Complex D
The authors believe that the culture (Complex D) represented at LoDaisKa from 55 inches below baseline to the top of the late Wisconsin Alluvium (erosional surface), is a manifestation of the Desert Culture as described by Jennings (Jennings and Norbeck, 1955; Jennings, 1957). This exists in its purest form below 72 inches but there is a persistence of some forms during the beginning of Complex C. Certain types characteristic of the complex continue above 55 inches; they occur, however, in diminishing quantities. There are two possible reasons for this: 1) that the shelter continued to be occupied by people of this affiliation; 2) that the materials worked up by the process of re-use or trampling and mixing of the floor. There is ethnological evidence that different tribes recognized each other’s projectile points and often collected them (Brew, 1946). To avoid confusion we shall treat this culture as it is manifested in its purest form below 72 inches. Where specific shift or other phenomenon does occur between 72-55 inches, it will be noted.
Traits characteristic of this complex are the following: projectile points of various forms, (to be discussed below), triangular knives, especially the second type described above, a few flake knives, side, discoidal, serrated, and a very few end scrapers, Uncompahgre scrapers, drills, perforators, utilized flakes, chopper/hammerstones, paint stones, splinter awls, awls with heads (especially some very large forms), a notched rib, used bone splinters, antler flakers, gaming pieces (undecorated), tubular beads, a tooth pendant, worked mica, wood shafts (large), a limestone pendant, one quartz crystal and one clay ball. Other artifacts found in the level include a few prismatic flakes perhaps fortuitous or intrusive, and above 60 inches a few small projectile points that are, by any criterion (e.g. Fenenga 1953), arrowheads. Typologically these show the greatest resemblance to forms found in Level 3 in Hells Midden (Lister, 1951). However, since there appear to be no allied traits they are felt to be intrusive. At least they provide no proof of the presence of this culture.
We will discuss cultural affinities in terms of projectile points with an eye to establishing possible lines of cultural influence from various geographical areas. We do not suggest that in most cases more than an idea was transmitted.
The Desert Cultures represent, according to Jennings, a “life way”, a specific economic approach to living in a certain environment. Though the Morrison biome differs in some respects from that of the classic “Desert Cultures”, the nature of the problems faced and the kinds of cultural response invoked are remarkably similar. Typological similarities to Danger Cave materials include a high degree of correspondence between class D projectile points and Jennings’ category W31. This form is also found at Medicine Rock Cave, Oregon (Cressman, 1956, Fig. 41) and Kawumkan Springs Midden (type 7a, Ibid.). It was also present at Deadman Cave, (Smith, 1952) and at Wormington and Lister’s (1956) Uncompahgre sites ([Fig. 42 ff]). Hurst (1944, 1945) named points of this type Tabeguache points. Points of a rather similar form occur in Ventana Cave in the Chiricahua-Amagosa II level (Haury, 1950) as a minor type, and become more common in the San Pedro materials.
Below we shall compare the LoDaisKa materials of this complex to three archaeological manifestations, since cultural ties seem to be closest with these. These are: Ventana Cave, Danger Cave, and sites of the Uncompahgre Complex, especially the Taylor Site. Reference will be made to other areas for specific items.
The similarities between type D projectile points and class W31 at Danger Cave have already been noted. Other similar forms include Class E forms and W25, 26. Class J may or may not be identified with W18 and W19; since large corner-notched forms are widespread they may not have enough distinctive features to be of value in site correlation. They are also present at Deadman Cave. There are five points (Class G) very similar to W38 (distribution Levels DIII-V at Danger Cave). If W8 and W10 are connected with McKean lanceolate and Duncan forms this is a good correlation point with the overlapping Complex C at LoDaisKa. There is a similarity between W16 and Class C, and W22 resembles Class I forms.
The only important projectile point category of Danger Cave Levels DIII-IV which is lacking at LoDaisKa is the series W28, 29, 30, corner-notched forms with deep basal notches.
In other tool types there is an amazing similarity between the triangular knives of Type I rather characteristic of Complex D at LoDaisKa and Jennings’ W48 and especially W52. Since one of those at LoDaisKa is obsidian, it is conceivable that it was traded from Utah or the surrounding area. At both Danger Cave and LoDaisKa the relative scarcity of end scrapers is noticeable. Other shared traits include flake knives, straight drills, a few gravers, the possible foreshaft from LoDaisKa, splinter awls and “headed” awls (it is interesting to note that DIV types were less well made than LoDaisKa or DIII types). One-hand manos and slab milling stones are found at both localities. However, the peculiar four-plane type does not occur at Danger Cave. Abrading stones, present at Danger Cave, are not found in Complex D. It is of interest to note that both sites contained worked mica, ochre and paint pigments. Nothing is known concerning basketry at LoDaisKa.
