VOLUME II.
Page 13, footnote. For mōdayā read mōḍayā.
Page 20. The second footnote should be deleted, and in the story the last paragraph but one should be:—Thereafter, this Prince and Princess having caused that widow woman to be brought, and having tried her judicially (naḍuwa ahalā), subjected her to the thirty-two tortures, etc.
Messrs. H. B. Andris and Co., of Kandy, have been good enough to send me a list of the thirty-two tortures, compiled from Sinhalese manuscripts. As I think such a list has not been published I append it here, with the English equivalents.
The Thirty-two Tortures.
1. Kaṭu-saemiṭiyen taelīma. Flogging with the thorny scourge.
2. Wē-waelen taelīma. Flogging with cane.
3. Atak digaṭa aeti muguruwalin taelīma. Beating with clubs (or mallets) of the length of a hand.
4. Ata kaepīma. Cutting off the hand.
5. Paya kaepīma. Cutting off the foot.
6. At-pā de-koṭasama kaepīma. Cutting off both the hands and the feet.
7. Kana kaepīma. Cutting off the ear.
8. Nāsaya kaepīma. Cutting off the nose.
9. Kan-nāsa de-koṭasama kaepīma. Cutting off both the ears and the nose.
10. Isē sama galawā ehi kāḍi-diya waekkerīma. Removing the skin of the head and pouring vinegar there.
11. Isē boraḷu ulā sak patak men sudu-kerīma. Rubbing gravel on the head, and cleaning it like a chank or leaf (of a manuscript book).
12. Mukhaya de-kan lan̆gaṭa irā tel-redi purawā gini tibīma. Splitting the mouth near the two ears, filling it with oiled cloth, and setting fire [to this].
13. Siyalu sarīra tel-piliyen welā gini tibīma. Twining oiled cloth round the whole body and setting fire [to it].
14. Hastayan tel-redi welā gini taebīma. Twining oiled cloth on the hands and setting fire [to it].
15. Śrīwayehi paṭan hama galawā keṇḍayehi taebīma. Removing the skin, beginning at the neck, and placing it on the calf.
16. Tana mattehi paṭan sama uguḷuwā isehi taebīma. Causing the skin to be plucked off, beginning at the top of the breasts, and placing it on the head.
17. Bima howā dedena de-waelamiṭi yahul gasā waṭa-koṭa gini dael-wīma. Causing [the person] to lie on the ground, striking iron pins through both elbows, and making flames of fire round [him].
18. Bili-kaṭuwalin paehaera sam mas nahara uguḷuwā-daemīma. Removing skin, flesh, with fish-hooks, and causing the tendons to be plucked completely out.
19. Kahawanu men sakala śarīrayehi mas kaepīma. Cutting the flesh from the whole body [in pieces] like kahāpaṇas (coins).
20. Sakala śarīraya kēn̆dīlā kshārawu kāraṇ gaelwīma. Making incisions in the whole body and causing salt corrosiveness to sink [into them].
21. Ek aelayakin bima howā kanehi yawul gasā karakaewīma. Causing [the person] to lie on the ground in a trench, striking iron pins (or rods) in the ear, and turning them round.
22. Śarīrayehi aeṭa-mas poḍi-koṭa piduru su[m̆]buluwak men kerīma. Bruising the flesh on the bones in the body, and making it like a straw envelope.
23. Kakiyawana-lada tel aen̆gehi isīma. Sprinkling boiling oil on the body.
24. Sayin pīḍīta sunakhayan lawā mas anubawa-kerīma. Devouring the flesh by means of dogs suffering from starvation.
25. Kaṭu-berē peralīma. Rolling [the person] in the drum containing thorns.
26. Sakramē karakaerīma. Turning [the person] round on the wheel.
27. Æsak uguluwā anik aesaṭa penwīma. Plucking out an eye, and showing it to the other eye.
28. Æha maeda yahul gasā karakaewīma. Striking an iron pin into the middle of the eye, and turning it round.
29. Æn̆ga-mas kapā baeda kaewīma. Cutting off the flesh of the body, frying it, and making [the person] eat it.
30. Būta-seyyāwen hin̆duwā nūl gasā wāēyen saehīma. Setting [the person] in the attitude in which goblins recline (i.e., on the back), marking [the body by means of blackened] strings (as sawyers do), and slicing off [the projecting parts] with the adze.
31. Diwas-ula in̆duwīma. Setting [the person] on the impaling stake.
32. Kaḍuwen isa kapā-daemīma. Cutting off the head completely with the sword.
Page 26, note. For Tissē dē wēlē read Tissē de wēlē.
