MAPS AND PLANS
| Route, Vera Cruz to Mexico | [118] |
| Battle of Cerro Gordo | [124] |
| The Valley of Mexico | [162] |
| Battlefields in the Valley of Mexico—Contreras, Churubusco, Chapultepec, Molino del Rey, Mexico | [172] |
THE LIFE OF ISAAC INGALLS STEVENS
CHAPTER I
ANCESTRY.—BIRTHPLACE
About 1640 a mere handful of English colonists went out from Boston, and made the first settlement in the town of Andover, Essex County, Massachusetts. They laid out their homes on the Cochichewick, a stream which flows out of the Great Pond in North Andover, and falls into the Merrimac River on the south side a few miles below Lawrence. The infant settlement was known as Cochichewick until 1646, when it was incorporated as a town under its present name, after the Andover in Hampshire, England, the birthplace of some of the settlers.
Among the first who thus planted their hearthstones in the wilderness was John Stevens. His name stands fifth in an old list in the town records containing “the names of all the householders in order as they came to town.” The mists of the past still allow a few glimpses of this sturdy Puritan settler. He was admitted a freeman of the colony, June 2, 1641 (Old Style). He was appointed by the General Court, May 15, 1654, one of a committee of three to settle the boundary between the towns of Haverhill and Salisbury, a duty satisfactorily performed. He was sergeant in the military company of the town, a post then equivalent to captain or commander. According to Savage, N.E. Genealogies, vol. i., p. 186, John Stevens lived at Caversham, County Oxford, England, and came to America in the Confidence from Southampton in 1638.
Large, substantial head and foot stones of slate, sculptured and lettered in the quaint fashion of his day, still mark the resting-place of John Stevens, after the storms of now two and a third centuries, in the oldest graveyard of Cochichewick, situated opposite the Kittredge mansion, and about half a mile north of the old parish meeting-house in North Andover. He died April 11, 1662, in the fifty-seventh year of his age, and was therefore thirty-five years old when he founded his future home. John Stevens was evidently a man of note and substance, the worthy progenitor of a prolific family, which has filled Andover with his descendants, and put forth from time to time strong, flourishing branches into all quarters of the country. It may indeed be safely said that there is scarcely a State in the Union which does not contain descendants of this sturdy Puritan.
His son Nathan, the first male child born in Andover, lies buried near him under a broad freestone slab with an inscription to “Counclr Nathan Stevens, who deceased February ye 19, 1717, in ye 75 year of his age.” The memorials of many others of his descendants stand thickly scattered through the quaint old burial-ground. Not the least interesting of these relics is a stone “In memory of Primus, who was a faithful servant of Mr. Benjamin Stevens, Jr., who died July 25, 1792, aged 72 years, 5 months, and 16 days.”
A vigorous, long-lived race sprang from the loins of this first settler John, a hardy, thrifty race of plain New England farmers, honest and straightforward, with plenty of solid, shrewd good sense, bearing manfully the toils and hardships of colonial days, and contributing its quota of ministers and deacons to the church, and officers and soldiers to the wars with the Indians and the French. In 1679 a grant of land was made to Ephraim Stevens, son of the first settler, in recompense of his losses by the Indians. In 1689 Lieutenant John Stevens, another son, perished in the expedition against Louisburg. In 1698 Abiel Stevens, a grandson, was captured by the Indians, but made his escape. In 1755 Captain Asa Stevens and Ensign James Stevens died in the Lake George campaign. Upon the state muster-rolls appear the names of twelve Stevenses of Andover as soldiers in the Revolution.
GRAVE OF JOHN STEVENS
The subject of this work, Isaac Ingalls Stevens, was the seventh in direct descent from John Stevens, the founder of Andover,—1 John Stevens, 2 Joseph, 3 James, 4 James, 5 Jonathan, 6 Isaac, 7 Isaac Ingalls Stevens.
Joseph was the fourth son of the first settler John. He was deacon in the church. He married Mary Ingalls May 20, 1679, and died February 25, 1743, aged 88.
James was the second son of Joseph, married Dorothy Fry, March, 1712, and died May 25, 1769, aged 84. He participated in the military affairs and contests with the Indians and French of his times, commanded a company at the capture of Louisburg, and for his services was granted a tract of land in Maine. He was a deputy to the General Court. His gravestone bears the title of captain.
Captain James’s eldest son was also named James. He was born in 1720, and married Sarah Peabody in 1745. This James was an energetic, promising young man, with a young wife and two boys, when in 1754 a recruiting party with colors, drum, and fife went about Andover beating up recruits for the French and Indian war then raging. The young men all hung back. “Make me a captain,” said James Stevens, “and I will raise a company for the war.” This remark led to his receiving the commission of ensign. He raised a company of the young men of Andover, and marched away at their head to the shores of Lake George, in New York, where, November 28, 1755, he died of camp fever, with the rank of lieutenant.
His eldest son, Jonathan, inherited a due share of his father’s spirit, for we find him hastening to Bunker Hill, and fighting manfully in the battle. He served on other occasions during the Revolutionary war, and after a successful dash upon the enemy writes the following interesting letter to his sister:—
Loving Sister,—These will inform you that I am very well at present, and have been so ever since I came from home, and I hope you and all my friends enjoy the same state of health.
We have been up to Ticonderoga and took almost four hundred prisoners of the British Army, and relieved one hundred of our men that were prisoners there.
Our army have come from Ticonderoga down as far as Pawlet, about sixty miles, and expect to march to Stillwater very soon. So no more at present.
I remain, Your Loving Brother,
Jonathan Stevens.
Pawlet, October ye 1st, 1777.
Jonathan married Susannah Bragg, December 15, 1773, and raised thirteen children,—Jonathan, Susannah, James, Dolly, Jeremy, Hannah, Isaac, Nathaniel, Dolly, Moses, Sarah, Oliver, and William.
He united the business of a currier and tanner to his ancestral pursuit of farming, and achieved the modest independence he so well merited. The house that he occupied for many years stood on the old road that passed along the western border of the Cochichewick meadows, that were long since flooded and converted into a lake, the extension of the Great Pond, for the water supply of the woolen mills of his son Nathaniel, and the cellar is still visible on the west side of the road, some three hundred yards from its junction with the road from the village of North Andover to the mills. He afterwards built one of those large, square, substantial mansions, once common in New England, on the crest of the high ground east of the village, and commanding noble views of the hamlet, the Great Pond, and the Cochichewick valley and the mills. This house was unfortunately destroyed by fire in 1876.
Jonathan Stevens purchased, for sixpence an acre, a large tract of land in Maine, which he divided into three farms, and bestowed upon his sons Jonathan, James, and Isaac. They settled, and named the place Andover, after their native town, and the descendants of the two former still reside there.
Jonathan Stevens was a tall, large man of fresh, ruddy complexion and fine appearance. He was fond of relating the incidents of the battle of Bunker Hill, and used to recount the tale to his children and grandchildren every Fourth of July,—how Putnam went along the line and commanded them not to fire until they could see the whites of the Redcoats’ eyes; and how Abbot, the strongest man in town, bore a wounded comrade off the field on his back. On the anniversary of the battle he invariably invited his comrades in the fight to his house, and entertained them with New England rum and hearty, old-fashioned hospitality, while the veterans fought the battle o’er again. He sat among the veterans of the battle at Webster’s magnificent oration in dedication of the Bunker Hill monument. On his eighty-fourth birthday he worked with his men in the hay field, keeping up with the best all day, and suffered no ill effect from the unwonted exertion. He died April 13, 1834, at the age of eighty-seven. In 1799 he gave the tract of land upon which was erected Franklin Academy, on the hill north of the meeting-house.
Jonathan’s brother James, Captain James’s other son, also served in the Revolutionary war, and left a diary of the siege of Boston, recently discovered in the garret of an old mansion in Andover, which opens like an epic:—
“April ye 19, 1775. This morning about seven o’clock we had a larum that the Regulars were gone to Concord. We gathered to the meeting house, and then started for Concord. We went through Tewksbury into Billerica. We stopped at Pollard’s, and ate some biscuits and cheese on the common. We started and went on to Bedford, and we heard that the Regulars had gone back to Boston. So we went through Bedford. As we went into Lexington we went to the meeting house, and there we came to the destruction of the Regulars. They killed eight of our men, and shot a cannon ball through the meeting house. We went along through Lexington, and we saw several Regulars dead on the road, and some of our men, and three or four houses were burnt, and some horses and hogs were killed. They plundered in every house they could get into. They stove in windows and broke in tops of desks. We met the men a coming back very fast,” etc.
Jonathan’s fourth son was Isaac, born in 1785. On reaching manhood he went before the mast on a voyage to China, and brought back, as a gift to his mother, a beautiful china tea-set. After his return from sea he went to Andover, Maine, to settle upon the lands bestowed by his father upon himself and brothers, Jonathan and James.
With characteristic energy, Isaac Stevens set to work clearing his land, and reducing rebellious nature to orderly submission. While thus at work in the woods one day, a heavy tree fell upon and crushed him to the earth; his left leg was terribly mangled, the bones broken in two places, and he received other serious injuries. The doctors insisted that the leg must be taken off in order to save his life, but Isaac Stevens with inflexible resolution refused to allow the amputation, and after a long, painful illness finally recovered. The limb, however, in the process of healing, became materially shorter and permanently stiffened, so that he was unable to bend the knee joint, and during the remainder of his life the wound broke out afresh periodically, and caused him great suffering. As soon as he was sufficiently recovered to bear the journey, he returned to his native Andover, where, under his mother’s careful nursing, he slowly recovered from the terrible injuries he had received.
It was at this time that he formed an attachment with Hannah Cummings, the daughter of a sterling farmer family like his own, and who united to a warm and affectionate heart, noble and elevated sentiments, strong good sense, and untiring industry. Their marriage followed soon after, on the 29th of September, 1814. He now relinquished the project of settling in Maine, and hired an old farmhouse with some twenty acres of land of Mr. Bridges. This house, one of the oldest in Andover, is situated at the end of Marble Ridge, a short distance south of the Great Pond, and at the point where the road from the village to Haverhill, after crossing the Essex Railroad, forks, the left branch leading on to Haverhill, while the other turns short to the right and conducts to Marble Ridge Station. The solid timbers and stockaded sides of the rear part of this old house—for the front is a later structure—were the mute witnesses of a stratagem in early Indian troubles as novel as it proved successful. The stout-hearted farmer settler was alone, with his wife and little ones about him, one night, when he discovered a large party of savages stealthily approaching, and spreading out so as to encompass his house. Hastily barricading the doors, he seized his trumpet, which he bore as trumpeter of the military company of the settlement, stole unperceived out of the house, caught and mounted his horse, and, making a circuit through the fields, gained the high road between the Indians and the village. Then, putting spurs to his steed, and pealing blast upon blast from his trumpet, he charged furiously down upon the Indians, now in the very act of assailing his domicile, who, thinking no doubt that the whole force of the country-side was upon them, incontinently fled into the forest.
Judged by the standard of these days, the young couple had an unpromising future. They were very poor, the husband a cripple, and they held as tenants a few barren acres from which to extract a livelihood. But Isaac Stevens now toiled early and late with untiring energy; he saved at every point, and turned everything to account with true Yankee thrift. He built a malt-house, and after laboring on the farm from earliest dawn until dark, would work at preparing the malt until late in the evening. His farm embraced a large meadow lying on both sides of the Cochichewick, just below where it issued from the Great Pond, but now flooded by the milldams still lower down, where he cut vast quantities of meadow hay, with which he filled his barns and fed a goodly number of horned stock during the long, rigorous winters, realizing thereby a handsome profit in the spring. His young wife joined her efforts to his, and frequently cut and made clothing for the neighbors around, in addition to the unceasing and arduous labors of a farmer’s wife. Such thrift and industry could not fail of success. The Bridges house and land were purchased, largely on mortgage at first; then the wet meadow was added; then a goodly tract of generous land was bought of the father, Jonathan Stevens, and other fields and tracts were added from time to time. During the thirteen years following their marriage, the first scanty holding grew to a farm of one hundred and fifty acres of their own, and free from debt. Seven children, too, came to bless their union and increase their cares. Then the devoted wife and mother died, November 3, 1827, leaving this helpless little flock, the oldest of whom was but twelve and the youngest two years of age. Henceforth life was a heavy and unceasing labor to Isaac Stevens. The little farm grew no larger, and all his efforts were now required to maintain his family and keep free from debt. Two years afterwards he married Ann Poor, of North Andover, impelled by his situation and circumstances, with so many helpless children about him and the household economy of the farm unprovided for. The second wife failed to restore the happiness of home. She had no children, and died in 1866, four years after her husband.
Isaac Stevens was a man of deeply marked and noble characteristics. His fortitude was severely tested by the misfortune which left him a lifelong cripple. His cool courage and inflexible resolution are best illustrated by his manner of dealing with a dangerous bull he once owned. This animal grew daily more and more savage, until every one stood in fear of it except the owner, who, as often happens in such cases, persisted in thinking it quite harmless. At length, however, the bull one day chased a neighbor, who had imprudently ventured to cross the field in which it pastured, and overtaking him just as he reached the fence, tossed him high in air, so that falling fortunately on the farther side of the inclosure, he escaped with no more serious injuries than some severe bruises and a broken nose. The bull, furious at the escape of his prey, was bellowing and pawing the ground. “The bull must be shot!” cried the man who helped off the injured neighbor. But Isaac Stevens at once armed himself with a stout cudgel, coolly hobbled into the field, disregarding all remonstrances and entreaties, fixed his eye upon the enraged beast, backed him into a narrow corner where he could not escape, and thrashed him over the head with the club with such terrible severity that he was completely subdued, and ever after remained perfectly gentle and submissive.
Always strictly observing the Sabbath, he held liberal views of religion and attended the Unitarian Church. He kept himself informed of the current events of the day, taking the New York “Tribune” and Garrison’s “Liberator,” and manifesting the greatest interest in education, temperance, anti-slavery, and every cause that would make mankind better or happier. “How he denied himself all comforts almost, and quietly sent money to free the slave and for the temperance cause! He was a strong pillar of the foundation principles of right and justice that it would be well for young men of this day to study,” said one who knew him well.
He was, above all, a man of perfect integrity and truth, and of a strict sense of justice. There was not a fibre of guile or indirection in his moral nature. He held strong and ardent convictions, noble and lofty ideals of duty and philanthropy, and an intense hatred and scorn of wrong or oppression in any form. He strongly opposed and denounced the use of liquors and tobacco, and became early in life a vehement and outspoken abolitionist of slavery, at a period when the advocacy of such doctrines demanded unusual moral courage as well as stern conviction of right. At his decease, years afterwards, he bequeathed five hundred dollars to the Anti-Slavery Society, requiring only that Wendell Phillips should deliver a lecture in the parish church of North Andover.
The untiring industry which, with his frugality and good management, enabled him to achieve comparative independence so early in life, was not the course of a drudge and miser, but of an ardent, resolute spirit spurning poverty, debt, and dependence. All through life he manifested an unconquerable aversion to debt. He loved a fast horse, and the old mare which he kept until she died, over twenty-seven years old, was, in her prime, the fastest in the town. After reading a newspaper or book, he was in the habit of giving it to a neighbor, telling him to hand it to another after perusing it. He took great pains with his orchards, and planted apple-trees along the stone walls bordering his fields. He also planted the noble elms now overhanging the old farmhouse, and the long lines of this graceful tree now bordering the road from the house to the crest of the hill overlooking the village and the road over Marble Ridge, and the numerous clumps and rows in his fields wherever a sightly eminence seemed to require such an adornment.
His children were:—
Hannah Peabody, born September 24, 1815, died November 24, 1840.
Susan Bragg, born February 14, 1817, died April 8, 1841.
Isaac Ingalls, born March 25, 1818, died September 1, 1862.
Elizabeth Barker, born July 14, 1819, died December 10, 1846.
Sarah Ann, born January 13, 1822, died February 8, 1844.
Mary Jane, born August 5, 1823, died June 22, 1847.
Oliver, born June 22, 1825.
The following account of the ancestry of Hannah Cummings is given by her nephew, Dr. George Mooar, D.D., of Oakland, California, who has collected much information concerning the Cummings genealogy:—
“Hannah, wife of Isaac Stevens, was the third child of Deacon Asa and Hannah (Peabody) Cummings, born October 23, 1785, married September 29, 1814, and died November 3, 1827.
“The line from her father to the first American ancestor runs thus: Asa (6), Thomas (5), Joseph (4), Abraham (3), John (2), Isaac (1).
“Deacon Asa was born in Andover, Massachusetts, but removed in 1798 to Albany, Maine, a pioneer settler there, a trusted, intelligent, and capable citizen, who in 1803 represented his district in the General Court.
“Captain Thomas (5) was born in Topsfield and died September 3, 1765. He married Anna Kittell, the widow of Asa Johnson, of Andover.
“Captain Joseph (4), of Topsfield, was quite a character. The biographer of Dr. Manasseh Cutler says that he found among the papers of that eminent person a notice of Captain Cummings in which he is spoken of as a remarkable man, well versed in the politics of the day, and he adds: ‘From the interest Dr. Cutler felt in him, he must have been a stanch patriot and Federalist.’ In a notice which appears in the ‘Salem Gazette’ we are told that when nearly a hundred he would readily mount his horse from the ground. He died in his one hundred and second year.
“Abraham (3) was a resident of Woburn and of Dunstable.
“John (2) was quite a large proprietor in Boxford, Massachusetts, and later was one of the first fourteen proprietors of the town of Dunstable.
“Isaac (1) appears on a list of the ‘Commoners of Ipswich in 1641, but appears to have arrived in America three years before. No exact knowledge of his previous residence in Great Britain has been obtained. The prevailing tradition gives him a Scottish descent.’
“An elder brother of Hannah Cummings was Dr. Asa Cummings, D.D., of Portland, Maine, eminent for classical learning and piety, and editor of the ‘Christian Mirror’ for many years.”
CHAPTER II
BIRTH.—BOYHOOD
Isaac Ingalls Stevens first saw the light at the old Marble Ridge farmhouse, on the 25th of March, 1818. He was a delicate infant, and it was impossible for his mother, with her other little ones and the engrossing labors of the farmhouse, to bestow upon him the care his condition required. His grandmother, one day visiting the farm, was shocked to see him still in his cradle, though three years old, and, remarking that unless he was taught soon he never would walk, insisted upon taking him home with her, where, under her gentle and experienced hands, he quickly learned to run about. After returning home his father used to plunge him, fresh from bed, into a hogshead of cold water every morning.
Such heroic treatment would be sure to kill or cure, and perhaps no better proof could be given of the native vigor of his constitution than the fact that he lived, and became strong, active, and hardy.
Even as a child he was active, daring, and adventurous. He used to climb the lofty elms in front of his grandfather’s house, and cling like a squirrel to the topmost branches, laughing and chattering defiance to his grandmother’s commands and entreaties to come down.
One afternoon Abiel Holt, the hired man on the farm, went a-fishing for pickerel, and took Isaac, who was then a very little urchin just able to run about cleverly. After catching a fine string of fish, they came to the old causeway which crossed the water where now stands the dam under the Essex Railroad, but which was then submerged several feet deep in the water for some distance.
A rude footway had been contrived here by driving down forked stakes at suitable intervals along the causeway, and placing loose poles in the crotches from stake to stake, forming one row for the feet and another a little higher for the hands.
The contrivance was rickety and unsafe to the last degree; the poles swayed and bent at every step, and it required great care and the use of both feet and hands to avoid a ducking. It was now time to drive up the cows, which were pasturing beyond the water; so Holt, bidding the child remain there, crossed over after them, taking with him the string of fish, which he hung up on one of the stakes on the farther side, for he wanted the pleasure of taking his spoils home in triumph, and feared, if he left them with Isaac, the latter would take them and run home while he was away. On returning he was struck with consternation to find no trace of either the child or the fish. He carefully scrutinized the water without result, and at length slowly returned to the farmhouse, filled with misgivings, and was not a little relieved to find both his charge and his fish safe at home. The child had worked his way across the water by the poles, although, standing on the lower row, he could hardly reach the upper one with extended arms, and had returned, holding the string of fish in his teeth, in the same way. His father ever after was particularly fond of relating this anecdote in proof of the daring and adventurous spirit so early manifested.
BIRTHPLACE OF GENERAL STEVENS, ANDOVER, MASS.
From Historical Sketches of Andover, by Sarah Loring Bailey
He was a sensitive, earnest child, not demonstrative, but having great affection and tenderness, which he lavished upon his mother. Her early death was his first and greatest misfortune. When he was only seven years old, his father, who always drove furiously, in driving with his wife in his wagon rapidly around a corner, overset the vehicle. They were thrown out violently upon the ground, and the unfortunate mother struck upon her head. From this shock she never really recovered, and died two years after the unhappy accident. During this period Isaac attached himself closely to his mother, and acquired no slight influence over her. The early death of this tender and devoted wife and mother well-nigh destroyed the happiness of her family. Isaac ever cherished her memory with the tenderest veneration. He thought that from her were inherited great part of his talents, and that had she lived he would have been spared the injudicious forcing of his mind in his childhood, to which he always declared he owed a real mental injury.