There are numerous similarities between the projectile points of Ventana Cave and those of LoDaisKa. Type H resembles Haury’s expanding stemmed, round tanged, convex based form. These are distributed vertically throughout the levels of both Ventana and LoDaisKa, but are almost entirely absent at Danger Cave. Points of Class C very closely resemble Haury’s expanding stemmed sharp tanged convex based or straight based types. These are the second most numerous type as low as level VI at Ventana. There are some points with oblique tangs that may be related to Class I or J. However, the best marker is Class C2. The first point figured in the group is identical with points of the class loosely termed Pinto Basin. Both this and the second two can be duplicated in Ventana Cave, or at the San Jose Site (Bryan and Toulouse, 1943). Nearer to LoDaisKa, Renaud (1942, 1946) has found similar points in the Upper Rio Grande.
In both LoDaisKa Complex D and Ventana Levels II-III there are triangular, convex-edged blades, side and discoidal scrapers. End scrapers, especially snub-nosed forms are comparatively rare at both sites. There are drills and/or perforators, including what we have termed gravers, choppers, and utilized flakes. Hematite appears together with quartz crystals. Awls are found: both headed and splinter forms are represented. At both sites the former are the most numerous type during the interval under discussion. At LoDaisKa there was no category of “sawed” awls as at Ventana. Rib scrapers or knives are also an interesting feature. There are in addition, tubular beads of bird and mammal bone, and antler flakers. One additional and notable similarity is to be found in handstones. These are all of the one hand variety. Due to a peculiarity of usage, a median line developed creating four grinding planes. This was probably caused in rocking the mano when pushing it forward and then back. Occasionally a specimen is noted where the user had rotated it 90° when reversing it, creating median lines on opposite faces perpendicular to each other. As Haury (1950) pointed out, this phenomenon is a special feature of the Cochise Culture. It occurs at Ventana Cave and in the LoDaisKa Site. Both flat slab milling stones and those with slight basins are found.
A third comparison can be made with the nearby Uncompahgre Complex (Wormington and Lister, 1956). Similarities to Danger Cave, sites of the Middle Horizon of the Plains and to the Cochise Culture are reflected in the Uncompahgre Complex, as summarized by the authors. Certain forms of projectile points, especially the type called Tabeguache by Hurst, are found in the Taylor Site in levels 4, 8, and 10. Another similar form is the round based, round barbed type (Class II), also found in Ventana Cave. There are certain small points from these levels, possibly arrowheads, which bear resemblance to projectile points of levels 1-3 at the Taylor Site, and forms of Level 2 at Hells Midden.
Generally asymmetrical large ovoid bifaces or knives are common in the Uncompahgre Complex, as they are here. The stemmed drills, straight drills, gravers, and perforators of the general class that we have called awls, are common in both the Uncompahgre and Complex D. There are other similarities in serrated scrapers, and the rarity of end scrapers. A triangular notched pendant found at LoDaisKa is probably analogous to certain flat pieces of soft stone that were used as ornaments on the Plateau. The four-planed manos noted above are also found here. An interesting artifact, the Uncompahgre scraper, was first described by Wormington and Lister in their report. Such pieces also occur at LoDaisKa. Whether they occur elsewhere is not known, since it is possible they were present in other areas but have not been recognized. At the Taylor Site there were storage pits as at LoDaisKa. One notable discrepancy is the lack of awls with heads at sites of the Uncompahgre Complex.
Before closing this discussion, we should take note of a possible broader relationship of Complex D, that is within the continent-wide framework of an Archaic horizon. While we have limited specific correlation to Desert cultures, other similarities do exist in total tool assemblage and specific point types with a number of Eastern Archaic sites, such as Modoc Rock Shelter (Fowler, 1959). Jennings (1957) has admirably summarized the relations of manifestations of the Desert cultures with sites of the Eastern Archaic, and further inquiry should be made in this direction. Perhaps when Archaic sites between LoDaisKa and the Mississippi are discovered, a gradual blending of Eastern Archaic-Desert Culture will be noted. A recent publication for Oklahoma by R. Bell (1958) gives hope in this regard. Since corn was present at Bat Cave (Dick, 1952), a site with certain Chiricahua Cochise affinities, it is not unreasonable to assume corn diffused to LoDaisKa from New Mexico or Arizona.