Page 32, line 19. After footnote add, and Part II, p. 164.
Page 34, line 36. For seven read four.
Page 36, note, and p. 116, note. For Siṭānā read Siṭāna.
Page 46, line 23. For the figure, read a “Sending” (sihāērumak). Other Sendings are mentioned in vol. iii, pp. 178 and 250.
Page 47. To the first note, add, See also Cinq Cents Contes et Apologues, vol. iii, p. 92.
Pages 70, 71. For tuttu read tuṭṭu.
Page 80. Add, In Campbell’s Santal Folk Tales, p. 127, a simpleton who accompanied some thieves placed boiling rice and milk in the open mouth of a man who said in his sleep, “I will eat.”
Page 89, line 14. For through read though.
Page 97, footnote. For No. 263 read No. 262.
Page 108. Add, In Cinq Cents Contes et Apologues, vol. ii, p. 413, a sheep with its wool on fire owing to a blow with a fire-brand, set the hay on fire at the quarters of the royal elephants. In vol. iii, p. 145, a ram set fire to a village in the same manner.
Page 119, note. For Honda read Hon̆da.
Page 126, line 13. For the read her.
Page 136, footnotes, line 20. For 248 read 247.
Page 160, second footnote. For 212 and 241 read 211 and 240.
Page 165 and p. 169, footnotes. After 237 insert 240.
Page 168, footnotes. After 208 add 240.
Page 171. Add, In Campbell’s Santal Folk Tales, p. 21, a man falsely claimed the reward for killing a demon whom two brothers had shot; when they exposed him he was beaten. On p. 59, a youth who was sent in search of the bones of an elephant that he had thrown across the Seven Seas, was joined by a giant who was fishing with a Palmira palm as a rod and an elephant as a bait. Afterwards they added to their party another who held a Banyan tree as a shade for his ploughmen.
Page 184, line 24. For ambuda baen̆ḍaganda read ambuḍa baen̆dagana.
Page 202, line 24. For four read three. According to Clough, the yāma, or watch, is one of four hours, but the Swapna-mālaya makes it three:—
Dawasakaṭa paeya saeṭa
Wēya, yāmada aṭakaṭa.
In tis paeyaka rāēkaṭa
Yāma satarak wēya niyataṭa.
For a [whole] day, paeyas sixty
Occur, and watches up to eight.
From them, thirty paeyas for a night,
[Or] watches four, occur for certain.
Page 213. Regarding the Ridī, Tavernier remarked (Voyages, 1679, i, p. 589), “This money is called Larin, and is of the same standard as our écus. Five pieces are worth our écu.” On p. 591, vol. ii, he noted that, “The rupee of gold … is worth in the country [India] fourteen rupees of silver. We reckon the rupee of silver at thirty sols. Thus the rupee of gold comes to 21 livres of France.… All the gold and silver which enters on the lands of the Great Mogol is refined to the highest standard (au dernier tître) before being coined.”
Our sovereign contains 113 grains of fine gold; and as the full weight of the gold rupee or muhr (mohur) of the Mughal rulers was 175 grains, its full value as fine gold was £1 11s. of our money. At the mean weight of the gold (167.22 grs.) in 46 coins, as recorded in Hobson-Jobson, p. 438, the value would be £1 9s. 7¼d. By Tavernier’s reckoning (at 21 livres) the full value was £1 11s. 6d. One-fourteenth of £1 11s. is 26.57d.; this was therefore the value of the silver rupee of the Mughals, which had the same weight as the gold coin. With the muhr at £1 11s. 6d. the value of the rupee would be 2s. 3d. At 26.57/30d., the French sol was worth 0.885d. Bernier remarked (Travels, Constable’s translation, p. 200) that the value of the silver rupee was about 30 sols, and on p. 223, about 29 sols, Tavernier also agreeing that the actual value should be under 30 sols; in the latter case the sol would be equal to 0.916d. Taking the average value at 0.9d., and 20 sols to a livre, the value of the livre was 1s. 6d. Three livres were equal to one écu (4s. 6d.), one-fifth of which, as noted above, would make the value of the larin 10.8d. This was not an accurate estimate of its value, since according to Tavernier (i, p. 136) 46 livres 1½ deniers (each = one-twelfth of a sol) were the exact equivalent of a Persian tōmān of that period, which was thus worth £3 9s. 2¼d. of our money; and as 80 larins made one tōmān (i, p. 136; ii, p. 590) the true value of the larin in Persia (and India) in the middle of the seventeenth century was 10.375d. This would require the silver in it to weigh 76.08 grains. According to Dr. J. G. Da Cunha, Sir John Chardin stated that the value was two and a half shāhis, or 11 sols 3 deniers, that is, 10.122d.; but by Tavernier’s reckoning (i, p. 135) two and a half shāhis would be worth 10.406d. Tavernier added that from Baghdad to Ceylon all business was done in larins. W. Barret writing in 1584 on Money and Measures (Hakluyt), remarked of them, “These be the best currant money in all the Indies.”