After the mother’s death, a housekeeper was employed to provide for the helpless little flock, and attend to the household duties; and two years later the father married his second wife, Ann Poor.
Isaac was sent to school before his fifth year, where from the first he displayed great power of memory, close application, and devotion to study. His teachers were astonished to find that he did not stop at the end of the day’s lesson, but habitually learned far beyond it, often reciting page after page. It was said that there was no need of telling Isaac how much to study; it was enough to show him where to begin, and he would learn more than the teacher cared to hear. His first teacher, Miss Susan Foster, said with astonishment one day, after hearing his lesson in arithmetic, “There is no use for me to teach him arithmetic; he is already far beyond me in that.”
After his tenth year he attended Franklin Academy, in North Andover,—Old Put’s school, as it was usually and more familiarly styled,—kept by Mr. Simon Putnam, who attained great repute as a teacher. This was situated on the hill north of the meeting-house, on land given for the purpose by grandfather Jonathan. Here he studied the usual English branches. Among his schoolmates were William Endicott, Jr., the well-known philanthropist, Hon. Daniel Saunders, the late George B. Loring, and Major George T. Clark. It appears that wrestling was a favorite sport with the active and hardy boys at this school.
His father, proud and ambitious on his account, kept him constantly at school, and urged on to still greater efforts this earnest, ardent nature, intense in everything he undertook. The evil effects of such mistaken treatment soon made themselves felt. His mind became wearied and dull from overtasking. The teacher advised rest. The boy, then but ten years old, begged his father to take him out of school and let him work on the farm, telling him that he could no longer study; that he could not learn his lessons. But the father refused, not realizing the son’s condition, and bade him go back to school and study what he could. Isaac then went to his uncle Nathaniel, who owned the Cochichewick woolen mills, situated two miles below the farm, and obtained his permission to work in the factory for a year. He prevailed upon his grandmother to let him lodge at her house in order to be nearer the factory; and having thus decided upon his course, went home and informed his father of the arrangements he had made, who, astonished at the judgment and resolution of the boy, acquiesced. So Isaac went to work in the factory, lodging at his grandfather’s, rising long before daylight that he might eat a hurried breakfast, walk a mile to the factory, and begin the day’s work at five o’clock in the morning, and toiling ten to twelve hours a day. He entered the weavers’ room, where he soon learned to manage a loom. The best weavers were women, it seems, and able to run two looms apiece. Isaac at once determined to excel the most capable; and before he left the factory, succeeded in reaching the goal of his ambition, and managed four looms unassisted.
After a year of this unremitting labor, he left the mills. As he was returning home with the scanty sum he had earned in his pocket, taking it to his father, he passed a shop where some tempting hot gingerbread was displayed for sale, and felt an intense longing to buy a penny-worth; but reflecting that his earnings belonged to his father, and it would be wrong for him to spend any of them, he overcame the desire and went home. But when he handed the money to his father, and asked for a cent to buy the gingerbread with, he felt stung to the quick by the latter’s refusal. In truth, the father’s hard struggle with poverty and adverse circumstances had narrowed his noble nature. Too much had life become to him nothing but hard work, self-sacrifice, and a severe sense of duty. He did not appreciate the sensitive nature of a child, and its needs of sympathy, recreation, and occasional indulgence.
Directly across the road from the house was a small pool called the frog-pond. Isaac selected a corner of this pond for his garden, filled it up with stones, and covered them with rich earth brought from a distance in his little cart with great pains and labor. He eagerly seized every moment that could be spared from school and his unceasing round of morning and evening chores to devote to this darling project. At last the garden was prepared, and planted with his own favorite seeds. But his father, fearing that it might distract and take up too much time from his studies and duties about the farm, rudely uprooted his tenderly cared-for plants, and put in potatoes instead.
On another occasion his father’s injudicious urging nearly proved fatal. Isaac was helping in the hay-field, and was working with such ardor and had accomplished so much that his father was actually astonished. Instead of restraining, he praised him without stint. Under this stimulus the ambitious boy redoubled his exertions until he was prostrated by a sunstroke, resulting in a raging fever, from which he barely escaped with life after a severe sickness.
On another occasion, when twelve years old, he was working in the hay-field, pitching hay upon the cart; he was badly ruptured, and had to be carried to the house. As soon as he was able to travel he went alone to Boston, and sought out Dr. Warren, a noted surgeon, and laid his case before him. Dr. Warren was so much struck with the lad’s courage and intelligence that he refused to accept any fee. “If you do exactly what I tell you, you will get well,” he said, “and I know you will do so from looking in your face.” The surgeon had a truss made, and prescribed treatment, but all the remainder of his life Isaac was obliged to wear the truss, although he outgrew the injury in a measure until it broke out afresh in Mexico from over-exertion.
Measured by modern conditions, it was a severe and laborious home life in which the farmer’s boy grew up, but it was a wholesome one, and well adapted to bring out all his powers. Morning and evening, throughout the year, he had his round of duties, feeding and milking the cows, feeding the pigs, cutting and bringing in wood, etc. During the winter he rose long before daylight to attend to these chores and shovel snow from the paths, then after a hasty breakfast trudged away to school, and on returning again resumed the round of unending farm work. In summer there was no school for three or four months, and then he worked on the farm, hoeing corn, making hay, driving oxen, and performing all the hard and varied labors of a New England farmer’s son. But the New England farmers of that day were the owners of the soil. They knew no superiors. The Revolutionary struggle, as recent to them as the great Rebellion is to us, was fresh and vivid in their minds, and stimulated noble ideas of liberty and national independence. The standard of personal honesty, manhood, and morals, bequeathed from their Puritan ancestry, was high. Such was the moral atmosphere of Isaac Stevens’s household, heightened by his own earnest, philanthropic, and elevated sentiments. All his children were intellectual and high-minded, and nothing can be more touching than the constant ambition and striving of his five daughters for education and self-improvement. All became teachers, but died young, victims of consumption.
Nor was the life of the youth nothing but a round of hard work and privation. If he worked hard and studied hard, he enjoyed play with equal zest, and shared the rougher sports of those days with his cousins and other boys of his age. They were more pugnacious and rougher than nowadays. Wrestling was a common sport, and boyish fights and scuffles were usual.
At the age of fifteen he entered Phillips Academy in Andover. Nathan W. Hazen, Esq., a well-known and respected lawyer of the town, furnished him board and lodgings, in return for which he took care of the garden, and did the chores about the place. One of his schoolmates, describing his first appearance at the academy, said: “The door opened, and there quietly entered an insignificant, small boy, carrying in his arms a load of books nearly as large as himself. But the impression of insignificance vanished as soon as one regarded his large head, earnest face, and firm, searching, and fearless dark hazel eye.”
He remained at the academy over a year. As usual, he took the front rank from the beginning. His reputation as a scholar, especially in mathematics, extended beyond the school. Besides his studies he took sole care of Mr. Hazen’s garden, a half acre in extent, groomed the horse, milked the cow, and fed them, cut and brought in the wood, and did many other jobs about the house, performing an amount of labor, as Mr. Hazen declared, sufficient to dismay many a hired man. He studied early in the morning and late at night. His power of concentrating his mind upon any subject was extraordinary. His industry was untiring. The impress this boy of fifteen made upon those with whom he came in contact during his stay at this place is really remarkable. Mr. Hazen, who proved a considerate friend and adviser to the struggling youth, relates that every evening Isaac would bring his chair close to the office table, at which the former was accustomed to read or write, in order to avail himself of the light, and would work out mathematical problems on his slate. He would remain quietly with his hand to his head in deep thought for a little time, when suddenly he would shower a perfect rainstorm of figures upon his slate without hesitation, or erasure, oftentimes completely filling it. Generally the correct result was reached; but when the solution was not found the first time, he would rapidly wipe off every figure and begin again as before. His mind always sought out and mastered the bottom principle. It was remarked that, whenever he had once solved a problem, he could unhesitatingly solve all others of the same character.
On one occasion a mathematician of some note, who had just published a new arithmetic, brought his work to the academy, and tested the acquirements of the scholars by giving them his new problems to solve. When Isaac was called to the blackboard, he astonished the author and the teacher alike by the ease and rapidity with which he solved every example. They plied him again and again with the most difficult problems, but he mastered them in every instance. “Well, sir,” exclaimed the author, somewhat piqued, “I think you could make the key to this book.” Isaac took the book, and in three days returned it with every example worked out.
A very difficult problem was sent from Yale College to the academy. While the teachers and scholars were puzzling over it, Isaac sat in thought for half an hour with his hand to his head, then rapidly worked out the problem on his slate and presented the solution.
Young as he was, it seems that he had thought enough on religious subjects to become a decided Universalist and Unitarian. A religious revival took place while he was at the academy, and many of the scholars were brought within its influence. Among others, one of the teachers became “converted,” and sought all means to promote a similar experience among his pupils. In order to remove the stumbling-blocks of doubt and ignorance, he offered to answer any questions they might propound on religious topics. The first question Isaac put, “Can a sincere Universalist be saved?” was met by a decided and uncompromising “No.” But the youth plied the unfortunate zealot with such queries that he was forced to confess his inability to answer them, and to withdraw his offer. Once, when he wanted the whole class to attend one of the revival meetings, he put it to them that all who were willing to dispense with the afternoon session and attend the meeting should rise. All promptly stood up except Isaac, who resolutely kept his seat. “Every one in favor except Stevens,” exclaimed the teacher with some bitterness, realizing the protest against his own bigotry. In truth, the youth’s sense of right had been shocked by the doctrines he heard advanced; he was strongly opposed to such revival meetings, and his earnest nature would not bend in a matter of principle.
At one of these meetings his two sisters, Hannah and Susan, yielded to the exhortations and influences of the occasion, and took their seats on the converts’ or mourners’ bench, as it was called. Perceiving this, Isaac immediately marched up to the front, and made them both leave the church with him, no slight proof of his influence over them, older than himself. In fact, while they felt great pride in his talents, his sisters had come still more to respect and lean upon his sound judgment and firm will. He lavished upon them all the great tenderness and affection of his strong and earnest nature.
During his boyhood he was affected with excessive diffidence, or bashfulness. With characteristic resolution and good sense, he set himself to overcome this weakness. He made it a point always to address any one whose presence inspired this awkward feeling, but, he said, it was years before he overcame it.
After a year and four months of this severe application, Isaac completed his course at Phillips Academy. He wished to study law with Mr. Hazen, but that gentleman discouraged the idea. At this juncture his uncle, William Stevens, suggested West Point, and wrote to Mr. Gayton P. Osgood, the member of Congress for the North Essex District, in which Andover was situated, inquiring if there was an appointment in his gift, and suggesting Isaac’s name. Mr. Osgood replied that there was no vacancy. But uncle William was not satisfied; he wrote to William C. Phillips, the member representing the South Essex District, by whom he was informed that no cadet had been appointed from Mr. Osgood’s district. Accordingly he formally made application in behalf of his nephew. A lawyer by profession, and cashier of the Andover bank, he was a man of some influence. Mr. Hazen and other friends joined their recommendations. Mr. Phillips exerted a favorable influence, and although there were other candidates with more influential backing, Mr. Osgood bestowed upon Isaac the desired appointment. Both uncle William and Mr. Hazen declared that the recommendations had little weight, and that Mr. Osgood selected him on account of his reputation for ability and scholarship.
CHAPTER III
WEST POINT
The following letter to his uncle William, written immediately after his arrival at West Point, vividly portrays the mingled emotions that stirred the heart of the raw but ambitious country youth on reaching the goal of his boyish hopes,—his ardent patriotism, awakened by the historic scenes about him; his ambition and determination to be first in his class, “by unflinching resolution, indomitable perseverance, fixing his whole soul upon the object he wishes to attain with concentrated and undivided attention;” his gratitude to his uncle and friends for his appointment, and his affectionate regard for his family. It is also significant of his self-reliant character that he expresses no fears in regard to the impending examination for admission, but remarks, with well-grounded confidence, that “there can be no difficulty in sustaining myself with honor and respectability.”
West Point, June 13, 1835.
Dear Uncle,—I now enjoy the long-anticipated happiness of addressing you from West Point. And perhaps you may ask, does it meet my expectations? I am not prepared to answer this question fully at present, but will say that I like my situation, although subject to very strict regulations, and fully believe there can be no difficulty in obeying every regulation and sustaining myself with honor and respectability. And be assured that I always shall consider myself greatly indebted to you for your kind exertions in my behalf, and it shall be my determination to demean myself in such a manner as to convince you and all my friends that their exertions have not been thrown away. Here I am surrounded by young men from every State in the Union, who are eagerly endeavoring to arrive at distinction, many of whom have determined, and, what is better still, will make every exertion to carry their resolve into effect, to be first in their class.
Every one must buckle on his armor for the conflict: let him be girded with unflinching resolution, indomitable perseverance, decision and firmness of mind, singleness of purpose, integrity of heart, let him fix his whole soul upon the object he wishes to attain with concentrated and undivided attention, and he will undoubtedly, with scarcely the possibility of a doubt, obtain the post of honor.
The first class graduated yesterday. The whole number attached to this class was 54, which is the greatest number that ever graduated at any one time from this institution. There were splendid fireworks last evening, which lasted until nine o’clock. All the cadets were permitted to partake of the sport. It is said that the cadets who leave here are so affected that they even shed tears. Is it to be wondered at? Is there a spot in the whole United States which is associated with so many hallowed and pleasing recollections of the patriotism, of the struggles, and of the victories of our Revolutionary fathers? We are as it were in the cradle of liberty, in the stronghold of freedom, and may we be scions worthy of the tears and of the blood of our Revolutionary sires: may I not disgrace my country, my State, and that character of proud disdain and patriotic valor which inspired the heroes of Andover on the morn of Bunker’s fight; and above all may I cherish that love of freedom and sympathy for the sufferings of mankind which characterized the life of Washington, of Kosciusko, and the other worthies of the Revolution; and in fine may I cherish a heart full of gratitude for those kind friends who by their exertions have assisted me to procure my present situation. I shall be examined Monday, and the encampment will be pitched on Tuesday. We shall have no uniforms until the 4th of July, at which time the new cadets mount guard. As soon as I have entered upon the active duties of the station, I shall again write to Andover. Give my love to father, mother, brother and sisters, to your own family, and all inquiring friends, remembering me especially to grandmother. I remain your grateful nephew,
Isaac I. Stevens.
Wm. Stevens, Esq.
He entered the academy resolved to place himself at the head of his class, not in presumptuous or ignorant self-confidence, but fully recognizing the arduous struggle before him. A boy of seventeen, with scanty advantages of education, but inured to hard work and hard study, he did not hesitate to contest the palm with youths older and far better prepared than himself, of whom two at least had received a collegiate education, and had publicly avowed their determination to attain the first place. These were Henry W. Halleck, of New York, distinguished as major-general, and at one time commanding the army in the war of the Rebellion, and Henry J. Biddle, of Philadelphia, both of whom were older in years, of assured social position and wealthy connections, accomplished French scholars, and well up in mathematics; and one may fancy the derision with which they regarded the rivalry of the undersized farmer’s boy from Andover.
“One evening,” says General E.D. Townsend, late adjutant-general of the army, “a classmate of mine, who was very fond of mathematics, General Israel Vogdes, came to my room, and told me there was a ‘Plebe’ just entered from my State, who was a fine mathematician already, and would stand ‘head of his class in math.’ This interested me, and I went around to offer to assist my fellow-statesman in entering on his career. This was previous to his first encampment. I found Mr. Stevens a modest, straightforward young man, who, in reply to my offer of any assistance I could give him, informed me he wanted to stand head of his class,—that he was not afraid of mathematics, but knew nothing whatever of French. I at once suggested to him to do what was sometimes but not often done, to apply for permission to take lessons during the encampment of one of the professors, for which a small compensation would be allowed to be deducted from Mr. Stevens’s pay. He caught at this idea, and subsequently carried it out. The result was he stood fourteenth in French in the first January examination, and first in mathematics. This did not satisfy him, as I found on congratulating him on what I deemed a most creditable standing. The next June examination, by his untiring application, he stood head both in mathematics and French. There were some four young men in his class who were ripe scholars when they entered West Point, and who were by no means wanting in studious habits.
“The following year, drawing was added to the course. Mr. Stevens came to me for more advice, saying he had not the slightest notion of drawing. I suggested to him, first, great care in his outlines to get them accurate, and then, if he found on trial that he had no talent for shading, that by using a very fine-pointed crayon, and making with patience and care light, smooth marks, he might succeed in producing a well-finished and pretty picture. He came to me shortly after to say that he had improved upon my hint, for he first filled in the outline with a fine pencil, and then traced over this with a coarse one the prominent lines of the picture. Well, he stood head in drawing, and this although at least one of his competitors was quite expert with his pencil before he entered the academy. As might be expected from the beginning, Mr. Stevens graduated at the head of his class in every branch throughout the course.”
Among his classmates, who afterwards rose to be generals in the army, will be recognized Henry W. Halleck; Henry J. Hunt, the distinguished chief of artillery of the Army of the Potomac; George Thom; Edward O.C. Ord; Edward R. S. Canby, who commanded the army against Mobile in 1865, and was massacred by the Modocs in 1873, when in command of the Department of the Columbia; and James B. Ricketts; and in the Confederate army, Jeremy F. Gilmer.
Among those in the three classes above him, distinguished as generals in the army, were Montgomery C. Meiggs, quartermaster-general during the war, Daniel P. Woodbury, James Lowry Donaldson, Thomas W. Sherman, Henry H. Lockwood, John W. Phelps, Robert Allen, of the class of ’36.
Henry W. Benham, Alexander B. Dyer, S. Parker Scammon, Israel Vogdes, Edward D. Townsend, William H. French, John Sedgwick, the soldierly and steadfast commander of the Sixth Corps, beloved of his troops, Joseph Hooker, John B.S. Todd, of the class of ’37; and on the Confederate side, Braxton Bragg, Jubal A. Early, Edmond Bradford, and John C. Pemberton.
William F. Barry, Irvin C. McDowell, Robert S. Granger, Justus McKinstry, Charles F. Ruff, and Andrew J. Smith, of the class of ’38, and P.G. T. Beauregard, the distinguished Confederate leader, as also William J. Hardee, Edward Johnson, and Alexander W. Reynolds.
In the class of ’40 were the distinguished W.T. Sherman, George H. Thomas, George W. Getty, Stewart Van Vleit, and William Hays; and on the Southern side, John P. McCawn, Richard S. Ewell, and Bushrod R. Johnson.
In the class of ’41 were Zealous B. Tower, Horatio G. Wright, Amiel W. Whipple, Albion W. Howe, Nathaniel Lyon, John M. Brannon, and Schuyler Hamilton.
In the class of ’42 were Henry L. Eustis, John Newton, William S. Rosecrans, Barton S. Alexander, John Pope, Seth Williams, Abner Doubleday, Napoleon J.T. Dana, Ralph W. Kirkham, and George Sykes; among the Confederates, James Longstreet, D.H. Hill, Gustavus W. Smith, Mansfield Lovell, Lafayette McLaws, and Earl Van Dorn.
Now fairly entered upon the life and duties of a cadet, his intense and ardent nature found full occupation. His ambition was aroused. Hard study agreed with him. The days sped rapidly and pleasantly away. He fell into companionship with the most talented and high-spirited young men. Nor, time and attention all absorbed by severe application, did he sink into a mere bookworm. Every morning before breakfast, rain or shine, he walked around the post for exercise, a distance of two miles. He shared, too, in the escapades natural to a free and spirited youth, and did not always come off scot-free from these scrapes, for his name stands forty-third on the conduct roll for the first year.
“I have never been homesick for a single minute since I have been here,” he writes his sisters Hannah and Elizabeth, September 8, 1835; “I never passed three months more pleasantly in my life, and since I commenced my studies time never seemed more fleeting. We are obliged to stand guard once a week, drill every day, have a dress parade, with roll calls, etc. We study ten and a half hours a day, two and a half of which are spent in the recitation room. I have recited four lessons in algebra and three in French, and I think I can get my maximum unless sick, or otherwise disabled, that is, miss no questions in any of my studies the coming year. I can get both of my lessons in half an hour, and I shall have much leisure time. If I had some Greek books I think I could pass my time to better advantage.
