr—(A) Dogmatic
teaching given in these meetings—(B) Almsgiving—Is shown
to be an inescapable duty—Is pressed home by early
masters of Christianity on the faithful—All offerings made
were, however, purely voluntary—No communism was ever
taught or hinted at in the early Church—(C) Special
dogmatic instruction respecting the value of almsgiving was
given by some early teachers—Several of these instructions
are given here—(D) Apart from this somewhat strange dogmatic
teaching on the value of almsgiving, the general duty
of almsgiving was most strongly impressed on the faithful—Passages
emphasizing this from very early writers are here
quoted—(E) Special recipients of these alms are particularized;
amongst these, in the first place, widows and
orphans, and the sick, appear—(F) These alms in some
cases were not to be confined to the Household of Faith—(G)
Hospitality to strangers is enjoined—References here are
given from several prominent early teachers—Help to
prisoners for the Name’s sake enjoined—Assistance to be
given to poorer Churches is recommended—(H) Burial
expenses for the dead among the poorer brethren are to be
partly defrayed from the “alms” contributed at the
assemblies, partly from private sources—Lactantius, in his
summary of Christian duties, dwells markedly on this duty—Important
witness of the Roman catacombs here | [113] |
| V | |
| THE SLAVE IN EARLY CHRISTIAN LIFE | |
| Position in Christian society—How the slave was regarded in
the “assemblies”—Paulinus of Nola quoted on the general
Christian estimate of a slave—How this novel view of the
slave was looked on by pagans | [134] |
| A general summary of the effect which all this teaching current
in the primitive “assemblies” had on the policy and work
of the Church in subsequent ages | [137] |
| VI | |
| DIFFICULTIES IN ORDINARY LIFE AMONG THE EARLY CHRISTIANS | |
| Difficulties in common life for the Christian who endeavoured to
carry out the precepts and teaching given in the “assemblies”
are sketched—In family life—In trades—In the
amusements of the people—In civil employments—In the
army—In matters of education—A general summary of
such difficulties is quoted from De Broglie (l’Église et
l’Empire) | [140] |
| VII | |
| THE ASCETIC AND THE MORE PRACTICAL SCHOOLS OF TEACHING | |
| Two schools of teaching, showing how these difficulties were to
be met, evidently existed in the early Church—(A) The
school of Rigourists—Tertullian is a good example of a
teacher of this school—Effect of this school on artisans—On
popular amusements—On soldiers of the Legions—On
slaves—On family life—From this stern school came the
majority of the martyrs—(B) The gentler and more practical
school—exemplified in such writings as the Dialogue of
Minucius Felix and in writings of Clement of Alexandria,
etc.—Results of the teaching of the gentler school—Art was
still possible among Christians, although permeated with
heathen symbols—The Christian might still continue to
live in the Imperial court—might remain in the civil
service—in the army, etc.—Examples for such allowances
found in Old Testament writings—(C) The Rigourist school
again dwelt on—Its great influence on the pagan empire—The
final victory of Christianity was largely owing to the
popular impression of the life and conduct of followers of
this school—This impression was voiced by fourth century
writers such as Prudentius and Paulinus of Nola, and is
shown in the work of Pope Damasus in the catacombs | [144] |
| VIII | |
| WHAT THE RELIGION OF JESUS OFFERED IN RETURN FOR THIS HARD