Dr. Davy stated (Travels, etc., p. 181) that fifty ridīs were equal to about twenty-nine shillings (1820); thus the value of the coin was then only about seven pence in Ceylon.
Although Prof. Rhys Davids mentioned (Coins and Measures of Ceylon, p. 35) that five ridīs were spoken of [about 1870] as the equivalent of a rix-dollar—both coins being then out of circulation—thus making the value of the ridī less than fivepence, he gave the weight of three of these coins as being from 72½ to 74½ grains. Dr. Da Cunha gave a weight of 68½ to 72 grains (Contributions, etc., part 3, p. 10). With an allowance for wear, it is therefore probable that the Persian weight of 76 grains was adhered to in Ceylon, and also in India.
In answer to my inquiry, Messrs. H. B. Andris and Co., of Kandy, have confirmed the statement made to me elsewhere, that the later value of the ridī in Ceylon was one-third of a rupee,—“panam pahayi salli hatarayi,” five panams and four sallis.
Prof. Rhys Davids noted that Pyrard stated the value of those made early in the seventeenth century in the Maldives, to be about eight sols, that is, 7.2d. It is not clear why the money had the low values recorded above, unless the quality of the silver had deteriorated. In Ceylon, in Knox’s time all the coins were tested in the fire.
According to the Mahāvansa, King Bhuvanēka-Bāhu VI in about A.D. 1475 constructed a relic casket out of seven thousand coins which are termed rajata in the Pāli original, and ridī in the Sinhalese edition, both words meaning silver. As there appear to have been comparatively few other silver coins in the country, none, so far as is known, having been coined since the beginning of the previous century, these were probably larins.
The next reference to the coin in Ceylon goes back to about the same date; it is given by Mr. Pieris (Ceylon: the Portuguese Era, i, p. 50), apparently taken from the manuscript history of de Queiroz. King Dharma Parākrama-Bāhu in 1518 related to the Portuguese Governor of Colombo that in his youth a certain man who had killed another did not possess the fifty larins which would have ransomed his life, and therefore he was executed. One would understand from this that these coins were plentiful in the island before A.D. 1500.
In the same work (i, p. 298) it is recorded that in 1596 the Portuguese captured five elephants laden with larins. Diogo do Couto mentioned that while besieged in Kōṭṭē in 1565, the Portuguese made some larins, “there being craftsmen of that calling” (Ferguson’s translation, p. 233), thus confirming Knox’s statement that this money was coined in Ceylon.
The Massa or Masurama which is mentioned so frequently in the stories is probably in most cases a copper coin, but gold and silver massas were also issued. In vol. iii, pp. 136, 137, line 31, 150, 1. 24, 387, 1. 29, the coins appear to have been gold massas. It is apparently the gold massa which is referred to in Mah. ii, 81, v. 45, where it is stated that King Wijaya-Bāhu (A.D. 1236–1240) paid 84,000 gold kahāpaṇas to transcribers of “the sacred book of the law.” Perhaps, also, in the stories the kahāpaṇas may have been golden massas or double massas. Compare vol. i, p. 348, and vol. iii, p. 263, line 33, and see below.
The commoner or standard coins of all three denominations have practically the same weight, which in the heavier examples is usually about 66 or 67 grains, though a few gold and silver coins exceed this weight, two silver ones of Niśśaṅka-Malla, from Mahiyangana wihāra, for which I am indebted to Prof. C. G. Seligmann, averaging 77½ grains. Out of 150 copper coins only one turned the scale at 69 grains. If we assume that the Indian copper scale of General Cunningham was followed, and that, with allowance for wear and oxidation, the correct original weight of all three classes was 72 grains, a massa of fine gold would be worth 12s. 8.92d. of our money. Compared with the Persian larin, the value of the silver massa of 72 grains, if fine silver, would be 9.82d., or 1/15.56 of the gold one. Respecting the copper coin, Dr. Davy stated early last century (Travels, p. 245) that the ridī (or larin) was then equivalent to sixty-four “Kandian challies,” that is, as he also terms them, “Dambadinia challies,” the common village name of the copper massas; at this ratio the silver massa of 72 grains would be equivalent to 60.57 copper massas, each being worth 0.162d., or about one-sixth of a penny.[1] Late in the fifteenth century the Indian ratio of the value of copper to silver appears, according to Thomas, to have been 64 to 1, and at the beginning of the sixteenth, according to Whiteway, 80 to 1.[2] I have met with no villager who knew what the coins termed kahawaṇuwa (kahāpaṇa) and masurama were.