“I like the military life very much. There is as fine a set of fellows here as ever breathed the air. We study hard, eat hearty, sleep sound, and play little. In camp every one was wide awake for a scrape, or for any kind of fun. But in barracks we are as sober and steady as Quakers. We go to the section room with long and solemn faces. I assure you we know that by study and severe application alone we can keep our places. I admire the spirit which pervades the whole class. The common remark is, ‘I intend to bone it with all my might.’ To bone it means to study hard. Every one seems determined to rise, or keep his present standing at any rate. We are divided in four sections in mathematics, and seven in French, arranged in alphabetical order. Consequently I stand in the last section in each. A transfer will be made in the course of the week, those who do best being put in the higher sections, and those who do worst into the lower sections. I hope to rise in both. That I may do so, I intend to get my lessons in the best possible manner. It shall be my aim not only to understand my lessons, but to convince my instructors that I understand them. To do this I must accustom myself to collect my ideas readily, to be free from embarrassment and trepidation, and always to be perfectly calm and self-possessed.”
TO HANNAH.
November 28.
I am doing pretty well. My health is strong and vigorous. I am not only contented with my situation, but like it very much indeed. We are kept tremendously strict, I assure you. I was visiting last Wednesday evening, and they arrested me for it, and did not release me until this evening, and in addition to that they obliged me to perform an extra tour of Sunday guard duty, which is very tough, I assure you, this cold weather.
Uncle William, it seems, was disappointed at his early standing in the class, and wrote him rather a reproachful letter of exhortation and advice, winding up with the wish that he should stand first in mathematics by the end of the year. In reply he explains that his first rating was low because his name came near the end of the alphabet.
West Point, December 5, 1835.
Dear Uncle,—Your letter was received yesterday, and read with much pleasure. I feel gratified that I still retain your confidence, and that you expect me to sustain an honorable stand. It is also rather flattering than otherwise to know that you feel disappointed because I have nothing more than a respectable standing in my class, for it shows that your estimate of my abilities is as high as, perhaps higher than, it should be. I assure you that your wish shall be gratified not only within the close of the first year, but within the first six months, if it is within my power. Should my stand be no higher than at present, you must not feel disappointed. For such a stand is not only “very respectable,” but very high in a class like ours. I beg of you, however, to think no more of the communication, because my stand even then was much higher than 19. The sections since then have been rearranged, and I have risen very much. You must also recollect that at first I was within seven of the foot both in M. and F. In two weeks I rose 25 men in M. and 80 in F. I then remained in the second section in mathematics till the middle of November, when I was transferred to the first section.
There are only two in our class who have got the maximum at every recitation both in M. and F. since the commencement of our studies; these are cadet Biddle from Penn. and a fellow from Mass., whose birthplace, I believe, is Andover. I am now at the head of my section in French. My present standing in M. is as high as the highest, and it is considered so by every member of my class. There are four of us in M. who have done equally well, that is, we have each of us got the maximum, done all the extras, and demonstrate equally as well. Their names are H.J. Biddle, of Penn., I. Butler, of Va., H. W. Halleck, of N.Y., and ——, of Mass. I have often thought of the advice you gave me, and I hope I have profited by it. I have spent two hours in studying other authors, and in learning to demonstrate eloquently and with perspicuity, to every hour devoted to the text-book. In French I have risen more than any other man in the class. My stand at first was 67th, now it is 22d. When I came, I had scarcely looked into a French book for five years, and could not pronounce a single syllable. And, believe me, it is not egotism which prompts me to say this, but it is in order to put to rest all your apprehensions on my account. I also wish to assure you that I associate with none whom I ought not to respect.
West Point, December 20, 1835.
Dear Father,—You have probably received a communication from the War Department giving my stand for the month of November, which I hope will give you better satisfaction than the last return. I think my general standing in January will be still better. I shall be examined one fortnight from to-morrow, and I intend to do my best. My standing will greatly depend upon it. At the examination, each one has a demonstration to perform, besides some 20 or 30 questions to answer. If my demonstration is good, and the answers to all my questions are correct, my stand will remain in mathematics at least as good as it was in November, which, I presume, is fourth. In French I think I shall rise considerably, because my mark is as good as any one’s, and I think I have gained the good-will of my teacher. Very much depends upon this. We can always secure their esteem by being attentive and respectful, and, last though not least, by paying considerable attention to our personal appearance. Lieutenant Church, my professor in mathematics, and Mr. Molinard, my professor in French, are both very fine men and accomplished teachers. The latter is a Frenchman.
I am acquainted with many Westerners, who generally are very fine fellows. They are generally very generous and open-hearted, and it is very easy to get acquainted with them. There have been two duels fought between cadets since I have been here, though no ill consequences followed. In each case the combatants were Westerners. If they had been found out, they, together with the seconds, would have been dismissed.
Our State does the best of any in the fourth class. There are three in the first section in mathematics, and two in the first section in French. Penn. has two in each. Henry J. Biddle, of Penn., will probably be head in mathematics in January. His name comes before those who have an equal mark with him; he is a splendid mathematician, and has graduated at a college, and was undoubtedly better prepared than any other member of the class. He will also be head in French. We have a splendid collection of Philosophical, Mathematical, and Historical works in our library. There is no difficulty in getting books, and I intend to avail myself of its many advantages. There is a universal history of modern times, consisting of 42 volumes. I am now reading Rollin’s Ancient History. Our evenings are very busy. We study from half past five till ten.
It is noticeable in his letters that he finds the regular course of studies very easy, owing undoubtedly not less to the remarkable native powers of his mind than to his habits of study and faculty of intense application. Yet, as in boyhood, not content with the prescribed curriculum, and spurred on by his ambition to achieve the headship of his class, he takes extra French lessons, spends “two hours in studying other authors, and in learning to demonstrate eloquently and with perspicuity, to every hour devoted to the text-book,” and reads Rollin’s Ancient History. Such indomitable resolution and energy combined with great ability could not fail. In six months he had gained a high place in the first section, and had become the competitor with three others for the leadership. He writes uncle William, who has congratulated him on his standing, and now thinks it best to caution him against studying too hard:—
West Point, February 1, 1836.
Dear Uncle,—It was very gratifying to learn that my standing was so satisfactory to my friends. Since it has been attained by no extra exertion, it is incumbent on me to deserve to sustain it for the future by strict and unwearied attention to all my academic studies.
Your caution respecting hard study shall be observed, for the very good reason that it is impossible to do otherwise. The regulations in this respect are very good, and are such as to secure to each one the privilege of studying as much as is necessary, while it restrains all from over-exertion. We retire at ten and rise at six. Of the remaining sixteen, four hours are devoted to recreation, meals, etc., and twelve to study. Of these twelve hours, two and one half are spent in the section room. The intercourse between the cadets is so free and uninterrupted that it is impossible to study except during study hours. Surely twelve hours’ study per day ought to injure no one of a sound constitution.
Our class will have a society next fall. Every class, except the fourth, has one or more societies, which meet every Saturday evening. We have some very fine speakers in the corps, and many take great pains to improve themselves.
You wish to know our uniforms, rations, etc. Our uniform is gray. Our pantaloons are made as usual, except a stripe of black velvet on each leg. Cousin Charles can describe our coats, which are the same both winter and summer. In summer we wear white pants made of Russia drilling.
Remember me to all inquiring friends, especially to grandmother and your own family.
Your nephew,
Isaac I. Stevens.
N.B. Tell our folks to write soon.
West Point, February 23, 1836.
Dear Sister,—Be assured that advice from you, and advice from all those whom I know to be my friends, will afford me the greatest pleasure, and will always be received with the most respectful attention. The disgusting habits of chewing, smoking, etc., I abominate, and therefore shall never indulge in them. As for drinks, either distilled or fermented, I do not use them, because in the first place they cannot be obtained, and, in the second place, I have no desire for them. The fact of the case is, that in barracks there are no temptations offered us but what every one who has any mind could easily resist. In camp it is not the case; then many temptations are offered us, to which we are in great danger of yielding, since we have much leisure. When a person has his whole time employed, there is little danger of falling into bad habits. Last fall, when I commenced the Algebra, I had very little to do, and came very near contracting some very bad habits, as sleeping in the morning, etc., which at first required some little difficulty in breaking; but now I do not think of such a thing, not even Sunday mornings, and I often rise at four or five o’clock. This is owing to having hard lessons to get. You mention that you are studying Latin and like it very much. I have but one caution to give you on this subject, which is, get your grammar perfectly. Everything depends upon this. You can never make a good Latin scholar unless you know everything about the grammar. Since you are studying French, I intend next encampment to write you a letter in French, which you must answer, and we will correct each other. We use Levisac’s Grammar, and at every lesson get about half a page of exercises, and are obliged to get them so that we can write any sentence our Prof. gives us upon the blackboard without referring to the books. We are now writing sentences upon the pronomial verbs. We get for our translation eight pages in Charles XII. per day. Our teacher, Mr. Bevard (the author of the French Lessons), is a very good linguist, and the most thorough teacher I ever was under. He is very particular about our pronunciation, and corrects us very frequently. I think by June I shall be able to pronounce French pretty well and read it fluently, and shall endeavor to rise considerably.
You must write whenever you can find it convenient, and your letters shall always be punctually answered. I observe that you pay the postage. I wish that you would allow me to pay it, as I think I am better able to do it than you. Remember me to all inquiring friends.
Your brother,
Isaac I. Stevens.
Miss S.B. Stevens.
His letters show the maturity of the mind and judgment of the youth of seventeen, and exhibit a slight formality and precision that indicates that he was taking pains in the composition. His correspondence must have taken no little time. His great, warm heart went out towards all his relations, and he was frequently writing to his uncle William, and his cousins in Andover and Salem, Mass., in Albany, Maine, and in Nashville, Tenn. He wrote constantly to his father and sisters, keenly alive to their welfare and happiness. The latter were beginning to scatter widely from the paternal roof-tree. Hannah, the eldest, was at Haverhill, earning her livelihood. Susan was attending the female seminary at the South Parish (Andover); Mary was at Methuen, at Mr. Stephen Barker’s; and only Sarah and Elizabeth remained at home. Deeply sympathizing with them, he comforts them, urges them to treat their stepmother with respect, and touchingly alludes to their father’s unfortunate condition, his growing infirmities, and his sincere affection for and devotion to his children.
The first academic year rolled rapidly away. One day, as the examination drew near, Halleck and Biddle were comparing notes as to the prospects. “That little Stevens,” said the former, “is driving ahead like the devil, and he is sure to be first in mathematics. I don’t think he can beat me in French, at any rate.” “And I am sure,” rejoined Biddle, “that he cannot touch me in drawing next year. One thing I have made up my mind to,—if he gains the head of the class over me, I shall resign.” This dialogue was overheard, and repeated to “little Stevens,” who related it in after years with some amusement.
He had pursued his object with unflagging zeal, energy, and determination during the year, but, reflecting how heavily he was handicapped in the race by men like Biddle, Butler, and Halleck, so much older and farther advanced in their studies at the beginning, he might well feel anxious. He entered the examination room, as he describes it, cool and collected, with nerves high-strung yet under perfect control, and fully determined to come out ahead. He was not disappointed. He rose to the first place,—a place, once achieved, which no competitor was to wrest from him.
Camp Jones, July 6, 1836.
Dear Uncle,—I received your letter by Mr. Johnson, and although short it was very acceptable.... We had a fine time on the Fourth of July, an oration, dinner, etc. I had a great desire to spend the Fourth at New York city. I applied and obtained a leave of two days, commencing on Sunday noon and ending on Tuesday; had a very fine time,—went to the Navy Yard, Brooklyn, got introduced to about half a dozen midshipmen, etc. The military were out, as well as several societies. In the evening I went to the theatre, where Celeste danced as usual.
Since we have been in camp we have had a very easy time, nothing to do but go on guard two or three times per week, attend roll calls and dress parades. Next week we will be drilled three times per day as well as recite in infantry tactics, and attend the dancing-school. I have come to the determination to study French this encampment: shall commence next week. I cannot reasonably expect to keep my present standing in that branch unless I exert myself. I can translate quite readily, but I write quite indifferently, and can speak it but very little, whereas there are three immediately below me who can read, write, and speak the language very well. Why the Board placed me above them is more than I can conceive. Two of them have told me they would rise me, and I have told them they should not do it. If they do rise me, I shall not complain; and if they do not, so much the better. As to mathematics, I have no cause for fear,—both Biddle and Halleck admit I ought to stand head, and my professor had no doubts about who should be placed there. As soon as we reënter barracks, we commence drawing. Success in this branch depends as much (and perhaps even more) upon persevering application as on a natural taste. I intend to do my very best, otherwise I shall fall very much in general merit, even should I keep my standing in other branches. Biddle will stand head, or near the head, in D., as he now draws very well. If he was third in D. and I was twelfth, he would rise me in general merit. Our merit rolls will be published in about two weeks. I am entitled to five, and shall send one home. In this roll the standing of every cadet, the class to which he belongs, and the number of his demerits are published. Mass. stands better in my class than any other State. Greene and Grafton, both from Boston, stand ninth and tenth. But there was one from Salem found deficient in French, although he passed well in M. I think he is a smart fellow, and will stand high next year. His name is Humber. He had been a sailor for six years, and French came very hard to him by reason of the very limited knowledge he had of language. I suppose that the farmers must have begun haying in good earnest. I should much prefer working on a farm for two or three months to the life I now lead. It is now thirteen months since I have done any work to which I have hitherto been accustomed, and I shall probably soon get my hand out. Many of the cadets, chiefly those who come from the slavery States, have a great contempt for our Yankee farmers, and even pretend to compare them with their slaves. They have the greatest contempt for all those who gain a subsistence by the sweat of their brows. For my own part I shall always respect every man who is honest and industrious, and more particularly those who live in the manner that has been ordained by God himself; and whenever any man, in conversation with me or in my hearing, compares that class, of which I am proud to be one, with slaves, I shall always consider it as an insult offered to myself, and shall act accordingly. Remember me to all inquiring friends. Write when convenient.
Your nephew,
Isaac I. Stevens.
Wm. Stevens, Esq.
Camp Jones, West Point, August 16, 1836.
Dear Uncle,—You probably have seen most of my letters that I have written home this encampment; you will see that I have taken things fair and easy, and have had quite a pleasant time. I can always get a permission to walk into the country whenever I ask for it, so that, between attending my military duties, dancing, rambling about in the country, and reading novels, I could not do otherwise than pass my time pleasantly. I cut rather a sorry figure dancing, as might be expected, but there is a chance for improvement, which I intend to make the best of.
There is a standing society in the corps called the Dialectic Society. Ten or fifteen persons are selected from each class except the fourth class, so that it consists of forty or fifty members. The society is continued by selecting the above number from every new class after it has been here one year. I intend to get elected into it, if possible. They have a fine collection of books to the amount of several hundred volumes. There are also many fine speakers in it, and many of them take great pains to improve themselves, even to the neglect of their studies. This is unquestionably bad policy. It is losing a dollar for the sake of saving a sixpence; but there is no kind of difficulty in paying proper attention to our studies, and improving ourselves in writing and speaking: by writing, I of course mean composing. If you will examine our merit rolls, you will see that Jennings and Halbert, of the second class, are among the deficients. These men were decidedly the best writers in the class, and the former was the orator on the Fourth of July. As it is always better to act than to talk, so they have missed it in neglecting their studies in order to become good speakers.
As I stand head in French, you may possibly suppose I can speak the language. Such is not the case; but one thing is certain, I am determined to be able to speak it one year from this time. But how I shall do it is another thing. I can write it some, but it will require great pains to be able to write it correctly and speak it fluently. Neither time nor patience shall be wanting on my part in order to accomplish both the above objects. As soon as we commence studying, I intend to have a talk with Mr. Bevard, the head teacher in French, and a most estimable man, about it, and do as he directs me.
In return for this I shall expect a good long letter, telling me all the news and giving me good advice. Remember me to all inquiring friends, to Aunt Eliza, and cousins Eliza, William, Susan, and George.
I remain your nephew,
Isaac I. Stevens.
Wm. Stevens, Esq.
West Point, September 1, 1836.
Dear Father,—In my letters you often have me write about my leave next year. I look forward to this with a great deal of pleasure. As you may well suppose, I want to see my friends very much. How long a leave had I better get? I can have ten weeks if I choose, or a shorter time. I am now a corporal, and shall probably be made a sergeant next June. If I get a leave of ten weeks, I cannot keep my office. But if I retain it, my leave will not exceed four or five weeks; but to make up for this I could get as long a leave the year after; whereas, if I resigned my office and took the ten weeks’ leave, I could get no leave the next encampment. The office now is not worth much, but it is very well to have it when I am in the first class, for then I shall be made a lieutenant, if my conduct is good. What had I best do? If I continue to be head in mathematics, there is a chance of my being made an assistant professor in M. next year. Two of the cadet professors will then graduate, and their places will have to be filled. I do not think, however, it is best to place any dependence upon it. If there was an even chance of my being made such, I would not hesitate about resigning my office, if you should think it best to obtain a leave of ten weeks.
Your son,
Isaac I. Stevens.
Mr. Isaac Stevens.
West Point, September 2, 1836.
Dear Father,—Yesterday we commenced our studies. We entered the barracks the 30th of August. The ball on the 29th was a most splendid one, and the hall was very full. We made use of the mess-hall, which was decorated in fine style. Our band was present, and their performances served to increase their reputation. The ball was continued until after three o’clock, but I did not remain after half past one. It was estimated that nearly six hundred visitors were present. As this is the only thing of the kind we have during the year, the corps take unusual pains to have everything done in the best manner, and great care was taken that the whole should present quite a military appearance. Many of the lamps were encircled by brightly burnished bayonets, which served as reflectors. Directly in front of the hall was a battery of cannon, in rear of which sentinels were stationed to keep off those who had no right to be present. I enjoyed myself very much, and took part in several cotillions.
We marched into barracks the day after the ball, and were allowed a day or two to arrange things. My situation is much different now from what it was one year since. Now I have attained a situation which then I scarcely hoped for. Now I am surrounded with my classmates and friends, when one year since I had no friends; for we were strangers to each other, and consequently displayed that cold civility, and uttered those unmeaning compliments, which distinguish the intercourse of strangers. One year since I was unknown to the officers of the institution; now I trust I have secured the confidence and esteem of those with whom I have come in contact. Then I was a poor plebe, who had not passed his January examination; now I no longer bear that title, but possess the privileges and the name of an old cadet.
The fourth class is a very large one, upwards of a hundred. Next June I do not believe upwards of sixty will be left, and it is doubtful whether upwards of forty-five graduate, so many are found deficient and discharged. My room-mates are the same as last year, with the exception of Mr. Bacon. I think we shall always room together, at least I hope so. Both Carpenter and Callender are hard students and steady fellows. The former is a very smart man. The latter you will find, by reference to some of my old letters, roomed with me before January, resigned, and was reappointed this year. I do not expect to stand first next January, but think my standing will not be below second. Drawing will come hard to me, and I shall stand quite low the first three or four months. No efforts of my own shall be wanting to secure a good standing in this branch. We spend six hours per week in the drawing academy, but I intend to practice twelve hours per week in my own room.
Your son,
Isaac A. Stevens.
Mr. Isaac Stevens.
From early boyhood General Stevens made a strong impression upon every one he met. Undersized, and at first glance insignificant in appearance, his intense individuality and intellect were always deeply felt. At once he commanded the respect of the professors at the academy; and their recollections of him, and of his characteristics, were still vivid after the lapse of forty years, and the continual passing of an army of youth before their eyes. Said Professor W.H.C. Bartlett, July 16, 1877, who was professor of natural and experimental philosophy:—
“General Stevens was a small, undersized, young man when he entered West Point, very modest in demeanor. He had the habit of speaking carefully and distinctly, and of clearly and precisely expressing the exact idea he wished to convey. His mind was comprehensive, given to generalizations; he had the faculty of generalizing, of always thinking out first principles. In solving a mathematical problem, he would apply the principles which governed the class of problems, and not simply seek a solution of the single one before him. He was very early regarded by the faculty as a man of great talent and promise, sure to take a high stand in his class and in the world. He was popular with his class, but his popularity arose more from their opinion of his abilities than from social qualities. The professors soon felt that whatever he said was worthy of attention. I recollect that he took an active part in the Dialectic Society, and recollect his moving the books and busying himself in the room. Biddle was his competitor for the headship of the class, and after he left there was practically no one to contest the honors with him.
“Halleck’s was an entirely different mind from Stevens’s,—less comprehensive, less devoted to original research, to principles. Halleck was strong in history, in precedents.
“I recollect Stevens’s answer when a witness before a court of inquiry,—how he knew that a party had done so and so,—if he had said so. ‘No,’ replied he, ‘he did not say so, but what he said and his manner combined convinced me of the fact; and the manner is a great part of any conversation.’ When he graduated, he stood not only at the head of his class, but among the highest that ever graduated from the academy.”