LIFE TO RIGOURISTS, AND IN A SLIGHTLY LESS DEGREE TO ALL
FOLLOWERS OF THE SECOND SCHOOL | |
| (A) Freedom from ever-present fear of death—S. Paul,
Ignatius, and especially epitaphs in the Roman catacombs
are referred to here—(B) New terminology
for death, burial, etc., used—(C) The ever-present
consciousness of forgiveness of sins—(D) Hope of
immediate bliss after death—The power of the revelation
of S. John in early Christian life—(E) Was
Christian life in the early centuries after all a dreary
existence, as the pagans considered it? | [153] |
| BOOK III | |
| THE INNER LIFE OF THE CHURCH | |
| PART I | |
| A.D. 64–A.D. 180 | |
| INTRODUCTORY | |
| The early Church remained continually under the veiled shadow of
persecution—This state of things we learn, not from the “Acts
of the Martyrs,” which, save in a certain number of instances,
are of questionable authority, but from fragments which
have come down to us of contemporary writings—Extracts
from two groups of the more important of these are quoted | [163] |
| I | |
| QUOTATIONS FROM APOSTLES, ETC. | |
| First Group.—From writings of apostles and apostolic men,
including the Epistle to the Hebrews—1 Peter—Revelation
of S. John—First letter of S. Clement of Rome—The seven
genuine letters of S. Ignatius | [166] |
| II | |
| QUOTATIONS FROM WRITINGS OF THE SECOND CENTURY | |
| Second Group.—Early writings, dating from the time of Trajan to
the death of Marcus Antoninus (A.D. 180); including—“Letters
of Pliny and Trajan”—“Letter to Diognetus”—“The
Shepherd of Hermas”—“1st Apology of Justin Martyr”—“Minucius
Felix”—“Writings of Melito of Sardis”—“Writings
of Athenagoras”—“Writings of Theophilus of
Antioch”—“Writings of Tertullian”—the last-named a
very few years later, but bearing on same period | [177] |
| PART II | |
| TRAINING FOR MARTYRDOM | |
| INTRODUCTORY | |
| The sight of the martyrs’ endurance under suffering had a marked
effect on the pagan population. This was noticed and
dreaded by the Roman magistracy. Efforts were constantly
made by the Government to arrest or at least to limit the
number of martyrs | [193] |
| I | |
| OF THE SPECIAL TRAINING FOR MARTYRDOM | |
| The Church conscious of the powerful effect of a public martyrdom
upon the pagan crowds—established a training for—a
preparation in view of a possible martyrdom—This
training included: (a) A public recitation in the congregations
of Christians of the “Acts,” “Visions,” and “Dreams” of
confessors—(b) The preparation of special manuals prepared
for the study of Christians—In these manuals our Lord’s
words were dwelt on—(c) A prolonged practice of austerities,
with the view of hardening the body for the endurance
of pain | [197] |
| II | |
| QUOTATIONS FROM TERTULLIAN, ETC. | |
| Certain of Tertullian’s references to this preparation, and to the
austerities practised with this view, are quoted. (His words,
written circa A.D. 200, indicate what was in the second
century a common practice in the Church.) S. Ignatius’s
words in his letter to the Roman Church are a good example
of what was the use of the Church in the early years of the
second century—Some of the words in question are quoted | [202] |
| PART III | |
| THE GREAT NUMBERS OF MARTYRS IN THE FIRST
TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY YEARS | |
| INTRODUCTORY | |
| Christian tradition by no means exaggerates the number of
martyrs—the contrary, indeed, is the case—In the first two
hundred and fifty years the general tone of the early