Cultural Reconstruction
There can be little doubt that the people of Complex D led a life similar to that described by Jennings for the Desert Cultures. The term “Desert” is a little misleading, since the Morrison Biome is not in any sense of the word a desert. However, the vegetation is of the Sonoran type, a type with great variation characterized by fairly low rainfall, scrubby bushes and few trees. The proximity of the mountain forest biome supporting deer and other large animals, probably led the people to greater dependence on these at the expense of small game. This hypothesis is supported by the faunal charts. The multitude of grinding stones, and the presence of edible floral remains attest to the continued importance of gathering. Another factor is present, for floral remains and the pollen record indicate the presence of maize in early times at LoDaisKa. At another site in southwestern New Mexico, Bat Cave (Dick, n.d.) was recorded one of the earliest occurrences of maize in North America. At Bat Cave preservation was better than at LoDaisKa and a more complete record was found. There is a clear resemblance between certain projectile points of Bat Cave (e.g. Datil points) and Chiricahua and Ventana forms, and those of LoDaisKa mentioned above. Perhaps maize was grown by the people of Ventana Cave also. It remains to be seen, however, how much difference the cultivation of small amounts of corn made in social and economic life. We are inclined to agree with Willey and Phillips (1958), who suggest that it was indeed little. In their hunting and gathering activities these people must have lived a life very similar to that of the Ute, outlined above. For theoretical considerations, the light shed on prehistoric life by these primitive cultures of the historic period cannot be overemphasized. The characters are different, but all the evidence suggests that the play was much the same with only minor variations.
Cists from Complex D suggest that seeds and perhaps corn were stored. Fire areas are sometimes large and deep. Perhaps these were traditional cooking areas. The many rocks scattered in the pits suggest that stone boiling or baking was practiced, and flat slabs may have been used for cooking cakes. Food was ground on basin or flat metates with one-hand manos. Lowie (1924) cites ethnological evidence for the use of different kinds of grinding stones for different foods in the Great Basin cultures. Perhaps a similar custom gave rise to the peculiar four-plane and ordinary type manos in equal proportions at LoDaisKa. Hunting methods included the use of the atlatl, or spear-thrower, and possibly, though no evidence is at hand, snares. Perhaps the use of bolas is recorded by the clay ball described above. Long bone awls suggest that basketry was important.
In technology the people had rather well formed projectile points. The flaking technique employed was probably largely percussion supplemented by pressure. In general, tools were smaller than those from other sites that exhibit typological parallels. This could have been partly due to ecologic conditions or perhaps to a scarcity of stone. Wide use of rough quartz and metamorphic rock suggest that the latter factor was operative. Obsidian was obtained through trade or visits to other areas. For sources of obsidian, one must look either to the vulcanism of northern Wyoming, Southwestern Colorado, New Mexico or Utah. Peoples occupying other sites of this time period also appear to have engaged in trade ([see Jennings, 1957; Haury, 1950]).
Bone was widely used for scraping, cutting and piercing. The exact method of cutting bone is not known; but there are gravers and utilized flakes that could have been used.
Ornaments suggest that interest in self adornment was not lacking. Hematite and ochre indicate that there was some use of paints and pigments. A piece of chlorite was found that, if ground and mixed with grease, could have made a spectacular kind of paint. Worked mica again may have had ornamental or ceremonial uses.
In the magico-religious field, one can probably infer some of the religious practices of the Basin hunters and gatherers, from those of the recent Ute. An interesting feature is the occurrence of a rather large, well formed, smokey colored quartz crystal. Perhaps as Haury suggested (1950), such crystals were picked up for beauty, but another possibility is that they were a part of a shaman’s paraphernalia. Certain California and Louisiana Archaic sites contain many of these, and they are assumed to have had some sort of magico-religious function. It would be surprising not to find at least a part time shaman in such a culture, although regalia such as sucking tubes are lacking.
Conjectures concerning social organization can be briefly set forth. It is probable that the people had a more or less bilateral form of kinship. As Murdock (1949) and others have noted, where economic division of labor is nearly even, a more or less bilateral organization tends to develop, with at most only mild matri-or patrilineality. From ethnologic parallels for Basin peoples this seems plausible. But use of ethnological evidence for single traits at this chronological level is extra-hazardous. What effect the little agriculture practised had is a moot question. As we have pointed out concerning the people of Complex A, small plots of corn would have required at least semi-annual gatherings, and would have temporarily placed the society on a relatively stable footing. Possibly the proceeds of a harvest were used for a gala feast or ceremony. However, the presence of cache pits suggests that something at least was stored.
Two oblong pieces of bone which appear to have been gaming pieces suggest that gambling existed as a form of recreation. Certainly, as Steward (1940) has noted, gaming was a constant feature of Basin cultures.