Professor A.E. Church (of mathematics) writes July 27, 1877:—
“My recollection of your father as a cadet at West Point is very vivid. I remember him as an earnest, industrious student, strictly attentive to every duty. He possessed mathematical talents of the highest order, standing in this branch, as in every other, at the head of his class, notwithstanding rival classmates of great abilities. A distinguishing trait which he possessed in a remarkable degree, and, from what I know of his after life, continued ever prominent, was an unhesitating readiness to apply and carry on strictly and systematically every principle he had learned, never failing to come to the right result.
“While others were pondering over the intricacies of a mathematical proposition, often in vain seeking some shorter way or more curious result, he seemed at once to grasp the most practicable rule, and straight onward to pursue it to an end which admitted of no doubt.
“Though admirably adapted for a military commander and great engineer, had he selected the profession of the law he would have been prominent among the most distinguished lawyers of the age. His early death was a serious loss to the army and country, and with his many friends was sincerely mourned by myself.”
The grasp and thoroughness of his mind, his power of generalization, of seeking and mastering first principles, which Mr. Hazen remarked in the boy, impressed the West Point professors, too, as the prominent mental characteristic of the youth.
Says General Zealous B. Tower:—
“I roomed with Cadet Stevens for four months in one of the small rooms in the south barracks. Stephen D. Carpenter was the other occupant of that limited living and bed room. Each cadet was provided with a small mattress, to be spread upon the floor when needed, and when unoccupied to be rolled up in its canvas, well strapped, and put into a corner of the room. Later, iron bedsteads were introduced, but the mattresses were never unrolled and spread until the hour for retiring. A cadet inspector visited the rooms half an hour after reveille; the Officer of the day also inspected them, and the company officers also went the rounds. Tattoo at 9.30 P.M. was the signal for retiring, and taps at ten P.M. for putting out all lights, when one of the officers again inspected each ‘stoup,’ or floor, of the barracks.
“Stevens’s duties as assistant professor of mathematics occupied an hour and a half each day, taking that portion of time from his study hours; but it did not interfere with his studies, for he possessed quick intelligence, and great concentration of his mental powers. This faculty was very pronounced, and would have given him distinction in any profession that he might have undertaken, and the more so that it was allied to industrious habits and an enthusiastic nature. He never plodded over his lessons, but often finished them in half the time allotted to their acquisition. Stevens was a pleasant room-mate, being very genial, kind, and considerate to others. He never failed in his friendships, or in anything that appeared a duty to his fellows. He was popular among those of his associates who valued sterling, manly qualities, and among the most prominent members of his corps. He spoke rapidly when a matter of interest engaged his attention, for he thought rapidly. Though, rather short in stature, his large head and very expressive, intelligent eyes made him noticeable and attractive in conversation, engaging the marked attention of his auditors. His enthusiasm and strong convictions gave an energy to his manner of discussing favorite topics that lent the charm of eloquence to his speech.”
West Point, March 11, 1836.
Dear Father,—Last week we commenced Calculus. This is considered the most difficult branch of mathematics. Our text-book is a compilation from the most distinguished French mathematicians by Professor Davies. We have about ten pages per lesson, and will be about five weeks going through it. We next study surveying, which ends our course in mathematics.
Since the examination I have attended the drawing academy every day, the regular attendance being every other day. Were I two files higher in this branch, it would put me head in general merit. I am now drawing our Saviour, represented as a child. I have been at work on it for about four weeks. It will probably take me eight weeks more to finish it. It is very slow work, I assure you, but as our standing depends entirely upon the excellence and not upon the number of pieces, I consider the time is not lost, provided what I do is done well.
It seems there is a very great excitement in Congress respecting the slavery question. It must afford pleasure to every friend of free discussion to learn that the South did not succeed in the resolutions censuring Mr. Adams. At the same time, I think he is unnecessarily agitating this dangerous question, and that his zeal will tend to awaken only feelings and desires which should never be cherished. Is not the dissolution of the Union a subject of fearful foreboding? Ought then the sages of our land like Mr. Adams at this time to agitate a question which in the opinion of the South infringes upon their rights, and which, inflexible as we know them to be in their maintenance, will cause them to look upon a secession from the Union as the only means of preserving them? The South are sensible of the evils of slavery. They deplore the existence of this curse, entailed upon them against their consent by the arbitrary decrees of England, and I believe that (if left to themselves) they will adopt some measures to rid themselves of it.
Your son,
Isaac I. Stevens.
INFANT JESUS
Crayon drawing at West Point
West Point, March 5, 1836.
Dear Sister,—I received your letter this morning informing me of aunt Eliza’s death. She was certainly the finest woman I ever knew, and the remembrance of her engaging qualities will long be cherished. Uncle William is very much to be pitied.
Have you any school in view now for next summer? You also appear to be very much interested in Latin. I detested Latin when I first commenced to study it, but I soon brought myself to like it. So it is with drawing. I take more pleasure in drawing than in anything else. I like it full as well as reading novels. In my last you will recollect that I wrote of the piece I was then drawing. I have now got it most half done. I was all last week (two hours per day) drawing one eye, a part of another one, and one curl of hair. You can see by this that I draw very slowly, much slower than any one in my class. The time spent in the drawing academy seems shorter than any other part of the day, and I have not yet felt any impatience at my slowness in drawing since I have commenced my last piece, a sure sign that I like it very much.
Your brother,
Isaac I. Stevens.
Miss Susan B. Stevens.
Dear Sister Elizabeth,—You spoke of Mr. Maynard thinking I ought to be content with my present standing, and ought not to expect to stand higher. Be that as it may, one thing is certain, that I will never cease to try for number one till I have got it again, and were I convinced that it was almost an impossibility, I would still try. I like the reply of General Miller to his superior officer in the last war, when, being directed to attack and carry a battery of cannon on an almost inaccessible eminence, the silencing of which was indispensable, made this answer only, ‘I will try,’ and with the most determined courage carried it in an almost incredibly short space of time. I don’t like backing out; it is contemptible. I shall, however, be contented with whatever standing is given me, and since I have been here I have always endeavored to prepare myself for any contingency. This is absolutely necessary. It is the only way to guard against envy, jealousy, and all those mean and degrading passions to which the human heart is prone. Harry Biddle and myself are now the only members of our class who are contending for head, yet I don’t believe there are two men in the class on better terms. He is one of the finest young men I ever knew; and although he was very much disappointed last June, he never uttered a word showing he harbored the least ill-will against me. When the result of the June examination was known, he came and congratulated me, but told me he meant to rise me. In January it appeared he had redeemed his word, and so I went and congratulated him, and balanced the account. This is the only way to get along, for if we allow those passions I have mentioned to obtain the least ascendency over us, it will render us disagreeable and unhappy. There are eleven of us in four rooms, which are contiguous to each other, who are all good friends, and we enjoy ourselves as much as any other eleven men in the corps.
At the end of the second academic year he again stood head of his class, and had the pleasure of announcing his success to his father. He stood seventeen on the conduct roll, having eleven demerits.
West Point, June 18, 1836.
Dear Father,—I received a letter from Oliver a few days since. He says he is “going a-gunning” on his birthday, and wishes me to be at home to keep him company. I wish this could be the case, but under present circumstances I shall not come home until the last of July, and my leave will last but four weeks only. I did not know this till about a week ago, and I have deferred writing to be able to give you my standing. The examination was closed yesterday. My standing is first in mathematics, first in French, and fourth in drawing, which puts me head in general merit. Mr. Biddle is second in M., third in F., and first in D. I presume you will be satisfied with this. You recollect that Mr. Biddle rose me in French last January, and I suppose that rising him again this June will make it all right again. I had very good luck indeed, and my recitation in mathematics was much better than at any previous examination. We march into camp on Tuesday. It is to be called Camp Poinsett, as a compliment to the Secretary of War.
In July he returned home, after an absence of two years, to spend the brief leave of a month. He had foregone one the previous year, partly on the score of economy, at his father’s suggestion, and it was with a heart full of joy and glad anticipations that he hastened to visit the loved ones at home, and the dear and familiar scenes of his childhood.
Isaac must have keenly enjoyed this visit. His sisters were proud of him, and overjoyed at his return. He had surpassed the most sanguine hopes of his friends, and on every hand met with a warm welcome. His success at the academy, his cadet uniform, and his erect, soldierly bearing invested him in the eyes of the community with the new-found respect and importance accorded to rising and promising young manhood. His cousin Henry, writing after his return to the Point, says: “If you look as dignified as you did when you were here, I do not wonder that you are beyond suspicion. I should like very much to see one hundred cadets playing at football. Do you run as erect as you walk?” West Point drill and discipline, however, had not abated his adventurous spirit, or love of the sports natural to his age. Sailing on the Great Pond with a number of companions, and the wind having died out, for pastime he climbed to the top of the mast, which suddenly broke and let him fall headlong into the lake. On another occasion he was poling a boat with his little brother up the Cochichewick towards the “Hatch,” as the point where the stream flowed out of the Great Pond was called, when the oar stuck fast in the tenacious mud of the bottom, and, grasping it too firmly, Isaac lost his foothold, and was dragged over the stern into the mingled mud and water, to the sad defilement of his speckless white cadet trousers. Exasperated at this ridiculous accident, he swore lustily, calling upon Oliver in no gentle tones to bring back the boat.
CHAPTER IV
WEST POINT.—LAST TWO YEARS
Returning to the Point after this brief respite, the young cadet resumed his studies with his accustomed vigor. He was appointed assistant professor of mathematics, a position of additional labor as well as honor, which he retained to the end of his course. Moreover, he took an active part in the Dialectic Society, which as a “plebe” he looked forward to joining. In a letter to Mr. Hazen he recounts his early efforts in debate:—
“You are probably aware that we have a debating society here, of which I have the honor to be a member. Last evening (we hold our meetings on Saturday evenings) we had an animated debate on the expediency of studying the dead languages. It was the only tolerable one we have had this fall. Some pretty good speeches were made. One was particularly fine. Mr. Jennings, the person to whom I allude, in my opinion was made for an orator. He is undoubtedly a man of a large mind, and expresses himself admirably. His delivery is very good, and his diction is choice and effective. Declamation is one of the regular exercises; and as my turn came round, I had the pleasure of unburdening myself of a short piece, and of being most woefully used up by the critical, who are regularly appointed for such performance. This is not very encouraging, to be sure. I must, however, acquit myself better next time.
“You are probably aware of the great defects in our course of study. It is not calculated generally to strengthen and improve the mind as much as a four years’ course of study should. Some of the faculties are developed in a high degree, whilst others are almost entirely neglected; its effect is—if the expression can be used—to cast the mind in a rough, strong mould, without embellishing or polishing it. Its effect is also (perhaps no more than any other regular course of study) to confine our attention to particular pursuits, and make us neglect all that general information which is essential to a man of liberal education, and in fact absolutely indispensable for any one who engages in the actual pursuits of life. Don’t you believe it is of greater advantage to a person to have a good idea of political economy, or a knowledge of the elementary principles of composition, than to be able to solve some abstruse problem in mathematics?
“I almost wish I could content myself with standing about fifth in my class. I could then spend three or four hours a day in reading and getting valuable information, and could improve myself in composition. I might also cultivate a taste for the higher branches of literature, my taste for all which at present, except novels, is about at the zero point. As it is, I am obliged to work hard to get an hour a day to devote to reading; and as I consider history and solid works of that nature most valuable, I have been able to read but one novel within the last three months. I have been reading some of the speeches in ‘British Eloquence’ of late; also in the ‘Eloquence of the United States.’ Do you think the characters of Pitt, Fox, and Burke, as described by the author in the former work, are correct? My former ideas of Chatham were somewhat different. The author makes him out a more selfish man than I supposed him to be. A few days since I picked up a volume of Phillips’s Speeches, and read most of them. Is not his speech in the case of Blake v. Wilkins admirable? What do you think of them generally? It seems to me there is more of the pomp of words than real, effective oratory in them. He has too much pathos in some of his speeches. A little of it, and sometimes much of it, produces a very good effect; but where it is nothing but a pathetic appeal to the feelings, the effect is destroyed, at least with people of sense.”
This letter shows that the youth was beginning to think for himself, and to weigh things according to his own ideas. The arduous course of study he was pursuing did not wholly engross his attention. He soon became the leading member of the Dialectic, active in getting up lectures and other literary exercises. Nor was he simply a bookworm. “The eleven of us, in contiguous rooms, who are all good friends, and enjoy ourselves as much as any other eleven men in the class,” derived some of their enjoyment from breaking the rigid rules of the institution, and in hairbreadth escapes from detection. They used to run over to Benny’s without leave. They would bring pies and other edibles into barracks buttoned up under their coats, and, after the post was wrapped in slumber, would indulge in these forbidden sweets. His companions ofttimes complained that Stevens would learn his lessons in a minute, and then come about, making a racket, and disturbing them in their studies. He used to take long walks and excursions about the neighboring country.
Naturally active and fearless, he became a fine horseman, and always appeared to best advantage when mounted, where his erect figure and soldierly bearing gave him the effect of higher stature than when on foot.
In winter the cadets were in the habit of skating on the river. Isaac, light, active, and fearless, and exceedingly adventurous, delighted to skim full speed over the thinnest ice he could find, which bent and crackled under his skates. His companions kept remonstrating with and forewarning him of a catastrophe, which in his case never occurred. One extremely cold day, however, one of his associates broke through the ice and fell into the river. They rescued him with some difficulty, and bore him dripping wet to the barracks in all haste, but the unlucky youth was nearly frozen when they carried him into his room. His mates at once set to work making a hot fire, and bringing blankets, etc. But Isaac now took the lead, as the commanding spirit always does in a real emergency. He caused them to put out the fire, throw open all the windows, and to vigorously rub the insensible youth with snow brought from the outside until his circulation was restored, and the frost taken out of his benumbed extremities, when he suffered them to rebuild the fire and renew the warm comforts, both solid and liquid.
His uncle Moses, a distinguished teacher, settled in Nashville, Tenn., visited West Point this fall; and his father writes, “Your uncle Moses speaks of your acquirements in rather extravagant terms.”
During the winter his father’s health was poor, and he suffered much from his injured leg. Oliver alone remained at home. Hannah was in Haverhill, attending school, and supporting herself by her needle; Sarah was in Lowell, working in a factory; Elizabeth was at Belfast, Maine, visiting an aunt, and attending school; Mary was at Methuen; and Susan was attending school at the South Parish. The latter, a girl of warm heart and lively sensibilities, had not been satisfied with the sober Unitarianism of her family, and had become attached to the “Orthodox,” or ancient Puritan faith, a sincere and somewhat enthusiastic convert. The letters of these motherless girls, thus scattered about, reveal a touching picture of their earnest desire and efforts for study and self-improvement, their tender affection for their father, and their endeavor to treat their stepmother with respect and affection. It was to their brother Isaac that they resorted for comfort and guidance. They confided to his warm and sympathetic heart all their troubles, aspirations, and plans, and constantly sought his advice. The noble old man at the farm, too, had come to rely upon the manly character and sound judgment of the youth of nineteen at West Point. He writes of the difficulty of making both ends meet, of his earnest desire to give more schooling to his three younger daughters, and of preserving intact for his children the little property he had accumulated so laboriously. He asks Isaac to write and advise Susan, who he thinks lacks stability, and Hannah. He entreats his son to come home every summer vacation.
West Point, December 17, 1836.
Dear Father,—It was with much concern I heard of your lameness, and I am very much afraid it will prove more serious than you seem to be aware of. You ought not to think yourself obliged to work, when it is of manifest injury to you. You are now getting to be along in years, and you have done hard work enough. You ought now to think of making yourself comfortable. I do hope you will be careful about exposing yourself, and will endeavor to enjoy the little property which you have accumulated with so much toil. Your children, you may be assured, had much rather that it should all be consumed in making your declining years pleasant and happy, than receive a single cent of it themselves. I think you will do wrong to feel the least anxiety about leaving property to your children. You have evinced the greatest affection for us, and the utmost disinterestedness in consulting the welfare of your children, and it is our duty to make every return in our power. Believe me, we will endeavor to exert our utmost in order to secure the happiness of the remaining period of your life, and we ask of you, as a favor, no longer to undergo the toil and exposure to which you have hitherto been accustomed.
I wish I could have been at home Thanksgiving time. Three successive Thanksgivings have seen my absence from home, and it is very probable that three more will pass away without allowing me the opportunity of spending them at home. As it is, I hope I shall be enabled to pass two or three weeks at home next summer, but it is very uncertain. The superintendent has come to the conclusion no longer to permit the members of the first class to be absent on leave during the encampment, and it will be very difficult to obtain a leave unless the application is backed by very urgent reasons.
At last Susan decided to go to Missouri, encouraged by the favorable reports of relatives who had moved thither, and hoping to find a more promising field as a teacher. In May, 1838, her father accompanied her to Port Labadie, situated on the Missouri River, some miles above St. Louis. Here she found kind friends, and met with tolerable success in her chosen vocation.
At the June examination of 1838 Isaac again stood at the head of his class. On the conduct roll he was number twenty-three, with twenty demerits. He spent part of the summer leave at home. Returning to the Point, he made a pedestrian trip to Philadelphia with a classmate, in the course of which they were thoroughly drenched in a rainstorm.
The following letter exhibits his patriotic indignation at the British aggressions on the Maine frontier, a precursor of the spirit with which he resisted and defeated similar aggressions on the extreme northwest in after years:—
West Point, August 21, 1838.
Dear Father,—You must have seen from the papers that the executive of the State of Maine is making preparations to carry into effect the resolutions of its legislature, and that the commissioners will be supported in the running of the boundary line by the whole military force of the State. Kent has pursued a course alike honorable to himself and the State which he represents. If the national government shows itself so regardless of the honor and interests of a State as has been evinced by the cold indifference with which negotiations for the last fifty years have been carried on, it becomes the solemn duty of the sovereignty thus trampled upon to rise and maintain its own rights. This fawning subserviency to expediency in a matter of principle I despise. So does every honorable man; better die in a just cause than live by an abandonment of it. I have sufficient confidence in the virtue and patriotism of the people of Maine to believe that they will triumphantly sustain their executive in his energetic and honorable measures. Should there be actual resistance and the difficulty resolve itself into an open conflict, the government dare not withhold its prompt assistance. The whole Senate, without a single dissentient voice, have borne witness to the fallacy and gross injustice of the claim made by the British crown upon the lands in question. Was this meant to vanish into thin air? The 4th regiment of artillery are now in New York city. Why not send them to the east? They are certainly wanted on the boundary.
He had frequently remonstrated with his father for treating Oliver with too exacting strictness, and he now urged him to send the boy to college as soon as he became old enough. In reply the father declares:—
“As to Oliver’s going to college, it is out of the question. A great many boys are ruined by going to college that would have made useful men if they had been put to some trade, or compelled to be industrious. By the most rigid economy I can adopt, the income of the farm will not pay my expenses. I am willing to rise early, work late, live on simple fare, but dunning letters I detest; rather live on two meals a day. I would advise every young man, who means to be punctual, and honest, to keep out of debt.”
Oliver, however, in due time entered Bowdoin College, Maine, with the consent and aid of his father; graduated well, and became a successful lawyer in Boston, where he has held the position of district attorney for nearly thirty years.
He urges Oliver to cultivate a taste for solid reading, and assures him that a taste for any subject can be acquired when the determination is fixed upon it.
“Let me advise you to get Plutarch’s Lives, and read them. Plutarch, you know, is a celebrated Roman author. His Lives of the distinguished men of Greece and Rome has justly immortalized his name, and it will live as long as the men whose actions he has related are admired. The style is simple and unaffected. He has seized upon the principal events in the life of each; relates to us many, anecdotes of their efforts, of their disappointments and failures; then he describes in bold and feeling language that untiring industry, that patient and ceaseless thought, which overcame every difficulty. Read the lives of Cicero and Demosthenes, Nicias and Phocion. When you next write, tell me what you think of them. Another work I want you to read; it is Sparks’s ‘American Biography.’ We should certainly be intimately acquainted with the deeds and characters of our own great men. Have you ever read any volumes of the ‘spectator’? There are, I think, ten volumes of them, consisting of essays of four or five pages each upon all subjects. The style is flowing and graceful, exceedingly interesting; a vein of wit and sprightliness pervades them all.
“For myself, things have gone smoothly on since I was at home. My daily duties are all sources of pleasure. This renders me satisfied with myself and with all around me. I am never afflicted with low spirits, or with feelings of discontent,—all this for the simple reason that all my time is interestingly employed.
“Have you finished harvesting? Did you gather many walnuts? We have a large number of chestnut-trees at West Point. I have gathered quite an abundance of them.”
TO HIS FATHER.
November 17.