Messrs. H. B. Andris and Co., of Kandy, have been good enough to send me the following table of the old values of Sinhalese coins, kindly supplied by the “High Priest” of the Malwatta Wihara, at Kandy, on what authority I am unaware:—
| 4 salli | = 1 tuṭṭuwa. |
| 8 tuṭṭu | = 1 massa. [? 20 tuṭṭu]. |
| 5 mahu (or masu) | = 1 kahawaṇuwa. [? 2 masu]. |
In the latter half of last century, twelve salli, or four tuṭṭu, made one copper paṇama, sixteen of which went to a rupee; the intrinsic value of this being 1s. 10½d., the salliya was worth 0.117d., or nearly half a farthing. In the absence of more ancient data, applying this value to the coins in the table the ancient tuṭṭuwa would be worth 0.468d., the massa 3.744d., and the silver kahawaṇuwa, 1s. 6.72d., a little less than the value of two silver massas of 72 grains. A double silver massa, which would appear to be this coin, has been discovered by Col. Lowsley;[3] its weight was not stated.
With regard to the values of other coins, Capt. Percival wrote in 1803 that the rix-dollar “goes for about two shillings sterling; and four of them are equivalent to a star pagoda [the Tamil varākam, Sin. warāgan], a Madras coin worth about eight shillings sterling” [in Ceylon; in India its official value was always three and a half rupees].
Page 229. Add, In Cinq Cents Contes et Apologues, vol. iii, p. 226, a man observed that birds that visited an island, inaccessible to man, in which there were great quantities of jewels, roosted at night in tall trees planted by him. He prepared some exquisite food for them with which they satiated themselves, afterwards vomiting pearls that covered the whole ground. He collected them, and became very wealthy.
Page 238, line 11. For pǣlas read hæliyas (large pots); and delete the following note in brackets.
Page 257, first note. See also Campbell’s Santal Folk Tales, pp. 8 and 9. In the same work, p. 25 ff., there is an account of a boy one span in height. See also ante, note to p. 107, vol. i.
Page 261. Add, In Campbell’s Santal Folk Tales, p. 19, some tigers who wanted to catch two men who had taken refuge on a palm tree, asked how they had ascended; they replied that they stood on each other’s shoulders. When the tigers did the same, one of the men called to the other to give him his battle-axe, so that he might hamstring the tailless tiger (which was at the bottom). It jumped aside, and all fell down, and ran off.
Page 266, note. For Bastḍā or Bastḍāra read Baṇḍā or Baṇḍāra.
Page 274. Add, In Campbell’s Santal Folk Tales, p. 12, a man who was in a tree was carried away in a bag by a demon. He escaped by putting a stone in it during the temporary absence of the demon, and was brought a second time. When the demon’s daughter admired his long hair he informed her that it became long by being pounded, on which she put her head down to have her hair lengthened; he then killed her, cooked her, and the demon and his friends who came for the feast ate her. The man wore the daughter’s clothes and was not recognised.
Page 281, line 37. For tadak read taḍak.
Page 303. K. Raja-Sin̥ha had a three-tiered hat (Knox, p. 34).
Page 319, line 24, and Index. For Amrapāli, read Āmrapāli.
Page 321, note. For ewidinawā read aewidinawā. According to Mr. Guṇasēkara’s Grammar, p. 452, this means, “the bees come as far as two miles.”
Page 324, line 12. After two feet insert (do paya).
Page 344, line 37. Add, In vol. ii, p. 125, a lion was killed by the poisonous breath of a man-snake, and in vol. iii, p. 70, a lion and elephant perished in the same manner.
Page 374, line 11. For 137 read 117.
Page 398. Add, In Campbell’s Santal Folk Tales, p. 12, a horse thief saddled and rode a tiger until daylight, thinking it a horse. On p. 46 it was a simpleton who rode. The tiger unwillingly returned with a jackal and bear, each holding the preceding one’s tail. When they reached the thicket where the man was supposed to be, the tiger’s courage gave way, and he bolted, dragging the others after him. A variant is given on p. 49, also.
Page 408, line 7. For While read while.
Page 433, line 7 of Sinhalese text. For deggatten read daeggatten.