Christian writings (above quoted) dwells on those blood-stained
days—But the great pagan authors of the second
century, Tacitus and Pliny, are the most definite on the
question of the vast number of martyrs—Here is cited a new
piece of evidence concerning these great numbers from
notices in the “Pilgrim Itineraries” or “Guides” to the
catacombs of the sixth and following centuries—These tell
us what the pilgrims visited—The vast numbers of martyrs
in the different cemeteries again and again are dwelt upon | [207] |
| I | |
| List of the various cemeteries and their locality, with special notice
of numbers of martyrs buried in each | [210] |
| II | |
| SPECIAL REFERENCE IN THE “MONZA” PAPYRUS, ETC. | |
| The “Monza” Catalogue—made for Queen Theodolinda by
Gregory the Great, with notices of number of martyrs from
the catalogue in question—Inscriptions of Pope Damasus—References
by the poet Prudentius on the number of martyrs | [214] |
| III | |
| DEDUCTIONS FROM THE “MONZA” CATALOGUE AND
“PILGRIM” GUIDES | |
| General summary, allowing for some exaggeration in the “Pilgrim”
Guides and in the “Monza” Catalogue, on the great numbers
of these confessors and martyrs | [215] |
| BOOK IV | |
| THE ROMAN CATACOMBS | |
| PART I | |
| INTRODUCTORY | |
| The nature of the catacombs’ witness to the secret of the “Inner
Life” of the Church—A brief sketch of the contents of the
Fourth Book | [219] |
| I | |
| THE ROMAN CATACOMBS—THEIR PLACE IN ECCLESIASTICAL
HISTORY | |
| Early researches—Their disastrous character—De Rossi—His
view of the importance of the testimony of the catacombs
in early Christian history—Much that has been considered
legendary is really historic—Witness of catacombs to the
faith of the earliest Christians | [223] |
| II | |
| DE ROSSI’S WAY OF WORKING IN HIS INVESTIGATIONS | |
| Among the materials with which De Rossi worked may be cited:
Acta Martyrum of S. Jerome, Liber Pontificalis, the
“Pilgrim Itineraries,” and the “Monza” Catalogue,
which is specially described—Decoration of certain crypts—Basilica
(ruins) above ground—Luminaria—Graffiti of
pilgrims—Inscriptions of Pope Damasus in situ, and also
preserved in ancient syllogæ | [226] |
| Certain of his more important discoveries in the cemeteries of
SS. Domitilla, Priscilla, Callistus—The yet later discoveries
of Marucchi and others | [230] |
| III | |
| GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE VASTNESS AND SITUATION OF
THE CATACOMBS | |
| (1) The Vatican cemetery and the groups of catacombs on the
right bank of the Tiber | [232] |
| IV | |
| (2) On the Via Ostiensis—Basilica of S. Paul—Cemeteries on
the Via Ardeatina—Grandeur of cemetery of S. Domitilla—The
small basilica of S. Petronilla | [236] |
| V | |
| (3) Groups of cemeteries on the Via Appia—S. Sebastian (ad
Catacumbas)—Group of S. Callistus—The Papal crypt—S.
Soteris—Catacomb of Prætextatus on left hand of the
Via Appia—Tomb of S. Januarius in this catacomb | [242] |
| VI | |
| (4) Cemeteries on the Via Latina and Via Tiburtina—S. Hippolytus—S.
Laurence—S. Agnes’ cemetery on the Via
Nomentana | [248] |
| VII | |
| (5) Cemeteries on the Via Salaria Nova—S. Felicitas; the great
cemetery of S. Priscilla, and the ancient Roman churches
connected with it—Legends—Remains of basilica of S.
Sylvester over the cemetery of S. Priscilla—Memories of
S. Peter in this cemetery—Its waters—Recent discoveries—Popes
buried in the basilica of S. Sylvester | [258] |
| VIII | |
| (6) Unimportant cemeteries on the Via Salaria Vetus—S. Pamphylus—S.