Dear Father,—I have just come from the meeting of our society. Our proceedings are quite good; and there is an evident improvement every evening. It is indeed much better to employ Saturday evening in listening to, and participating in, a debate on some interesting subject than staying in one’s room reading novels, or perhaps doing nothing. We had quite an animated discussion the other evening on the justice of lynch law. We got very warm; indeed, the debate came very near merging into the discussion of abolition. This, you are aware, is a very tender subject, and, for our society, a very improper one. For my own part I got very much excited, and my free avowal of abolition principles did not tend to allay the feeling which existed among the members.
You can well suppose that I am looking forward to graduating with much interest. My entering this institution I consider my first important step in life. I have succeeded better than I have ever had any right to anticipate. I have endeavored to make it my rule never to relinquish any undertaking, but always to try till success crowned my efforts. I have thus got along pretty well. I have not the slightest doubt that I shall succeed well enough as long as my efforts are carried on in a proper spirit, which is never to rely too confidently on success, and to bear every disappointment with a good grace.
I feel much anxiety to see Oliver improve. These long winter evenings should not be trifled away. Oliver might study, read to the family, or otherwise improve his time, till half past nine o’clock. If he should be disposed to read any longer, let him have a good warm fire, and his reading will not be thrown away. You are, I know, a great admirer of Franklin. He used to study until twelve at night when obliged to work hard all day. How could Oliver and the girls, if any are at home, pass the time better than reading or studying till perhaps ten in the evening?
TO HANNAH.
January 27, 1839.
Dear Sister,—It may be said that Scott and Addison are elegant writers. Johnson, that intellectual giant, said that whoever wished to become a perfect writer must give up his days and nights to Addison. The style of Addison is peculiarly easy and harmonious, the very music of composition; and although not so deep and original a thinker as many whose styles are less attractive, his works will always be admired for their sound views on moral and religious subjects. Scott, you know, has been called the magician, and excelled all his contemporaries in the ease, rapidity, and finish of his performances. The last volume of his “Waverley” was written in one week, and his novels were ushered into the reading community with so rapid a succession as astonished every one. Some think that Scott excelled as a poet, and, wonderful as he was as a writer of romance, he was still more successful in verse. Some of his poetry and a few of his novels are well worth reading. His “Lady of the Lake” and “Ivanhoe” are much admired. The “Tales of my Landlord” and “Guy Mannering” also are very fine. There is a little volume of poetry, called “The Book of Pleasures,” which I intend to read, the first opportunity. It contains The Pleasures of Memory, of Hope, and of the Imagination, all three beautiful poems. You had better read them, if they are to be obtained.
Our examinations are finished, and we are again under full sail for the next, and, for myself, last examination. The result of the present is, head in three branches and second in the fourth. The last five months I spend at West Point should be employed to better advantage than any other five months before. I have marked out for myself a pretty severe course of study, by which I shall endeavor to abide. When I graduate, it will be a satisfaction to look back upon my four years’ course, and feel a consciousness that I have improved my opportunities. After graduating, where I shall be stationed is uncertain. But I shall endeavor to get ordered to Boston under Colonel Thayer. There are extensive fortifications now erecting in Boston harbor on George’s Island. It would be a capital chance to be employed upon them, particularly when the superintendent of the works is so distinguished a man as Colonel Thayer. There are reasons, which you can well imagine, why I wish to be near home.
He must have been an omnivorous and rapid reader to have mastered Franklin, Plutarch, Addison, Scott, Rollin’s Ancient History, besides poetry, speeches, and novels; one wonders where he could have found the time, but he was ever working at high pressure. In addition to the hard work necessary to retain the headship of the class, and to discharge the duties of assistant professor, he took the most active and leading part in the Dialectic, and delivered the valedictory address at the graduation of the class. He also founded “The Talisman,” a journal for the practice and improvement of the cadets in composition. In the introductory address, which he wrote as editor, he presents his views of the need for, and objects of, the paper in glowing language, concluding:—
“We have thus announced our intention of establishing a paper. Its character will be readily understood from the preceding exposition of our views. We shall hoist the white flag, emblematic of our motives and intentions. On it shall be inscribed in golden letters The Talisman. This flag will we defend with our life’s blood; and when expiring nature is about to give up her last hold upon us, we will wave it aloft in triumph and die beneath its shadow.”
In a letter to his uncle William he gives an amusing account of anonymously criticising his own effusions:—
“Several of us have amused ourselves in writing a paper, which we have called ‘The Talisman,’ and having it read at the meetings of the Dialectic. Our motto is, The Human Intellect the Universal Talisman. The best of the joke is, no one can divine who are concerned in it. Indeed, once I wrote a most famous blowing up of one of my own performances, and was extremely amused to have several of my friends console me; in fact, one told me he would not give a fig for these criticisms, to which I assented, asking him if he had any idea who were the editors of the paper, to which he replied in the negative. When we graduate next June, we wish to have an address delivered before the society by some able man. Do you think we could get Governor Everett?”
As already stated, Cadet Stevens was put forward by his classmates to deliver this address himself.
He contributed to “The Talisman” a series of articles, written in a simple, direct, and forcible style, and marked by an earnest tone and elevated sentiments, among which were “Agency of Steam in Mechanical Operations;” “In Jury Trials, ought the Twelve Jurors to be required to be Unanimous?” “Has Man a Conscience?” “The Importance of a Good Style of Writing to an Officer of the Army;” “History;” “The Proper Study of Mankind is Man.”
His most intimate friends at the Point were Henry L. Smith, Jeremy F. Gilmer, Zealous B. Tower, Henry W. Halleck, Stephen D. Carpenter, Bryant P. Tilden, William B. Greene, Franklin D. Callender, John D. Bacon, Paul O. Hebert. Among these high-spirited and intellectual young men he was an acknowledged leader; and even after leaving the academy, they were continually calling on him for advice in their own affairs, and for aid in efforts to benefit the service, to secure increased rank and pay, etc.
Thus the last term sped rapidly away. At the examination he was first, as usual. He stood thirty on the conduct roll, having sixteen demerits. It will be observed that in “conduct” during the course he stood but little above the average. Evidently, with his spirited and vigorous nature, he did not mind infringing the rules at times. When the Academic Board reviewed the standing of the members of the class to award to each his proper grade, it was found that Cadet Stevens stood at the head, not only generally, but in every one of the studies. Moreover, his standing, as compared with all who had ever graduated from the institution, was among the first. This remarkable achievement, together with his strong personality, deeply impressed the officers of the academy. They were proud of their pupil, they felt that he reflected honor upon the institution, and they vied with each other in encomiums and attentions which they deemed his due.
He invited his father and stepmother to attend the graduation exercises, and they came. When they arrived they were astonished to see the honors heaped upon their son, and the high estimation in which he was held. They, too, were overwhelmed with attentions on his account. Prominent seats were found for them, and the professors came up to pay their respects to the parents of the first graduate, and to congratulate them upon his remarkable talents and promise.
CHAPTER V
NEWPORT
Crowned with these well-earned honors, and promoted to be second lieutenant of engineers, July 1, 1839, he accompanied his parents home, expecting to enjoy a long and delightful vacation; but his anticipations were speedily cut short by orders to proceed to Newport, R.I., to take part in the building of Fort Adams, so that he was permitted to spend only the Fourth of July in Andover.
Phrenology was in vogue then, and the young man, on his way through Boston, had his head examined by a professor of the new science, who, much to his amusement, pronounced him a poet. He reached his station early in July, and took quarters with Miss Castoff, who kept a boarding-house on the corner of Spring and Ann streets. Lieutenant James L. Mason, also of the engineer corps, boarded at the same place. The two young men became warm friends and companions. Daily they rode over to the fort together in the morning, and returned in the afternoon. Lieutenant P.G. T. Beauregard, afterwards the well-known Confederate general, was also on duty there as an engineer officer, and remained several months after Stevens’s arrival. Fort Adams was garrisoned by a detachment of the 2d artillery, officered by Lieutenants Lewis G. Arnold, Arthur B. Lansing, and Henry J. Hunt.
Fort Adams, commenced twenty years previously, and now nearly completed under the able superintendence of General Joseph G. Totten, was the largest defensive work in the country, Fortress Monroe only excepted, and, as General Cullum declares in his biographical sketch of General Totten, “the first in its combination of the principles and details of the art of fortification.” It must have afforded a most gratifying field for the energies of the ardent and accomplished young officer, fresh from the military academy, and eager to test his acquirements and abilities in real work. The redoubt, the inner and separate stronghold in rear of the main work, was mostly built under his superintendence, 1839–42. Entering upon this duty with his accustomed zeal, his sound judgment in laying out the work for the workmen, and energy and diligence in pushing it, soon attracted attention. He took control with the self-reliance and habit of command of a natural leader. He was strict and exacting with the employees, but at the same time just and considerate, and took a real interest in them. He soon won their respect and goodwill. Even the man who groomed his horse, John A.C. Stacy, long years afterwards, when he had himself become a wealthy contractor, spoke of Lieutenant Stevens with the greatest admiration. His unconscious success in this direction nearly led to a breach with Mason. The latter became cold and distant in manner, and openly avoided him. Stevens demanded an explanation, whereupon Mason burst forth indignantly with the charge, “You are destroying all my influence with the men on the work. When you appear, they hang upon every word you utter, and cannot do enough for you, while they scarcely notice me, although I am the senior, and have been longer on the work.” But Mason was soon satisfied by his friend’s remonstrances, and his own good sense, that Stevens was not to blame for that result. Mason was a man of remarkable talents, brilliant in conversation, and fascinating in social intercourse.
Newport at this time contained many old families, among which the traditions of colonial grandeur, when the port was the largest and most flourishing city in the colonies, mingled with the fresher recollections of the Revolution, the British occupation, the battle of Rhode Island, the romantic capture of General Prescott, the English commander, the brilliant though brief sojourn of the French allies under Rochambeau, and the visit of Washington. The town was celebrated for beautiful and charming girls. It was the resort in summer of the cultivated, wealthy, and fashionable from other parts of the country, especially from the South. The Hazards, Lymans, Randolphs, Vernons, Lawtons, Hunters, Kings, Turners, Gardiners, Fowlers, Gibbs, Tottens, Perrys, and others, all more or less related, afforded a cultivated and high-toned, yet simple and cordial society, free from the ostentation of wealth and the absurd pride of caste. The army and naval officers stationed there, and the families of Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry, the hero of Lake Erie, of General Totten, and of others who had served their country, added a patriotic and military element. Into this charming society the young officer entered with keen enjoyment, and his modest demeanor and sensible conversation, not less than his reputation for ability and scholarship, soon made him welcome.
One of these Newport belles thus described him:—
“The first time I saw Mr. Stevens was in church. He sat in the pew behind ours. He was very young, of small, alight figure, had a very large head, with fine carriage,—a noble head, thick, bushy, black hair, and dark complexion. He was considered very homely, but he had a large, dark hazel eye, which looked one through and through, and compelled one’s attention.”
Notwithstanding that “he was considered very homely,” young Stevens took an active part in the social life and festivities of the town, calling upon the old families, escorting with other young men bevies of young ladies on delightful long walks to the beach, along the cliffs, the Blue Rocks, Tammany Hill, and other resorts, and attending the numerous parties.
It was at one of these rather informal, but enjoyable gatherings that he first met the young girl who was soon to become his wife. Mason had warned him to “beware of Margaret Hazard,” as the two young men were setting out to attend a tea party at the Vernons’ hospitable mansion, two miles out of town. The young lady was a daughter of Benjamin Hazard, for years recognized as the ablest lawyer and statesman in the State, who had represented the town in the state legislature for thirty-one years without a break, having been elected sixty-two times in succession. Although very young, she possessed many attractions of person and character, had many admirers, and was one of the acknowledged belles. Notwithstanding the friendly or jocose warning, Mr. Stevens was duly presented to Miss Hazard, and had the pleasure of escorting her home, and improved the opportunity by inviting her to ride on horseback the following afternoon. Miss Margaret lacked a suitable habit, it seems; but an old cloak skillfully adapted served for the long sweeping skirt then in vogue, a cousin furnished his new beaver for a riding-hat, and another admirer contributed a handsome silver-mounted riding-whip, so that when the cavalier presented himself on his gray charger with a groom leading the “Indian Queen,” the young lady was ready. The “Indian Queen” was the name of a noted saddle-horse from the stable of Nicholas Hassard, who for many years kept the livery stable on Spring, or Back Street, corner of Touro. When asked if the “Indian Queen” was a safe horse for the young lady, Mr. Hassard replied, “Miss Margaret Hazard can ride any horse in my stable.”
This ride led to others, and it was not long before the two rode over the beaches together nearly every pleasant afternoon. Mr. Stevens would come with the horses about five o’clock, and the usual ride was over the three beaches and around by the green End road; and a more romantic, beautiful, and pleasant course it would be hard to find.
A fearless horseman, he was fond of horses and of riding. He owned and delighted to ride a fiery gray, which ofttimes taxed all his strength, skill, and daring to master, and which occasionally ran away despite all efforts. Once the steed, with the bit in his teeth, dashed headlong for the stable. “Stevens is done for!” exclaimed Mason; “the stable door is too low to ride under, and his brains will be knocked out.” But the rider threw himself along the side and neck of the furious animal just in time to avoid this danger.
Mason’s warning was indeed in vain. Writes his intimate friend, H.L. Smith, as early as April:—
“Not in love, Stevens; why, your description fired me. By heavens! it is a glorious thing to see a girl with a large soul. Would there were more such. ‘Dark blue eyes;’ ‘Rides fearlessly;’ ‘Loves Channing, Carlyle, Milton;’ ‘A sweet smile,’ etc.”
He became a frequent caller upon, and intimate in the family of, Benjamin Hazard. The latter was slowly sinking under the lingering disease, consumption, which carried him off in 1841. The gifted and sympathetic young man would have long talks and discussions with the intellectual, learned, and experienced senior, and would read to him from his favorite authors, Swift and Shakespeare. “I think our young lieutenant is very handsome,” remarked Mr. Hazard, doubtless alluding to his fine head and sound, bright mind, and perhaps quietly rebuking the disparaging term “homely.” It was not long before he became an acknowledged suitor for the hand of Miss Margaret, and they were betrothed in the summer of 1840.
The mansion occupied by this family, situated on Broad Street, on the southern corner of Stone Street, and near the state house, is one of the oldest in Newport, the timbers of which, according to tradition, were cut and hewn in the woods between the harbor and the beach. By a curious coincidence it has descended in the female line for three generations. Before and during the Revolution it was the home of John G. Wanton, a wealthy colonial merchant and the son of the colonial governor, Gideon Wanton.
It was a favorite resort of the brilliant French officers who landed in Newport to aid the struggling patriots, one of whom cut with a diamond upon a small, old-fashioned window-pane in the great parlor, “Charming Polly Wanton, Oct. 17, 1780.” But an American officer, Colonel Daniel Lyman, afterwards chief justice of Rhode Island and president of the Society of the Cincinnati in Rhode Island, married “Charming Polly” away from her French admirers.
Mary Wanton was an only daughter, and inherited the old mansion, where she reared a family of thirteen children, and dispensed the gracious hospitality to which she was accustomed.
One of her daughters, Harriet Lyman, married Benjamin Hazard, and upon the removal of Colonel Lyman and his family to Providence, succeeded to the old Newport homestead, which thus for generations was the scene of family happiness, worth, refinement, and hospitality. It is now owned and occupied by two of Benjamin Hazard’s daughters, Misses Emily Lyman and Mary Wanton Hazard, who maintain the traditions of the old mansion with charming grace.
Now time speeds away rapidly and pleasantly with the young officer. He has long talks and discussions with Mason, noted for his brilliant mind and conversation. His official duties are congenial. He heartily enjoys the social pleasures in which he takes part, and moreover he lays out a stiff course of study for the winter. He writes uncle William, October 31, 1839:—
“My brother officer, Lieutenant Mason, is quite familiar with politics. He is a Nullifier. I am a loco-foco Abolitionist. Though we agree on many points, yet we have at times quite warm though very friendly debates upon these points upon which we differ. I shall be glad to spend most of the winter in study, and I think of giving about half my time to my profession and its kindred branches of physics and mathematics, and of the remaining portion a moiety to politics and the political history of our country (which will necessitate the careful reading and study of the Federalist and Madison papers, and other documents illustrative of the peculiar glories of our institutions), and the remainder to general reading.”
TO HANNAH.
My situation at Newport continues to please me as much as ever. We are still pretty busy throughout the day, but are able to secure considerable time for reading and study.
I have been reading Byron’s Poems of late. Although his verse is far inferior (in my opinion) to Shakespeare and Milton, still it has many and peculiar merits. Many of his productions are overflowing with lofty and correct ideas. No sycophantic awe, or respect for place and title, restrains his caustic and withering pen. He soars upon his own pinions, and looks down upon them all.
OLD WANTON MANSION IN NEWPORT
Thus his time was well occupied, yet he was also an indefatigable correspondent, writing frequently to his West Point classmates and friends, now beginning to scatter, and to his father, sisters, brother, and cousins, but especially to his sisters, whose welfare and happiness he had so much at heart. He is constantly sending them books and papers, and advising them in regard to their studies and plans. Susan was still in Missouri, doing well as a teacher. During the fall Hannah was teaching school, or in Boston earning her livelihood in a store. Elizabeth and Sarah were at school, and only Mary and Oliver remained at home. The father, working too hard, had serious trouble with his injured leg, and was unwell. But it was a joyous reunion when the elder brother came home at Thanksgiving, and the scattered family were all assembled, except Susan, in the great roomy kitchen in the old farmhouse, around the well-filled board, loaded with the roast turkey and cranberry sauce, snowy biscuits, mince, pumpkin, and apple pies, cake, preserves, and all the good things of that generous and kindly season.
Returning to Newport, Lieutenant Stevens made one of a class for the study of German, although one may suspect that the language was not the only attraction. Charles T. Brooks, the gifted poet, preacher, and writer, and who has since translated so many poems and works from the German, was then settled over the Unitarian Church in Newport, and a few years previously had married Harriet Lyman Hazard, an elder sister of Margaret. An accomplished and enthusiastic German scholar, Mr. Brooks organized the class, and acted as their instructor. Mrs. Brooks, Mrs. Shroder, Miss Margaret L. Hazard, Miss Julia Randolph, Stevens, and Mason met regularly once a week at Mr. Brooks’s house on Barney Street. An incident is related showing the facility with which Mr. Stevens acquired any subject which he undertook. Mr. Brooks one day asked him a difficult question in grammar, which he answered promptly. Another question was put with the same result. The teacher then plied him with question upon question, all of which he answered without hesitation. “Why,” exclaimed Mr. Brooks, “you seem to know the whole grammar.” “Oh, yes,” replied Stevens, “I’ve run it over.”
A long and affectionate letter from Susan informed him of her marriage to David H. Bishop, a man of fine character, and engaged in the profession of an educator, on December 26, 1839. Mr. Stevens at once wrote to his new relative welcoming him in his hearty and warm-hearted manner, and a friendly correspondence ensued between them, which developed into a long and well-maintained political discussion, for Mr. Bishop was a Whig, while Stevens was an uncompromising Democrat, of Free-soil convictions,—“loco-foco Abolitionist,” as he defines himself.
In April the fostering and indulgent grandmother, the widow of the Revolutionary soldier, Jonathan, died at an advanced age, attended during her last illness by Sarah. Mary, early in the year, visited aunt McFarland in Belfast, Maine. Elizabeth was in Lowell, and later also went to aunt McFarland, and only Sarah and Oliver remained at home this year.
His father’s letters reveal how much he was coming to lean upon the self-reliant young man, and to feel the need of his support and affection. “I was glad to hear you say in your last letter that in matters relating to yourself you should be guided by your own judgment,” he writes. In every letter he urges him to come home, if only for a short visit.
Dear Son,—In your letter to Oliver you mention not coming home until Thanksgiving. I hope it will be convenient for you to come home and spend a few days in the summer. Your visit in March was very short, but short as it was, it was better than none. I learn from you that you are far from being satisfied with your present attainments. Why should young men talk of having finished their education when in fact they have only commenced it, considering how much more they might learn if they would only press forward! May all you learn be sound and durable; one rotten piece of timber may wreck a ship. Do not study too hard. My days of anticipating worldly happiness are over (not so fast), I do anticipate seeing my children useful and happy.
Your father,
Isaac Stevens.
Lieutenant Stevens was promoted first lieutenant, corps of engineers, July 1, 1840.
His active and thoroughgoing mind, looking beyond the duties assigned him, saw the necessity of other works to complete the defenses at Newport. He wrote urgent letters to the Engineer Department in Washington, representing the need of a thorough survey of the harbor and the surrounding ground, and especially of the fortifying of Rose Island, which, situated in mid-channel between Rhode Island and Conanicut, and three miles north of, or inside Fort Adams, would supplement and support that work, and render the main entrance of Narragansett Bay impregnable to a hostile fleet. He was ambitious to plan and carry out the fortification of this point, but his recommendations were disregarded, and he was informed that his views, though sound, were premature. Of late years the importance of fortifying Rose Island has been recognized, and the government has erected a powerful battery there.
