Culture Complex A
The authors believe culture Complex A is related to what has been termed the Fremont Culture of western Colorado and eastern Utah. Complex A appears to manifest itself between the surface (the erosional surface below a cow dung layer) and 44-48 inches below baseline. Complex A and the Fremont culture have a number of similarities. Foremost among these is pottery. All the plainware found is assignable to this complex. Although the total number of sherds is not large, one restorable vessel is represented. In shape, method of manufacture, temper, paste, color, and firing, this specimen approximated Wormington’s Turner Grey Variety II (Wormington, 1955). There are two points of difference between this and classic Fremont ceramics. First, it is a bowl, while most Fremont vessels are handled jugs. This is offset by the possibility that a second large sherd does come from a small pot or jug. Also Wormington (1955) and Taylor (1957) note the presence of bowl-forms at their sites. Second, much Fremont pottery is calcite tempered (Burgh and Scoggin, 1948; Wormington, 1955). However, Gunnerson (1956) has recently shown that choice of temper for the Fremont Culture is more a function of locality than of cultural preference.
A second correlation is found in the gaming pieces assignable to Complex A. The three decorated pieces illustrated are almost duplicated in some of Wormington’s illustrations and descriptions. Similar items have had a long history in the Southwest (Morris and Burgh, 1954).
Third, there is a similarity between class bb projectile points and certain Fremont points, particularly at Castle Park (Lister, 1951). Features include concavity of the edges, general narrowness, straight short bases, and frequent serrations. One of the points of Complex A is made on a curved flake, chipped only on one face. This is a rather distinctive type occurring also in Fremont sites. Wormington (1955), found some peculiar asymmetrical points like [Fig. 27]. She found no evidence of utilization as knives which their shape suggests.
The presence of dent corn, similar to that grown in Fremont localities is significant in indicating similarities in the ecologic orientation of the two groups.
Other artifacts included in the levels of Complex A are: Leaf-shaped and triangular knives, side, discoidal and serrated scrapers, expanding base drills, perforators, prismatic flakes?, 1 graver, small ovoid bifaces, utilized flakes, choppers/hammerstones, paint stones, splinter, sliver and headed awls, rib or scapulae knives, antler flakers, tubular beads, 1 tooth ornament, leather fragments, 1 wood arrow shaft, handstones and grinding slabs. End scrapers, perforators, prismatic flakes, small ovoid bifaces, sliver awls, perhaps antler flakers, and the tooth ornament are either extremely uncommon or absent at Fremont sites. These artifacts may be associated with culture Complex B. None are confined to the interval between the surface and 44-48 inches below baseline. Evidently they were present before the occupation of the site by people of Complex A.
A word of caution is in order. Relatively speaking there are few artifact types assignable to Complex A. Pottery is especially scarce. However, projectile points of the type believed to be associated with it make up at least 40 percent of the total in the 44″-surface levels. We have tentatively identified it with the Fremont Culture on the basis of the evidence above. However, since so many distinctive traits of this culture are in the realms of architecture and perishable goods, we are necessarily dealing with a partial inventory. Without such features we can suggest but cannot prove.
One item of interest is the evidence that the Fremont people did reach eastern Colorado or at least trade with people of that area. A rather spectacular headband found in Castle Park (Burgh and Scoggin, 1948), was made from the feathers of a yellow flicker (Colaptes anratus luteus) which occurs only east of the mountains.
Cultural Reconstruction
Since Complex A largely overlapped B, cultural reconstruction will have to be considered in the light of evidence from sites affiliated with it. This reconstruction will be based however, on evidence from LoDaisKa.
The economic life of the people probably revolved mainly about hunting and gathering. Animals hunted included birds, prairie dog, chipmunk, bighorn sheep, bison, and above all deer. The large number of projectile points attests to the importance of hunting. Gathering placed an emphasis on plum, acorn, and grass seeds such as Muhlenbergia. Corn also appears to have been grown. Characteristics of preservation have precluded the possibility of determining its importance in the diet of the people. One bone of the genus Canis was found. This may represent coyote or dog. Wormington (1955) found a bone of genus Canis which also could have been from a domestic dog. Since dogs were known in the Southwest from Basketmaker times, this is not an impossibility (Kidder and Guernsey, 1931). Pieces of leather suggest that this was used for clothing. There were also beads attesting to ornamentation. Necklaces and elaborate dress were characteristic of the Fremont people, as revealed by petroglyphs and various discoveries of clothing.
Amusement, or at least recreation, is indicated by the presence of gaming pieces. Considering the care used in making one of these objects they must have been fairly important in the cultural pattern. Great Basin people were often inveterate gamblers (Steward, 1940). Wormington (1955) has recorded a Cheyenne woman’s description of a game played with bone gaming pieces.
FIGURE 74— LOCATION OF PRINCIPAL SITES
AND LOCALITIES REFERRED TO IN THE TEXT.
People of this complex appear to have been rather skilled in stone working. Chipped projectile points are usually executed with care, often achieving slender finely flaked forms. It is interesting to note that stone scrapers were apparently little used by Fremont people. Perhaps hides were prepared in other ways. Baskets were undoubtedly made and were probably important. The awls found can attest either to sewing or basket-making; the long slender awls would have been especially suited for the latter. Tubular beads were made by a process widespread in the West: incising and splitting. Pottery was roughly made and fairly thick, but not more so than some of Wormington’s (average thickness 5 mm.). Pottery of this rougher type is widespread in northern Fremont locales.
Concerning the possible socio-political situation some conjecture can be recorded. First, as Wormington (1955) pointed out, using data from Murdock (1949), “hunting is normally a male activity and it seems probable that agricultural pursuits were left to the women, and the corn plots may have belonged to them. The inheritance of corn plots by women may have served to unite nuclear families into extended families with matrilineal descent and matri-local residence. However, emphasis on hunting and possible warfare would tend to enhance the status of men and descent may have been bilateral or patrilineal.” For Complex A the latter would be especially important if the absence of quantities of pottery indicates less emphasis on agriculture and more on hunting. Certainly, however, the wild foods at both the LoDaisKa Site and in Castle Park show the continued importance of gathering activities usually associated with women.