Hermes—S. Valentinus, etc. | [274] |
| APPENDIX I.—S. PETRONILLA | |
| Suggested derivation of Petronilla—De Rossi and other scholars
still hold to the ancient Petrine tradition—Reasons for
maintaining it—Early mediæval testimony here—Traces of
the early cult of this Saint | [277] |
| APPENDIX II.—TOMB OF S. PETER | |
| Probable situation of the tomb in present basilica of S. Peter—Account
of what was found in the course of the excavations
in the seventeenth century, by Ubaldi, Canon of S. Peter’s,
who was an eye-witness of the discoveries made in A.D. 1626,
when the works required for the great bronze Baldacchino of
Bernini were being carried out | [279] |
| PART II | |
| TWO EXAMPLES OF RECENT DISCOVERIES | |
| I | |
| THE CRYPT OF S. CECILIA | |
| The old story of the famous Saint no longer a mere legend—Reconstruction
of S. Cecilia’s life—The crypt is described—Her
basilica in the Trastevere quarter—once S. Cecilia’s
house | [289] |
| II | |
| REMOVAL OF S. CECILIA TO HER BASILICA | |
| Discovery of remains of S. Cecilia by Paschal I., A.D. 821—Appearance
of the body, which he translated from the crypt
in the catacomb of Callistus to her basilica—Her tomb in
the basilica opened in A.D. 1599 by Clement VIII.—Appearance
of the body—Maderno copied it in marble—How De
Rossi discovered and identified in the original catacomb
the crypt of S. Cecilia | [292] |
| III | |
| THE TOMB OF S. FELICITAS, AND OF HER SONS | |
| Discovery and identification of the burial-places of S. Felicitas, of
S. Januarius, and of her other sons—Reconstruction of her
story—Tomb of S. Januarius found in cemetery of Prætextatus
on the Via Appia—Original tomb of S. Felicitas found
in the cemetery bearing her name (Via Salaria Nova)—Identification
of the burial-places of her other sons | [298] |
| PART III | |
| TEACHING OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AND CARVINGS
ON THE TOMBS | |
| I | |
| EPITAPHS IN THE CATACOMBS—THEIR SIMPLICITY | |
| Uncounted numbers of graves in this silent city of the dead;
computed at three, four, or five millions—belonging to all
ranks—Some of these were elaborately adorned—Greek often
the language of very early epitaphs—Great simplicity as
a rule in inscriptions—No panegyric of dead—just a name—a
prayer—an emblem of faith and hope—Communion of
saints everywhere asserted | [307] |
| II | |
| EPITAPHS IN THE CATACOMBS CONTRASTED WITH PAGAN
INSCRIPTIONS | |
| A few of these epitaphs quoted—never a word of sorrow for the
departed found in them—Question of the catacomb teaching
on efficacy of prayers of the dead for the living—S. Cyprian
quoted here—Desire of being interred close to a famous
martyr—Marked difference in the pagan conception of the
dead—Some pagan epitaphs quoted | [310] |
| III | |
| EPITAPHS IN THE CATACOMBS—THEIR DOGMATIC TEACHING | |
| The epitaphs on the catacomb graves tell us with no uncertain
voice how intensely real among the Christian folk was the
conviction of the future life—They talk, as it were, with the
dead as with living ones—Dogmatic allusions in these short
epitaphs necessarily are very brief, but yet are quite definite—The
supreme divinity of Jesus Christ constantly asserted—The
catacombs are full of Christ—Of the emblems carved on
the graves—Jesus Christ as “the Good Shepherd” most
frequent—The “Crucifixion” became a favourite subject of
representation only in later years | [314] |
| APPENDIX | |
| On the wish to be interred close to a saint or martyr—Quotation
from S. Augustine here | [321] |
| BOOK V | |
| THE JEW AND THE TALMUD | |
| INTRODUCTORY | |
| The story of the Jew—his past—his condition now, is the
weightiest argument that can be adduced in support of the
truth of Christianity—What happened to the “sad remnant”
of the people after the exterminating wars of Titus
and Hadrian, A.D. 70 and 134–5, is little known; yet the
wonderful story of the Jew, especially in the second and third
centuries, is a piece of supreme importance—How Rabbinic
study and the putting out of the Talmud have influenced
the general estimate of the Old Testament among Christian
peoples | [325] |
| I | |
| THE LAST THREE GREAT WARS OF THE JEWS | |
| The First War, A.D. 66–70—Revolt of the Jews—The dangerous
revolt was eventually crushed by Vespasian, and when he