During the spring and summer his long-cherished idea of becoming a lawyer took more definite shape in his mind, as will be seen from the following letter to his uncle William, August 5, 1840:—
My dear Uncle,—You recollect that when last in Andover I was revolving in my mind the expediency of studying law, with a view of making it my permanent profession. Entering the West Point Academy with no idea of remaining in the army, my present occupation cannot be regarded as one that I have voluntarily and after mature reflection selected, but as one which circumstances and good luck have forced upon me. Therefore, in balancing the advantages and disadvantages of the army and the law in order to a decision of the question, Which shall I select as my occupation? I think I have nothing to do with certain objections that many would advance, that it would be changing my business,—it would betray a want of fixedness of purpose,—it would be an act of inconsistency. To be sure, some of the studies at West Point throw no light upon the law, but most of them contribute, and contribute in an eminent degree, to induce the habits and call out the faculties essential to the able lawyer. Something more is wanted,—as a knowledge of the classics, of ethics, of history. Three years’ rigorous, systematic devotion of my leisure moments to these pursuits would more than place me on a level with the graduates of our colleges; by economy enough of my pay could be laid up to defray my expenses, should I then resign and go through a three years’ study of the law. As the thing, therefore, can be accomplished, as the law for many reasons would suit me better than the army, as I have no false notions of delicacy on the ground of consistency, etc., I have at length concluded to give up the army for the law. As soon as I decided, I began to act. On that very day, about three weeks since, I commenced Latin and a course of reading in History. Greek I shall commence next November. As I do not wish justly to render myself liable to the charge of hastiness or obstinacy, I have determined to consult my friends. If they can adduce reasons against my course, I should be very much obliged if they would let me know them. The thought that one’s course is approved by his friends is consolatory,—it serves to strengthen his confidence in his own judgment. It removes many cross currents that would impede his course. You it was that first suggested my application to enter the military academy. Though the military academy was not intended to make lawyers, yet in my case I hope it may be an example that “the longest way round is the shortest way home.” I have been very fortunate in making the acquaintance of Mr. Benjamin Hazard, whom (by report) you must know. He has the reputation of being the first lawyer in the State, and is unquestionably au fait with his profession. He has been so kind as to give me a great deal of information both with regard to law and lawyers in this country, and the best method of studying law. Mr. Hazard lent me some time since Warner’s Law Studies. I read it through twice very carefully, but much of what he said I thought totally inapplicable to the profession in this country, much that was contradictory, and some opinions I was confident were wrong. I wish you would write me soon and give me your opinion of my course, which is to remain in the army till the 1st of August, 1843, then to resign and enter some office in Boston or Newport for three years. From all I can learn, I think that Jeremiah Mason, of Boston, would be the man for me. Whether he takes students I know not. Webster, Mr. Hazard tells me, contends that Mason is the first lawyer in the country,—superior to himself. Remember me to your own family, and my friends generally.
Your nephew,
I.I. Stevens.
He also wrote on this subject to his father, Mr. Hazen, and H.L. Smith. All whom he consulted discouraged the project except his classmate, Smith. Mr. Hazen judiciously advises:—
“It seems to me to be premature to determine quite so much at this time. It occurs to me that you might enter upon a course of legal reading, which would be useful to you in any station, uniting it with attention to military duties, which would consist with promotion in the army, and leave a little to the future to determine between the professions.”
Although his increasing military duties, with his marriage and the Mexican war, compelled him to defer carrying out this plan, it was never definitely given up. The career open to him in the army did not satisfy his ambition, and at last in 1852 he resigned, seeking a wider field. Meantime he was keeping up his correspondence with his classmates and friends. Halleck writes:—
United States Military Academy,
West Point, February 9, 1840.
Dear Stevens,—It is now Sunday morning, and I know not that I can better employ the time that will elapse before old Jasper commences his oppression, than by writing an answer to your very kind letter of last Sabbath. I am happy to renew with you our old friendly intercourse. We have passed together four long years in mutual goodwill and then parted, I believe, as warm friends, and why should we now float away from each other towards the great ocean of eternity without ever exchanging a friendly hail? My old associates are still dear to me, and my lone heart sometimes softens when I think of the past spent in their society. Indeed, I have here become so disgusted with humbugs, toadeaters, and punsters, that my heart gladdens at the receipt of a letter from an old friend whom I know to be a reality and no sham.
We have been co-workers in at least one thing, the Dialectic, and I believe that to us as much or more than to any others, the society owes its present prosperity.
Sincerely yours,
H.W. Halleck.
Tilden, having become involved in a controversy with the authorities at the Point, comes to Newport to consult with Stevens, who takes up his case, advises him what to do, and writes Halleck, Smith, and others in his behalf. “My visit to Newport,” writes Tilden, “was of essential service to me, and has served to strengthen the good resolutions suggested by yourself and example.”
H.L. Smith, too, feeling aggrieved at the action of a court-martial reflecting upon his evidence as a witness, has recourse to his friend Stevens, who responds in such manner as to call forth Smith’s grateful and somewhat enthusiastic thanks:—
“I refer in part to your reply to Colonel Totten at table. Be assured I did anticipate your reply to my request. But, Stevens, there are not many who would have taken the part of a friend as you did with Colonel Totten. I shall never forget it as an act of friendship, never cease to admire it as an act of generous independence.”
Oliver visits him in September, and in his next letter speaks of “our fine rides on horseback.” Elizabeth has decided to go to Nashville, Tenn., to visit her uncle Moses, principal of an academy there, in hopes of finding employment as a teacher; and the father calls upon his son in Newport for pecuniary assistance, and informs him that Hannah has come home seriously ill.
The next letter from his father contained the sad intelligence that Hannah was sinking fast, and urged him to come home immediately. He spent the last few days of life with the dying girl, doing all in his power to comfort her. She died in November, 1840.
On his journey back to Newport, Mr. Stevens stopped in Boston to hear a lecture by John Quincy Adams, an account of which he gives his father:—
“His subject was the four stages of man in his progress from the savage to the civilized state,—first, as a hunter; second, as a shepherd; third, as a tiller of the soil; fourth, as a member of a community in which all trades, occupations, arts, and professions were confined to their appropriate spheres, each receiving the protection and encouragement of all. His delivery was very energetic, though uncouth. His fancy was exuberant, and his speculations were not entirely, it seemed to me, supported by the truth of history.
“I wrote to Susan, as you desired, and gave her a detailed account of Hannah’s illness, with such other matters as I thought would be interesting. Since I have been back to Newport, I have been reading Blackstone pretty diligently. Thus far, I am much pleased with him.”
“It was a sad Thanksgiving at the homestead this year,” Oliver writes, “so different from the year before, when all were at home except Susan, and death had not yet broken the family circle.” Now all the children, except Sarah and Oliver, were scattered far and wide,—Susan at Union, Mo., Elizabeth at Nashville, Tenn., Mary in Belfast, Maine, and Isaac in Newport. The father was again disabled with his leg, and unable to attend the Thanksgiving sermon. Oliver concludes his pathetic letter with a wish to go to West Point.
Newport, December 15, 1840.
Dear Brother Oliver,—I have been very busily engaged since your letter came to hand in preparing an address to be delivered before the Newport Lyceum. As it was the introductory one, I felt very desirous that it should be no discredit to myself, and that all proper expectations should be fully realized. This is my apology for not immediately answering your letter. As the address has been delivered, I will now write you briefly respecting the subject-matter of the latter part of your communication....
There is nothing new here. I am passing my time very pleasantly. We have a debating club in successful operation, consisting of about sixty members,—clergymen, lawyers, physicians, tradesmen, etc., etc. We have a talk this evening on the French Revolution. I don’t know whether I shall say anything or not. Write as soon as you can find it convenient. Remember me to father, mother, and Sarah, and friends in general. I hope father will take every care of his health. Is it vacation with John Loring now? One of his classmates, young Dunn, is at home in Newport.
Your brother,
Isaac I. Stevens.
Mr. O. Stevens.
ISAAC INGALLS STEVENS
From Miniature by Staigg, 1841
Newport, R.I., January 17, 1840.
My dear Father,—As soon as I get to Washington I shall put Oliver’s application on file in the Department of War, and will obtain an interview with Mr. Cushing to secure his interposition, of which I think we may entertain some expectation, as no one has yet applied for the vacancy in his district. One of my classmates, Lieutenant Halleck, who is on duty at Washington, was kind enough to ascertain and inform me of all cadets and applicants from Massachusetts, with their districts, and in his list I perceive the 3d District is put down vacant without any applications. I have never seen our representative, for which reason some might deem it advisable to procure a letter of introduction; but after some consideration I have concluded to take none, but to introduce myself. It is better, if successful, than the other mode; to be sure, the risk is greater,—I will run it, however. If I make a good impression on Mr. Cushing under the circumstances of a vacancy and no application, it may go far towards getting his assistance. I will try it at all events.
I shall leave on Wednesday and be absent three weeks. The Armisted case comes up before the Supreme Court next Friday, and will probably be in progress the ensuing week; this will enable me to hear Mr. John Quincy Adams, of which I am very desirous. Mr. Clay’s resolution respecting the repeal of the Sub-Treasury will soon be called up, and will probably cause that whole subject again to be discussed. Should it call out the able men of the Senate while I am in Washington, I could not desire a better opportunity to compare them. I will write you on my arrival, and afterwards from time to time. You must take good care of your health, and take things easily. I know of no one that has a better right. We have nothing new in Newport. My health is perfect both in body and mind; in other words, I have never had better health in either respect. Give my love to all friends and the family.
Your son,
Isaac I. Stevens.
Writes Halleck, January 15, 1841:—
I hope to soon meet you here, and enter into a friendly interchange of thoughts and feelings without the formality of paper and ink. I am anxious to give you a hearty shake by the hand and welcome you to Washington. If you are left to your leisure hours, you will undoubtedly have much enjoyment both in society and in Congress. You must not anticipate too much pleasure in the crowded parties of the metropolis. To me they are perfect bores.
Let me know when you are to come on, and if not immediately I will write you a long letter. Read this if you can.
Yours in the true bonds of friendship,
H. Wager Halleck.
Although unable to procure the cadet appointment for Oliver, he greatly enjoyed his first visit to the capital, especially the debates in the Senate, where he listened to both Clay and Webster. The former impressed him as more a leader of men and controller of measures than the latter.
One would think that with his official duties, and all the studies and pursuits he was carrying on, every minute of his time must have been taken up; yet he organized a course of lectures for the winter, and himself delivered an address on Oliver Cromwell, whose character and achievements he greatly admired. In this lecture he presented with great force and clearness a new and original conception of the great Puritan, depicting him as a true patriot and a religious, God-fearing man, obliged by the circumstances of the times to seize the helm of state in order to save his country from despotism or anarchy. This was much the view afterwards so ably set forth by Carlyle. This lecture excited no little attention at the time; and when Carlyle’s Cromwell appeared, not long afterwards, it was said that the lecture would seem to have been taken from that work, had it not been delivered before that was published. He afterwards delivered this lecture in Andover and other places.
In the spring of 1841 he was placed in charge of Fairhaven Battery in New Bedford, Mass., in addition to his duties in Newport. This required frequent trips to the former place, which he usually made by stage, but several times he traversed the intervening country on foot. On one of these trips, in an economical mood he refrained from dinner in order to save the cost of the meal. Soon afterwards a lean and friendless dog attached himself to him, and followed his footsteps so persistently, and looked so piteous and hungry, that the young man’s sensibilities were touched, and he stopped at a farmhouse and purchased a good dinner for the half-starved animal, which, as he laughingly declared, cost all he had saved by his self-denial.
MARGARET LYMAN STEVENS
From Miniature by Staigg, 1841
A letter from Mr. Bishop conveyed the afflicting and unlooked-for intelligence of the death of Susan, April 8, 1841, from pulmonary disease, after a brief illness. Thus unexpectedly passed away another loved sister, and one whose sunny, affectionate disposition, fine mind, and high principles had especially endeared her.
Benjamin Hazard died March 10, 1841. During his lingering illness he derived much comfort and pleasure from the society and attentions of the talented and sympathetic young man. He gladly sanctioned his betrothal with his daughter Margaret, and willingly intrusted the future of his beloved child to one whom he both loved and respected, and in whose character and ability he had the fullest confidence.
The marriage was solemnized by Mr. Brooks, September 8, 1841, in the great parlor of the old mansion, the same apartment which witnessed the wedding of “Charming Polly” and her Revolutionary hero, and of their daughter Harriet and Benjamin Hazard, the parents of the present bride.
It was a quiet and simple ceremony, so soon after the death of Mr. Hazard, but the ample room was well filled with beautiful young girls, the sisters and cousins of the bride, officers in full uniform, the companions of the groom, and old friends of the family. Hither came from Andover the groom’s brother Oliver, and cousin Henry H. Stevens, his West Point friend, Lieutenant Jeremy F. Gilmer, from Washington, Lieutenants James L. Mason, Henry J. Hunt, and Lewis G. Arnold, from Newport, and a goodly number of Lymans and Dunnells from Providence, uncles, aunts, and cousins of the bride.
CHAPTER VI
CHARGE OF WORKS: NEW BEDFORD, PORTSMOUTH, PORTLAND, BUCKSPORT
The wedding journey was to New York by Long Island Sound, and thence up the Hudson to West Point, where they spent several days, and were received with flattering attentions by his old friends. With great pride and pleasure Mr. Stevens presented them to his lovely bride, and revisited with her the romantic scenes of the Point, endeared by so many pleasant associations. They returned by way of Springfield and Boston.
New Bedford, September 24, 1841.
My dear Father,—I was very glad to see Oliver and my cousin Henry at Newport on the occasion of my marriage, and, though your presence would have afforded me much pleasure, yet, as I well knew that it was a busy season with you, and that something very unusual only could induce you to leave home, I was not much disappointed at your not coming. You will certainly see us as early as next Thanksgiving. We had a most pleasant trip, were favored with unusually fine weather, and were disappointed in no one of our anticipations. Margaret had never visited West Point before, and had always lived in a country the scenery of which is very tame compared with the alpine grandeur of the Highlands. I had said a great deal to her about West Point, and I feared that her expectations were raised high above the reality. I was, however, agreeably surprised by her assertion that her ideas had scarcely approached the truth. The day after our arrival at West Point she insisted upon climbing to the Crow’s Nest, which you recollect is two miles from West Point, and commands the plain about twelve or fourteen hundred feet. Finding that my dissuasion had little effect, I took her up one of the roughest ways,—in many places we had to ascend almost perpendicular rocks. In one hour and a half we were on the very topmost height of the mountain. We came back by a rough, winding, long road, and got to the hotel four hours after leaving it. I call that a pretty good feat for a lady. From Hudson to Springfield the road was completed except about two miles near Chester Factories. It passes through a most wild and picturesque country, follows the valley of one of the rivers that empties into the Connecticut for some thirty miles, crossing it frequently and constantly changing direction, and is constructed in a truly magnificent style.
We got back to Newport just seven days after leaving it. There I found orders had been awaiting me two days to repair to New Bedford, to take charge of all the repairs of the old fort. You can judge of the urgency of the orders from my going to New Bedford the next day, and leaving Margaret at Newport, where she has been ever since. We arrived at Newport about four o’clock on Thursday. I left the next day at two o’clock, made an inspection of the fort on Saturday forenoon, issued a hand-bill the same day for mechanics and laborers, and on Monday morning had a gang of about twenty men at work. I never was in New Bedford before, and knew not a single man in the place. Monday morning I fell in with a real full-blooded Yankee, whom I engaged as overseer, and immediately sent around the country for stone-cutters and masons. I went on Monday into a ledge of granite rock, and have already thrown out about two hundred tons of stone, and got about a hundred feet cut. The people in New Bedford are disposed to criticise my plans, but they will find out I know what I am about, and that they had better save their sneers for some other object. After I had been at work three days, I dismissed three men for idleness, which had a very good effect. My plan is to be rather familiar with every man, but at the same time to make every one feel that he must do his duty. To-morrow I am going to Newport after Margaret. I have been so busy that I have had no time to miss her. In fact, this is the very first moment since I have been in New Bedford that I have been able to write home. Now my business has got into a regular course, and will require but little time to attend to it. Whether I shall spend the winter in Newport, or New Bedford, I don’t know. I have at present only orders to get in readiness platforms for nine guns.
Your son,
Isaac I. Stevens.
Mr. Isaac Stevens.
The young couple boarded in Fairhaven, a suburb of New Bedford, for several months, and then removed to the town. They entered with lively interest into the society of the place, at that time the abode of many wealthy and somewhat aristocratic families. Mr. Stevens had already made the favorable acquaintance of the first people before bringing his wife there; her family and personal attractions were known, and they were cordially received. Mrs. Hazard made them a short visit during the winter.
Halleck asks his assistance in starting an engineering journal for the corps.
I know too well your zeal for the profession to doubt for a moment that the measure will receive your countenance, and the support of your able pen. If we succeed in the undertaking, I am quite sure that it will be of much advantage to us individually, and will contribute greatly to the reputation of the corps.
If the delights of married life have not entirely driven away the recollection of old bachelor friends, I hope you will again favor me with one of your old-fashioned letters. I have heard too much of the attractions of your bride to scold you for so long neglecting me. From all accounts, my dear Stevens, I must pronounce you a most fortunate and happy man, and I shall embrace the first opportunity to make the acquaintance of your lady, and most heartily welcome her into our corps.
Yours most truly,
H. Wager Halleck.
The young couple spent Thanksgiving in Andover. The stern but true-hearted father, deeply mourning the untimely loss of his two elder daughters, was gladdened by the presence of five children,—Sarah, Isaac, Oliver, Mary, and the new daughter, Margaret. The latter was greatly admired, and was received with warm affection and kindness by them, and by uncles William and Nathaniel and their families. She was highly interested and pleased with the Thanksgiving festivities, a new experience to her; for the Quakers and Come-outers of Rhode Island, many of whom left Massachusetts to escape the tyranny of the “Lord Brethren,” never made much of that holiday, but kept Christmas instead.
After a delightful visit of a week, they returned to New Bedford and the pleasures of domestic life, and for the young husband what he always enjoyed,—hard work. This seriously encroached upon his proposed course of study and reading, yet with Mason he would run up to Providence to hear Ralph Waldo Emerson’s lectures.
On June 9, 1842, their first child, a boy, was born in the old Newport mansion, and named Hazard, after his maternal grandfather.
Newport, June 9, 1842.
My dear Father,—I came here last Friday with the intention of returning to New Bedford on Monday, but I was seized with a very violent bilious attack that kept me in the house for a day or two. The physician that was called prescribed calomel, and I was fool enough to take it, the consequence of which is that instead of being perfectly well to-day, as I should otherwise have been, I have a pain in my bones, and not half the elasticity that generally attends my recovery. However, calomel or no calomel, I don’t regret my illness, for it has been the cause of my being in Newport at a most interesting moment. Early this morning Margaret was safely delivered of a fine, healthy boy, after an uncommonly short and easy labor. She was fortunate in the attendance of a most judicious, skillful, and experienced physician, a younger brother of her father, who has been in an extensive practice for more than forty years. Now, father, you may fairly say that you have a right to your gray hairs. Gray hairs and grandfathers always go together. The little fellow has been squalling most unmercifully this morning, and seems to take it for granted that no one’s convenience is to be consulted but his own. If he will but show the same energy in the development of his other faculties, we may expect great things of him.
Your son,
Isaac I. Stevens.
During the greater part of this year Oliver pursues his studies at Phillips Academy in South Andover; Sarah is teaching an unruly school in Saugus, Mass., where she punishes a refractory boy, maintains order, and overcomes the unreasonable anger of the boy’s parents in a way that proves her gifted with much firmness, decision, and good sense. Only Mary remains at home. She writes: “We had a fugitive slave to spend the night with us. He was as black a person as I ever saw.” So it appears that the old Abolitionist is doing his part towards the “underground railroad,” as harboring and forwarding fugitive slaves was termed.
Elizabeth, in Tennessee, became engaged in the spring to Mr. L.M. Campbell, a promising young lawyer, and they were married September 9.
After the birth of the child, Mr. Stevens and his wife went to keeping house in New Bedford. Sarah visited them in the winter, and on her return home in March, 1843, they accompanied her as far as Boston, where they remained a week while Mr. Stevens attended to some engineering duties on one of the islands in the harbor. In April he was again in Boston, while his young wife was visiting her mother in Newport for election day in May, when the state government was to be inaugurated.
Lieutenant Stevens received orders to assume charge of the fortifications at Portsmouth, N.H., to which those at Portland, Maine, were added soon afterwards. These consisted of Forts Constitution and Scammell at the former, and Forts Preble and McClary at the latter place. Breaking up housekeeping at New Bedford in 1843, and leaving his wife and boy in Newport, and the little stock of furniture and belongings stored in the old mansion temporarily, Lieutenant Stevens proceeded to Portsmouth and took charge of the works. Having in his ever prompt and energetic manner set everything under way, he returned to Newport, and brought his little family to the new station. They boarded for a short time, then he leased a spacious house, using a portion of it as an office. They speedily found themselves among warm friends and pleasant surroundings. Lieutenant Tom Breese, of the navy, a generous, whole-souled gentleman, who had married Lucy Randolph, a cousin of Mrs. Stevens, was stationed at the navy yard, and made them more than welcome. Lieutenant A.W. Whipple, of the engineers, a fellow student at West Point, was conducting a survey of the harbor. He became a major-general, commanded the third division, third corps, Army of the Potomac, and was mortally wounded at the battle of Chancellorsville. There were also Colonel Crane, Captain Stanberry, and Lieutenants William H. Fowler and Joseph Hooker, of the army, and Major Harris, of the marines. Hooker afterwards rose to be major-general, and commanded the Army of the Potomac at Chancellorsville. Portsmouth, like Newport, had its old families and cultivated and agreeable society, which cordially received the young engineer officer and his wife. Among the first to call upon Mrs. Stevens were Mrs. John L. Hayes and Mrs. Samuel Elliott Coues, two beautiful young women, the daughters of Mr. Alexander Ladd, and a warm friendship grew up between the families, which continued after all three moved to Washington in after years.
In Portland, only a few miles distant, resided Rev. Asa Cummings, Mr. Stevens’s maternal uncle, the editor of the “Christian Mirror,” and his house was always open to the young couple like a second home. During the winter Mrs. Stevens’s sister Mary visited them. There was much social visiting and many entertainments; they attended the marriage of Lieutenant Whipple and Miss Sherburne. They were on board the frigate Portsmouth when she was launched at the navy yard.
Mr. Stevens found his hands full, with the two sets of works intrusted to him, and was obliged to spend no little time in traveling between them. At Fort Preble he planned and built the barracks, conceded to be among the best arranged in the country. Having to cross the harbor frequently in his visits to the fort, he had built at Newport one of the catboats for which that town was famous, and had it brought to Portland. He also brought on from New Bedford a faithful retainer, named Daniel Murphy, and put him in charge of the boat.
In addition to these onerous and responsible duties, he was placed in sole charge of the fortification of the narrows of the Penobscot River, where it was decided to build a regular, bastioned, casemated work for forty guns on the right bank of the river, opposite Bucksport, to be named Fort Knox. Mr. Stevens visited Bucksport in July, 1843, on this new duty. The first thing to be done was to purchase the site for the fort, and for this purpose he sought the owners of the land and made arrangements with them. One of these, an old farmer, not deeming it possible that the government could be represented in so important a matter by so young, boyish-looking, and unassuming a man, refused to talk with him, and soon afterwards, meeting an acquaintance, complained to him about that young fellow, a mere boy, talking to him as to buying his farm for the government, etc. To his astonishment, his friend assured him that he had made a great mistake, that the young man was Lieutenant Stevens, of the engineer corps, who had entire charge of building the fort, and advised him to lose no time in seeking the young officer and explaining his mistake, which he made haste to do. This incident shows how youthful Mr. Stevens appeared at that time, although twenty-five years old, a husband and a father. He was always quiet and unobtrusive in manner, without a trace of self-assertion or pretentiousness; and the marked impression he made upon all with whom he came in contact was due to real superiority of mind and spirit, and not to any adventitious advantages of stature or manner.
He also, in July, visited Castine, and inspected and reported upon the old works there, which had been fortified and held by the British during the war of 1812.
His sisters were again widely scattered from their father’s house. During the summer Sarah was staying with uncle Asa Cummings, and, being attacked by a severe cough, Mary came there to wait upon her, and also to attend school. Their brother Isaac constantly visited them, and supplied them with books and comforts. He also freely aided Oliver with funds. He was at North Yarmouth fitting for college, and helping himself by teaching school.
With all these calls upon him, Mr. Stevens was obliged to ask his father to repay—
“as much, not exceeding one hundred dollars, as you can conveniently raise. My expenses in the way of traveling have been very heavy this year. Three journeys to Bangor already, and two more in contemplation, besides quite a number between Portland and Portsmouth. With this I send you the ‘National Anti-Slavery Standard,’ the organ of the American Anti-Slavery Society. I have just commenced taking the paper. I like its spirit and views much.”
In this letter he speaks of spending four days in Portland, and finding Sarah improved and Mary well; gives a long account of the condition and medical treatment of the former, and suggests means for her recovery and plans for Mary’s education. These sisters were very dear to him, and he was very solicitous for their welfare. But Sarah rapidly grew worse with quick consumption, and died February 8, 1844, only twenty-two years old. After her death, Mary returned home.
One day at Portsmouth, as Mr. Stevens was at work in his office and his young wife was at the window, her attention was attracted by a unique vehicle coming down the street, followed by a tail of small boys in high glee. This was a rude sleigh fashioned out of poles, and drawn by a rough-looking nag, whose coat was innocent of currycomb and brush. Seated on a box in the bottom of the sleigh, and driving the horse with entire unconcern at the attention he was attracting, was a large, tall man, with light hair and fair, florid complexion, clad in homespun garb, the very type of an independent backwoods farmer. Stopping at the door, he inquired for Leftenant Stevens, who ran down, and was surprised and pleased to find in the rustic caller one of his mother’s brothers, John Cummings, from Albany, on his way to Andover. How uncle John received a warm welcome, how he was brought in and given a hearty supper, while his team was sent around to the nearest stable, and how he was loaded with viands and supplies enough to last the remainder of his journey when he resumed it, may be imagined. Such an opportunity to dispense hospitality to one of his relatives was a source of unalloyed pleasure to the young officer.
The laying out and starting the fort at Bucksport engrossed most of his attention in the spring of 1844. The care of important works at three different places necessitated incessant traveling, besides which he had to visit Boston periodically to obtain and bring down the public funds required. With all these duties and cares he was more than fully occupied, and was obliged to lay aside, for the present at least, his projected law studies. He also sent abroad and purchased a number of French works on fortifications and military history. He became deeply interested in the forts under his charge, and was indefatigable in urging upon the Engineer Bureau in Washington improvements and measures which his active mind was quick to observe. Indeed, in his zeal he overworked himself, and was prostrated with severe sickness in consequence. “You work too hard,” writes his sister Mary; “you will not live five years unless you take business easier.” During the summer he was able to give Oliver employment on Fort Preble, and writes his father that “Oliver has acquitted himself with credit; had to manage a gang of twenty-five men.”
Mrs. Stevens spent part of the summer at her mother’s house in Newport, where, on June 27, their second child was born, a daughter, named Julia Virginia. Early in August Mr. Stevens went to Newport to escort his little family to Bucksport. They spent several days in Andover, accompanied by Mrs. Stevens’s sister Nancy, where they met Elizabeth and her husband, just arrived from Tennessee on a visit. Mary was at home, and there was a pleasant family reunion. After this agreeable little visit they went to Boston and took the steamboat for Bucksport, Miss Nancy Hazard returning to Newport.
In the fall Elizabeth and Mr. Campbell returned to Tennessee, after a round of visits to her relatives in Massachusetts and Maine. Mary accompanied them.
Arriving at Bucksport the last of August, they found quarters at an old-fashioned country tavern, the only hotel in the place, where they had comfortable though rustic accommodations. The principal people, with the cordial hospitality characteristic of Maine, welcomed them to the town.
At first many, like the old farmer, were disposed to sneer at the young stripling, but the energetic, thorough-going, and effective way in which he organized and drove on the works, his decided, self-reliant character, sound, sensible conversation, and simple, direct manners, soon won their approval and admiration, and he became a great favorite, and much respected and looked up to as well as liked. After a short sojourn at the tavern, he leased a large, roomy house of Judge Pond, half of which he set apart as an office, and made his residence in the other half. Kidder Randolph, a cousin of Mrs. Stevens, was employed as chief clerk, and with his wife, née Isabella Updike, came on from Newport. He also employed in the office Mr. Isaac Osgood, a fellow-townsman from Andover, and on the works, as assistant, Mr. Abiel W. Tinkham.
The Penobscot at this point is some half a mile wide, with a strong tidal current. For crossing the river he provided a four-oared barge, over which Daniel Murphy was installed as coxswain. Every morning the young engineer officer would cross the river to supervise the works, and return to the town late in the afternoon or in the evening. A large force was set to work. Soon deep excavations, great banks of earth, and vast piles of granite and other materials attested the vigor with which the construction was pushed. He visited many quarries far and near, and examined and tested the granite. As this material was landed in great, heavy blocks and masses on the river-bank, and had to be hauled thence to the works up a considerable ascent, he bought many oxen for the purpose, scouring the country for the largest and finest to be had. In these teams he took great pride, and especially enjoyed taking friends and visitors to see them. He was also quite proud of his ability to select good workmen from their appearance. A well-shaped head, with a full, high forehead, he used to say, denoted a good man, reliable, intelligent, and industrious.
The lonely old man in Andover writes a pathetic letter to Isaac in December, urging him to make him a visit. Of his seven children, not one was at home at Thanksgiving. Three daughters had died; the remaining two were far distant in Tennessee; Isaac was in Bucksport, and Oliver in North Yarmouth. With deep feeling the aged and lonely father writes: “My children,—you may well suppose I thought of them.”
Mr. Stevens again had a severe sickness in the winter, the result probably of overwork, although he used to say that the cold winter climate of Maine did not agree with him, that it rendered his faculties torpid or benumbed. In February, however, he visited Washington, and was present at Polk’s inauguration as President. He embraced this opportunity to urge upon Colonel Totten, chief of engineers, the need of increased appropriations for the works under his charge, and with such success that the other engineer officers complained that Stevens had left no funds for their works.
During 1845 Mr. Stevens was vigorously pushing the building of Fort Knox, as well as attending to the works at Portland and Portsmouth. In May he received a confidential letter from Colonel Totten, asking if he desired transfer to and promotion in one of the new regiments about to be raised, which, with his characteristic reply, is given:—
Engineer Department,
Washington, 28th May, 1845.
Lieutenant Isaac I. Stevens,
Corps of Engineers, Bucksport, Maine:
Sir,—In case of an increase of the military establishment at the next session of Congress, I shall probably be called upon to know if any officers of engineers desire a transfer to the new forces, with promotion.
Would you desire such a transfer? What is the lowest grade that you would be willing to accept? And in what arm of the service?
Very respectfully, your obt. svt.,
Joseph G. Totten, Col. and Ch. Eng.
I have already been spoken to on this subject by one high in authority.
Bucksport, Maine, June 24, 1845.
Colonel Joseph G. Totten,
Chief Engineer, Washington:
Sir,—In answer to the confidential circular of the Department of the 28th ultimo, asking if I should desire a transfer with promotion to the new forces, in case of an increase of the military establishment at the next session of Congress, I beg to say generally and comprehensively that I hold myself in readiness to discharge to the best of my ability the duties of any position which shall enlarge my sphere of action and of usefulness, and with which, in the judgment of those intrusted with the administration of public affairs, I may be deemed worthy to be invested; promotion or no promotion, in my own corps or in any other corps or department of the public service, and whether the field of duty be in Oregon, California, or at the North Pole.
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Isaac I. Stevens, Lieut. of Eng’rs.
This reply evinces a certain impatience, or disapproval, at the idea of consulting the personal wishes and preferences of an officer as to his assignment to duty. Mr. Stevens always held high ideals of public duty,—many would deem them quixotic and overstrained. He ever deemed it the duty of appointing officers to select the ablest and best-fitted man for any post or service that could be found, and that it was the duty of every public officer to serve with complete self-abnegation and patriotic zeal. His whole career proved the sincerity of his convictions on this point.
In consequence of the hostile attitude assumed by Mexico upon the admission of Texas into the Union against her protests, Colonel Totten, on June 8, writes the following confidential order:—
“In all the forts under your charge (including the narrows of the Penobscot) you should, as soon as it can be done advantageously, place all your batteries in a state of perfect readiness for guns, leaving nothing to be done but the mounting of the guns when they shall arrive. It is of infinite importance, should any exigency arise, that the preparation of the country shall not be found deficient in any manner depending on the Engineer Department.”
General Taylor with a small force was thrown into Texas to protect the newly acquired State, and the increasing probabilities of war with Mexico were eagerly discussed by the ambitious young army officers. In September Mr. Stevens accompanied Colonel Totten on a tour of inspection of all the works under his charge, and entertained him and Mrs. Totten for several days at his house in Bucksport.
Mr. Stevens was never so well pleased as when dispensing hospitality in his own house. He was continually bringing friends home to dinner, often on short notice, and always liked to have some of his relatives visiting him. His wife’s sister Nancy spent the summer with them. Brother Oliver, uncle William’s daughter Eliza and son William, Mrs. Hazard and her son Thomas, and sister, Miss Eliza B. Lyman, and uncle Nathaniel, also visited them, and, after much urging, his father, from Andover, was induced to make a brief visit. He employed Oliver again this summer on Fort Preble. Always ready and glad to serve any relative or friend, he saw to the purchasing and shipping of several cargoes of hay for uncle Nathaniel, declining to accept any recompense for his services.
On December 7 the little girl, Julia Virginia, died of water on the brain, after a brief illness. She was a beautiful, gentle child, and a great pet of her father, who delighted to place her on his office table when he was at work, oftentimes to the sad disarrangement of his plans and drawings, and her death was a severe affliction. The following beautiful lines were written by Mr. Brooks, in condolence upon the sad loss:—
“Well with the child?” Ah, yes, ’t is well
With that bright creature evermore,
Gone up, ’mid seraph bands to dwell
With God on yonder starry shore.
“Well with the child?” Ah, yes, ’t is well,
Though marble-cold that lily brow,
And though no sage nor seer can tell
Where soars the mind that beamed there now.
“Well with the child?” Ah, yes, ’t is well,
Though still in death that speaking eye;
A shadow o’er the spirit fell—
’T is past—a star is in the sky!
“Well with the child?” Ah, yes, ’t is well
With her, that sweet and guileless one;
Toll not for her the gloomy knell,
Though gilds her grave the morning sun.
“Well with the child?” Ah, yes, ’t is well,
And well with us who mourn, if we,
By penitence made pure, might dwell,
Sweet child of God! with Him and thee.
During the winter Mr. Stevens organized a course of lectures for the Bucksport Lyceum, delivering one lecture himself, and writing to lecturers in different parts of the country, engaging their services, and inviting them to his house. Among the lecturers and subjects were: John A. Peters, on “The Profession of Politics;” William B. Merton, on “American Literature;” J.A. Smith, on “The Present State of English Poetry;” Henry Giles, George Shepard, and others, whose subjects are not known. He also became interested in organizing a Unitarian Church in Bucksport, and corresponded with Dr. A.P. Peabody in regard to a pastor, etc., but it was found impracticable to do this.
Mr. Stevens was never a sportsman or fisherman; indeed, he kept himself so immersed in work as never to have time for field sports, yet he was especially fond of the noble salmon which were taken in the Penobscot, and delighted to send fine, handsome specimens of this noble fish to his father, Mrs. Hazard, and other friends. He had a fish-weir built below the fort, in which many fish were taken at times.
Convinced of the desirability of organizing a body of engineer troops as part of the army, for several years Mr. Stevens kept writing urgent memorials and letters to the Engineer or War Department in advocacy of the plan. In those days the rank and file were nearly all foreigners, and far inferior in character to the regular soldiers of the present day. For the engineer troops he advocated enlisting American young men of intelligence, good character and physique, putting them under a thorough course of instruction, with strict discipline, in order “to raise them to the highest state of discipline and efficiency, a fair representation of what an American army might and should be, so that every man in the company can, if he chooses to study and do his duty, become a good clerk, overseer, or practical engineer.” Moreover, in case of war, or an increase of the army, some of the best qualified and most deserving men might be given commissions. He was deeply impressed with and admired Cromwell’s policy of raising his “ironsides” among men of good family and substance, discarding “serving-men and tapsters,” and was full of the idea of making the American army as honorable for the common soldier as for the officer. The soundness of these views is now becoming recognized, and within the last few years steps have been taken to raise the standard of regular soldiers by enlisting only the better class of men, and giving them more instruction, advantages, and opportunities, even to appointing officers from the ranks.
At length the War Department decided to allow the raising of an engineer company, and Lieutenant Stevens issued circulars calling for men, and personally enlisted the first soldier in the new corps, private Lathrop. The company formed part of Scott’s army in Mexico, where it rendered distinguished service under Captain G.W. Smith and Lieutenant George B. McClellan, the former of whom became a Confederate major-general, and the latter was the well-known commander of the Army of the Potomac.
In July, 1846, Mr. Stevens was in Boston loading a vessel with material for Fort Knox. During this summer Mrs. Stevens’s eldest sister, Miss Emily L. Hazard, with her little nephew, Charlie Brooks, made them a visit, and two other sisters, Mary and Nancy, spent the summer and fall with them.
The Mexican war was now in full progress with Taylor’s campaign on the Rio Grande, and Lieutenant Stevens, ambitious for active service, but unwilling to urge his personal wishes, writes the chief of engineers that sedentary employment is prejudicial to his health,—needs exercise in the open air,—would respond with alacrity to any call made upon him for service in Mexico, adding that he makes no personal application, but simply states facts, etc. At last, on December 25, he received his orders, and in two hours was speeding by sleigh over snow-drifted roads to Bangor, reaching Portland the next day, and Boston the 28th. Miss Nancy Hazard went, under his escort, as far as Boston, returning home. Miss Mary remained in Bucksport to spend the winter with her sister, who needed her society and care, for on November 20, the second daughter, Sue, was born.
CHAPTER VII
VOYAGE TO MEXICO
Boston, Mass., December 29, 1846.
My dearest Wife,—We reached Boston yesterday at half past twelve, after a very pleasant journey from Bangor. The weather was unusually mild, and we experienced very little fatigue. Nancy took the afternoon cars for Providence. This afternoon the steamer Perry runs to Newport and will take her home.
I shall not sail probably till Saturday.
I have determined to take out a complete equipment, even to a servant. I am causing inquiries to be made this morning, and in case I find no one to my mind, I shall send for Daniel Murphy. Daniel would be so devoted to me. If I were sick he would take care of me. Daniel, too, would feel with me perfectly secure from all harm. The quartermaster will furnish me here with a camp equipage. I shall provide myself with a saddle, india-rubber leggings, and everything complete, so that not for a single instant shall I be delayed on reaching my destination. Immediately on my landing I wish to be ready for service. I may take out a horse. I wish some of my good friends would present me one. I should want a horse worth three hundred dollars.
I have sent for Oliver to spend the day with me to-morrow. I thought it best not to send for father. It will be hard for him to part with me, and he had better stay at home.
Since leaving you my mind has dwelt much upon my little family. I know you will look on the bright side. In all candor, I consider my life as safe in Mexico as in Maine. I hope to get a sound constitution, and to come back to you, my dear Margaret, in due season, sound in body and none the worse for wear. You have a treasure in your own mother and brothers and sisters. Mary is with you. I feel grateful to her for giving up so promptly her own wishes to stay with you. I hope you will have a pleasant winter. Keep up your spirits, and have faith in the future and in the God of the future. I go to Mexico without a single foreboding. I have faith, almost implicit faith, that I shall come back. Have faith with me.
So long as I remain in Boston you shall hear from me every day. Love to Mary and the chicks.
Affectionately yours,
Isaac.
Boston, Mass., December 30, 1846.
My dear Margaret,—Oliver has come down to pass the day with me. We are hard at work preparing inventories and getting everything ready. We have a fine vessel, and I look forward to a pleasant passage.
Oliver brought me the sad intelligence of the death of Elizabeth on the 10th of December. Campbell wrote further a most feeling and excellent letter. Elizabeth suffered but little, and everything was done for her that could be suggested by the forethought of the most devoted of husbands.
Her child was very well. Mary, we expect, will return in the spring. I shall try and send you a little note every day. Write me at Brazos Santiago, and write often, commencing now. Write once a week, adding something to your letters each day.
Remember me to all.
Affectionately,
Isaac.
Lieutenant Stevens’s orders were to take charge of the pontoon and engineer trains, then being loaded on shipboard in Boston, and accompany the same to the headquarters of General Scott in Mexico, touching first at Brazos Santiago, Texas.
Notwithstanding the urgency of his orders, various delays occurred, and it was not until the 19th of January that the vessel sailed. During this period of waiting he had a visit from his father, and one from Oliver, also. His cousins Charles and Henry also came down from Andover to bid him good-by. He spent a day in New Bedford, calling upon his friends there. Daniel Murphy, having fallen sick, had to be sent home.