succeeded to the Empire his son Titus completed the
conquest—Fate of the city of Jerusalem, A.D. 70—Why
was the Temple burned?—The recital of Sulpicius Severus
gives the probable answer—The account in question was
apparently quoted from a lost book of Tacitus—The Roman
triumph of Titus—The memories of the conquered Jews on
the Arch of Titus in the Forum—The great change in
Judaism after A.D. 70, when the Temple and city were
destroyed—The change was completed after the war of
Hadrian in A.D. 134–5 (the third war)—Brief account of
the second and third wars—The bitter persecution after the
third war soon ceased, and the sad Jewish remnant was left
virtually to itself | [329] |
| II | |
| RABBINISM (a) | |
| The conservation of the remnant of the Jews was owing to the
development of Rabbinism—Rabbinism, however, existed
before A.D. 70—Traditional story of the rise of Rabbinism
contained in the “Mishnah” treatise Pirke Aboth—Effect
of the great catastrophe of A.D. 70—Mosaism was
destroyed, and was replaced by Rabbinism | [338] |
| III | |
| RABBINISM (b) | |
| Extraordinary group of eminent Rabbis who arose after the
catastrophe of A.D. 70—Their new conception of the future
of Israel—The Torah (Law of Moses) and other writings of
the Old Testament from the days of Ezra had been esteemed
ever more and more highly—The “Halachah” or (Rules
round the Torah) gradually multiplied—The elaboration
of these “Halachah” and “Haggadah” (traditions) formed
the “Mishnah”—this work roughly occupied the new Jewish
schools during the whole of the second century—Explanation
of term “Mishnah”—The next two or three centuries were
occupied by the Rabbis in their schools of Palestine and
Babylonia in a further commentary on the “Mishnah”—This
second work of the Rabbis was termed the “Gemara” | [342] |
| IV | |
| THE TALMUD | |
| Portions of the “Talmud” had existed before A.D. 70—probably
some few of the “Halachah” and “Haggadah” even dating
from the days of Moses—some from the times of the Judges,
and others belonging to the schools of the Prophets—In the
times of Ezra arose the strange and unique “Guild of Scribes,”
devoted to the study and interpretation of the sacred writings
and the traditions which had gathered round them in past ages—R.
Hillel a little before the Christian era began the task of
arranging the results of the labours of the scribes—R. Akiba
after A.D. 70 continued the work of arrangement, but was
interrupted—His fame and story—R. Meir further worked
at the same task, which was finally completed by R. Judah
the Holy, who generally arranged the Mishnah in the form
in which it has come down to us—This “Mishnah” served
as the text for the great academies of Palestine and Babylonia
to work on in the third and two following centuries—Their
writings are known as the “Gemara”—The Mishnah
and Gemara together form the Talmud—A picture of the
great Rabbinic academies of Palestine and Babylonia—Their
methods of study | [347] |
| V | |
| HOW THE TEXT OF THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT WAS
PRESERVED | |
| Description of the Massorah—The work of the Massorites in the
preservation of the text of the sacred books—Present condition
of the Massorah | [361] |
| VI | |
| CONCLUDING MEMORANDA | |
| Inspiration of the Old Testament Scriptures, according to the
Talmud account | [364] |
| The story of the Talmud through the ages | [365] |
| The Talmud and the New Testament | [366] |
| Influence of the Talmud on Judaism | [368] |
| Influence of the Talmud on Christianity | [370] |
| VII | |
| (A) AN APPENDIX ON THE “HAGGADAH” | |
| “Haggadah” in the Talmud and in other ancient Rabbinical
writings—Signification of the “Haggadah”—Its great importance—Its
enduring popularity | [371] |
| Examples of “Haggadah” quoted from the Palestinian Targum
on Deuteronomy | [373] |
| VIII | |
| (B) ON THE “HALACHAH” AND “HAGGADAH” | |
| The general purport of the “Halachah”—Some illustrations—Further
details connected with the “Haggadah”—It is not
confined to the later Books of the Old Testament—The
“Haggadah” also belongs to the Pentateuch—Examples of
this quoted—Instances of the influence of “Haggadah” in
the New Testament Books | [376] |
| IX | |
| Women’s Disabilities | [380] |
| Index | [381] |