Boston, Mass., January 13, 1847.
My dearest Wife,—I wrote you a brief note yesterday, stating that I should not probably sail for some days. Having nothing to do here, yet obliged to remain to be in readiness to obey any new orders, I shall endeavor to spend my time in some rational manner. There are military matters to be looked into and old friends to visit.
I hope I shall hear from you, before I leave Boston, and very much in full. I wish once more to look into the little details of your daily life, before I commit myself to the broad bosom of the great waters.
January 14. Yesterday I passed a portion of the day in Cambridge; found Mrs. Breese and family all well. The children had grown much since I last saw them. Mrs. Breese seemed very resigned, but she has evidently been a great mourner. She was the same hospitable, noble-hearted woman as of old. She expects to get to Newport about May; will go to housekeeping in their old house.
I saw the forty-eight Viennese dancers last evening. It was splendid. They are young girls from four years to sixteen, all handsome and perfectly trained. Everybody goes to see them. Last evening there was a great turn-out of the beauty and fashion of Boston.
You shall hear from me again before I leave. There is no probability of my sailing before Saturday. Love to Hazard and the babe. Remembrances, and
Yours affectionately,
Isaac.
Boston, Mass., January 15, 1847.
My dearest Wife,—There is now every prospect of my getting off to-morrow. I may not reach the Brazos till the middle of February. Colonel Totten left on the 12th for Mexico, and I shall without doubt serve under his immediate direction. Eighteen officers of engineers are either in Mexico, or on their way thither.
I trust I shall get a few lines from you to-morrow before I sail, as otherwise a month must pass before any tidings reach me. Do not fall to write quite often to me at the Brazos. I shall not object, you know, to find a dozen letters, more or less.
To-day I dined at Mr. Eben Dale’s, a nephew of aunt Cummings. Cousin Charles Stevens dined there also. He designs going this evening to see the Viennese dancers. I wish you could see them. Everybody is charmed. Whole families go, children and all, and to-morrow there is to be an afternoon exhibition for the particular benefit of the children.
I will write you again before I sail.
Affectionately yours, Isaac Stevens.
Boston, Mass., January 19, 1847.
My dearest Wife,—It is now ten o’clock in the morning, and I shall in an hour take my departure for Mexico.
We have a fine vessel—good officers and crew—and it is a charming day.
I hoped to have heard from you before I left, but no letter has reached me.
God bless you and the little ones.
Yours affectionately,
Isaac.
My dearest Wife,—It is now January 27, and the eighth day of our being at sea. I wrote you a brief note on the day I sailed, Tuesday, January 19. We left the wharf at three P.M., with a strong westerly wind, which drove our bark through the water at the rate of eight knots per hour. The weather was very cold, but with my cloak around me, I remained on deck several hours. Soon Boston and its suburbs vanished in the distance, and we were fairly embarked on our journey’s way. As I think it will interest you, I will jot down the occurrences of each day since our departure. And first of all, my ocean home is in a beautifully modeled and fast-sailing bark of about two hundred tons, called the Prompt. There are twelve souls on board: Captain Wellman, first officer Gallicer, second officer Stebbins, six men before the mast, one man acting as cook and steward, my servant, a nice Irish lad, Owen Clarke, nineteen years of age, and your humble servant. The officers of the bark are a fine set of fellows, and the crew perfectly cheerful and attentive to their duty. Tuesday evening I was not much troubled with sea-sickness, and I enjoyed a good night’s rest; but Wednesday, January 20, was a hard day, nothing but sea-sickness. In pursuance of the advice of Captain Wellman, I remained on deck as much of the time as possible. The weather was somewhat cold, but the wind moderate. We drifted along the greater portion of the day, not faster than two or three knots an hour. After suffering from sea-sickness till noon, I went to my berth. There is an inexpressible lassitude accompanying sea-sickness, that is worse than anything else. It requires an effort to make the least exertion.
Thursday, January 21. This day we had snow all the time. I remained on deck twelve hours, and towards evening felt vigorous and well. The weather begins to grow milder. I begin to relish food and to enjoy sea fare. Our steward has been sick ever since we left port, and we are in consequence obliged to do the best we can without a cook. It is now evening, the breeze freshens, the bark dances along merrily, and there are signs of a gale of wind. I remained up till eight o’clock, and then retired for the night. As I awoke from time to time, I could observe from the working of our vessel that it went hard on deck. I took things quietly and remained in my berth, and about sunrise of
Friday, January 22, I went on deck. The scene was wild and exciting. The ocean tossed in wild confusion, and our brave bark riding the crests of the waves like a sea-bird. The gale had been a severe one, and the captain told me that at one time he expected he should be obliged to lay to under bare poles. We pursued our way before the wind, making nine and ten knots per hour.
Saturday, January 23. The sea has become much smoother and the weather milder. Yesterday we were in the midst of the Gulf Stream, and to-day we have passed it.
Sunday, January 24, was a beautiful day. The weather mild and lazy. I was on deck all day,—part of the time reading, and part dozing and sleeping. It is comfortable on deck without a coat. We are getting rapidly into southern latitudes.
Monday, Tuesday, January 25, 26. Head wind and slow progress. Monday we saw several sail. The weather exceedingly mild and soft. I never enjoyed existence more than on these two days,—that is, mere existence. I dreamed away many hours, and built and pulled down air castles. The thought of home was uppermost. What a change in outward things in six days. In Bucksport you wrap your cloaks and comforters around you; at sea we pull off our coats. My health is perfect; everything like sea-sickness has left me.
Wednesday, January 27. This is likewise a mild, soft, somewhat damp day. We make exceedingly slow progress; the wind is dead ahead. I fear we shall be a month reaching the Brazos. Shall I hear from you there, and how many letters will await me? I trust I shall be with you again in the course of the summer. I dwell much on my probable duties in Mexico. In case the contest should be of short duration, I shall certainly return in the course of the year. I fear that you will take things hard in my absence. When I reach the Brazos, I may be able to speak with some certainty of my duties in Mexico.
Thursday, January 28. Last evening we had a rough night. This morning the sea is very rough, and our bark is pitching about in all directions. I am fortunate in having no return of sea-sickness. My boy, Owen, is not so fortunate. I observed his head over the bulwarks a few moments since in no equivocal position. He is a nice, willing lad. I picked him up in Boston, the very day we sailed. He is now in the steward’s hands learning to cook. On reaching the Brazos, he will be quite accomplished in the culinary art.
Friday, January 29. To-day we are making fine progress, about nine miles per hour; shall reach the Abaco Island, one of the Bahamas, on Saturday (to-morrow night) at this rate. The weather is charming. I have most of the day read in my military works, sitting on the deck of the vessel. The weather is, indeed, rather warm.
Saturday, January 30. Last night there was a change of wind, and to-day we are making little or no progress. The sea somewhat rough. We shall not reach the Abaco this evening.
Sunday, January 31. Last evening the wind died away, and to-day we have not moved one mile per hour. The sun has been warm; I have worn nothing about my neck to-day. Several of the men are barefoot, and all of us are in our shirt-sleeves. We are in about latitude 27°, and some one hundred miles from the Bahamas. This calm weather is very tedious, but we must be patient; we have now been out twelve days.
Monday, February 1. This has been an exquisite day. Soon after dinner our eyes were rejoiced with the sight of land, the first since leaving Boston, thirteen days since. Our bark glides along with scarcely any perceptible motion. Towards night we approached the Great Abaco, and about seven saw the revolving light and the Hole in the Wall, caused, according to the jolly sons of Neptune, by the Devil’s chasing a porpoise through the rock-bound shore of the Great Abaco. The hole is, indeed, a small arched opening through the rocks, admitting the passage of a small boat.
Friday, February 2. Another splendid day. Early in the morning we made the Berry Islands, inhabited by some fifty or sixty blacks under a black chief. We saw one of their boats returning from turtle-fishing. About seven we commenced crossing the Bahama Banks in soundings, nearly all the way of one hundred miles, from twelve to twenty-four feet. We had a clean run, and went into deep water about seven o’clock, running the one hundred miles in about twelve hours. The evening was surpassingly lovely. I remained on deck till ten, looking at the stars and thinking of home.
Wednesday, February 3. This day has fairly brought us into the Mexican Gulf. In ten days, I trust, we shall reach the Brazos. To-day I have been overhauling my clothes. My boy Owen has mended some rents in my garments. He says he can wash like “fun.” The captain teases him a good deal about the bright Irish lass he left in Ann Street. Owen wants me, when I reach Mexico, not only to buy a mule for his use, but a little cart for the things; quite an idea. To-day we are in latitude 24° 13´. The weather very warm. I have found the heat quite oppressive.
Thursday, February 4. Nothing of consequence has occurred to-day. We are moving on quickly with prosperous though gentle winds.
Friday, February 5. Everything has moved on lazily to-day. We have seen several vessels.
Saturday, February 6. Same as yesterday. A vessel is in sight, apparently bound to the north. It is now nearly three o’clock, and we have been out eighteen days. I shall seal up and send this letter by the vessel, if she prove to be bound north, and I trust it will find you well. We are now about five hundred and sixty miles from the Brazos. Shall I hear from you there? Love to the children, to Mary; remembrances to Mr. Osgood, Kidder, Mr. and Mrs. Tinkham.
The vessel did not send her boat, and no opportunity was offered to send this letter. We passed directly under her stern. She was a brig of two hundred tons, and bound to New York. This letter must remain on my hands till I reach the Brazos.
Sunday, February 7. A most melancholy event occurred on board today. As I was lying in my berth, about a quarter before twelve o’clock, Captain Wellman came into the cabin, somewhat agitated, and said to me, “Our steward is not to be found.” All hands were on deck in a moment, and a thorough search was made in all parts of the ship. The steward was not to be found anywhere. The appearance of the galley was conclusive as to his having thrown himself overboard. He was seen at half past eleven, and yet little or no preparation had been made for dinner. He had been observed to be moody and absent-minded in the course of the morning. We could assign no cause for the act. He had been treated well, and his duties were light. My servant had assisted him throughout the passage. His sudden disappearance whilst four men were on deck, in good smooth weather, caused us all to feel melancholy. We ate very little dinner. Our thoughts were sad, and we passed much of our time through the remainder of the day in recalling every little incident of the voyage having any connection with the unfortunate steward. The only thing which gave any light was certain expressions he had made use of, showing a melancholy and restless spirit. We found out, moreover, that he was suffering very severely from the bad disorder, contracted some two months since in Liverpool. This may have been the cause of his making way with himself.
Monday, February 8. We none of us passed a quiet night, in consequence of the distressing event of yesterday. One of the crew has been put into the galley, and things go on in the accustomed manner. This evening the effects of the steward were disposed of to the crew at auction; and so he has gone to his account, and our bark is pursuing her destined course. Our vessel has gone on very quietly the last two days.
Tuesday, February 9. We still have quiet times, and are gradually approaching the Brazos. With tolerable good luck we shall arrive there in two or three days. It is now evening and seven o’clock. There is every appearance of a norther. The captain has been somewhat anxiously pacing the deck for the last hour. It is now eight o’clock, and I will turn in for the night.
Wednesday, February 10. A severe norther came up about nine last evening, and is now sweeping over the Gulf. Our bark works admirably. Occasionally she ships a sea. But her deck for the most part is dry. The weather is very cold, and I have kept my berth nearly all day.
Thursday, February 11. The norther did not commence to abate till noon to-day. It is now six P.M. The water is comparatively smooth. I have been somewhat unwell for two or three days, but hope to become well with smoother weather.
Friday, February 12. We had a quiet night, and this morning we have scarcely a breath of wind. Our estimated distance from the Brazos is about sixty miles. We shall not arrive till to-morrow. I fear I shall not hear from you. There is some, yes, great doubt, whether letters to the army are forwarded by mail beyond New Orleans, in which event all your letters to me will remain in the New Orleans office; nor can they be forwarded till I can send for them by some ship going there.
Saturday, February 13. It is now about two P.M., and we are in direct view of the Brazos, which is some six miles distant. We are beating up against a head wind, and there is considerable doubt as to whether we shall make our anchorage to-night. The wind has gradually subsided, and it is now nearly a calm. Unless a fresh breeze should spring up, we shall require another day. This is our twenty-fifth day.
Sunday, February 14, five P.M. I have just reached the Brazos, and find General Worth, Colonel Totten, Lieutenants Mason and Tower, and many other officers here. An opportunity offers to send this letter. I will write again in a few days. I shall remain at the Brazos a few days longer. Remember me to Kidder and his wife, Mr. and Mrs. Tinkham, Mr. Osgood, and love of course to the children and Mary.
Affectionately yours,
Isaac.
Brazos Santiago, February 21, 1847.
My dearest Margaret,—It is now Sunday, one week since I landed. Your letter and Mary’s have reached me, and I have had the inexpressible pleasure of hearing from home. How happy it made me to hear from you all! My little children are doing well, your health is good, and you are passing a quiet and comfortable winter. It is the greatest joy to me to learn all this. I knew you would find Mr. Osgood a great addition to our little circle, and with Mary as your companion, who has always sympathized with you entirely, I did not anticipate a very tiresome winter.
Since reaching here I have had little or nothing to do. It was fortunate I reached the Brazos as early as I did. I saw and had some conversation with Colonel Totten. On Monday, the day after my arrival, General Scott and a portion of his staff departed for Tampico. There were left behind four officers of engineers, of General Scott’s staff, with directions to follow by the first opportunity. These officers are Lieutenants Mason, Trapier, Tower, and myself. Mason is in fine health, full of animation and conversation, and very popular with his brother officers. Tower is the same as ever, a man of great native power, but entirely unobtrusive. Trapier is an officer you have never seen, a man of fine address and considerable ability. We all like him very much indeed.
The general left in excellent spirits. On taking leave of the engineer officers he made some very complimentary remarks in reference to the importance of our duties, and his expectations in regard to us. He will remain in Tampico a few days and then proceed to the Island of Lobos, where a large expedition is to concentrate to land and attack Vera Cruz. It is expected that a force of fourteen thousand men will effect a landing. General Worth is in command of three thousand regulars at this point, most of whom have embarked. General Worth and staff are still here. He is somewhat delicate in health, but full of life and energy. He is thought to be our great man to handle troops on a battlefield.
I have seen a good deal of my old friend Hunt the last few days. He is attached to Colonel Duncan’s battery, and is now in my room talking with Mason. He is a man I esteem very much, and he is as worthy of it as ever. Colonel Duncan has just come in. He is a noble fellow, not in the least elated by the enviable position he occupied in the army and before the whole country. He is a man of extraordinary energy of character, great decision, and great sagacity. His name and his battery are a terror to the Mexicans, and he is emphatically thus far the great man of the young officers. He is modest, amiable, mild, as he is far-sighted, decisive, indomitable. He is what his friends knew him to be years ago. Mason and himself are great friends.
Captain Saunders of the engineers is here on General Worth’s staff, and will probably be brevetted for distinguished services at Monterey.
I shall probably sail on Wednesday next for Tampico, and thence to the island of Lobos. Lobos is about sixty miles south of Tampico, and affords an ample protection against northers. At Tampico I shall probably find General Scott and staff. There I hope to meet Tilden, Carpenter, and other old friends.
Everything is in the greatest confusion here; a thousand laborers and teamsters are employed to manage teams, take care of animals and stores, and load and discharge lighters. Ever since my arrival, there has been the greatest hurry in embarking troops. There is great want of system. Most of the men here in government employ are not business men. Some of the quartermasters are inefficient. There are some good men. The best business man in the quartermaster’s employ is Lawton, of Newport, brother-in-law of the Turners (Colonel Robert R. Lawton). He is harbor master, and in receipt of one hundred and fifty dollars per month. Everybody speaks of him in the highest terms. He is energetic, intelligent, and perfectly temperate. He looks in admirable condition. He has applied for, and will probably receive, a captain’s commission in one of the new regiments. I have seen and conversed with him here. He is full of hope, life, and energy.
General Butler has just arrived from Monterey, on his return to the States, and in consequence of his wound not healing. General Taylor occupies a position in advance of Saltillo, with eighteen field-pieces, a small body of regular infantry, and some six thousand volunteers.
My dearest girl, I know nothing certain of ulterior operations.
We have great abundance of supplies and some seven thousand choice regular troops. We cannot expect the same conduct from the volunteers as from the regulars, but we hope they will gain laurels. I shall endeavor to do my duty in whatever circumstances I may be placed. I trust I shall have full strength to do my full duty. I know this will accord with all the wishes of your own heart. I know you would rather never see me than that I should return to your arms with infamy on my brow. This latter would be terrible. The former can be borne.
As regards our dear children, I wish Hazard to go to school this summer, and I am glad he continues to be so promising. Of all things, I wish him to be obedient. Not the obedience of fear, but of love and confidence. Our little Susan I know must be a bright, merry child. Would that I could witness daily her youth, growth, and development!
Preserve a tranquil spirit; let hope at all times animate and strengthen you. Have courage, have faith; we shall come together again, all the better for the trials of separation. I shall write a note to Mary to accompany this. The mail leaves to-morrow for New Orleans. Write often, and continue to direct your letters to Brazos Santiago.
Remember me to all my Bucksport friends, to Kidder and his wife, Osgood, Mr. and Mrs. Tinkham. Of course all the love in the world for Hazard and Sue.
Affectionately yours,
Isaac.
Tampico, Wednesday Evening, March 10, 1847.
My dearest Wife,—We left the Brazos this evening week, and shall leave this place to-morrow morning. Our passage of only two hundred and fifty miles thus occupied us seven days. We are somewhat apprehensive that we shall not reach Vera Cruz till General Scott shall have effected a landing. Mason, Tower, and three other officers are with me. Our ship now lies three miles outside the bar. Our passage up the river Tampico to this place (six miles above the bar) was a fairy scene. Beautiful views met our eyes, and the picturesque country about this place perfectly enchanted us. The atmosphere is delightful. We see few but Mexicans about us. Every one looks friendly. News has just reached Tampico that General Taylor has had a hard-fought battle with Santa Anna. All the accounts came through Mexican channels. Santa Anna claims a victory. He states that Taylor is shut up in Monterey. But he admits that he himself has not advanced. We infer and believe that Santa Anna has been defeated, and will soon return to San Luis Potosi. I feel sanguine that a decisive success on the part of General Scott may terminate the war. I hope so.
There is a chance to send this letter in the morning. I of course write in haste. You shall hear from me again on my arrival at Vera Cruz.
Affectionately yours,
Isaac.
The landing took place on Tuesday and Wednesday last (March 9 and 10), and the investment was completed on Thursday. The heavy ordnance is still on board ship. The debarkation is said to have been a most splendid affair. The first division landed in two hours. General Worth was the first man to jump on shore. The city will undoubtedly fall in a few days. No opposition whatever was made by the Mexicans to the landing. There was a little skirmishing during the investment.
At the Brazos I lost my servant Owen. He found he could get much better wages than I had agreed to give him, and in consequence thereof he deserted me on the day I left, and I had not time to recover him. I shall find some difficulty in procuring a good servant here.
I was very thankful that you wrote father and Mary. I wish you to keep up some little correspondence with them during my absence. They will always be glad to hear from you. My father has had his full share of sorrow, and has suffered as much as most men I know. I have never had so true and so disinterested a friend as he. He is absorbed in his children, and, though he expresses little, he feels much. His daughters have left him one by one, and but one is left. I feel very sad when I think of him. I trust that Mary will be spared to him for many years.
We hope to get on shore to-morrow, but as a strong norther has been blowing since last evening, and is not yet entirely abated, it is possible we may not land till Tuesday.
I shall keep this letter open till the last moment. The mail is forwarded by vessels sailing to New Orleans, and is not very regular.
Thursday morning, March 18. We reached the anchorage off the island of Sacrificios on Sunday, and did not get on shore till last evening (Wednesday). We found the headquarters of General Scott some half a mile from the place of landing. On our way thither we met Colonel Totten and Captain Lee going out of camp on a reconnoissance.
The camp occupies a circuit of some eight or ten miles. We find every one in high spirits. The fact is considered unquestioned that General Taylor has utterly defeated Santa Anna and driven him across the desert. I meet many friends in camp.
Sunday, March 21. I have now been on shore four days. We are busily employed on the works preparatory to opening our fire on the place. Everything is going on finely. My duties interest me much. The climate is very fine. The colonel and his officers form one mess, and we have a pleasant time. Don’t believe the many idle reports in regard to losses. Thus far we have lost only one man. The army is in fine spirits.
Love to every one of my friends, my dear children, and you, my dear Margaret. I long to embrace you. I shall write again by next mail.
Your affectionate
Isaac.
CHAPTER VIII
VERA CRUZ.—CERRO GORDO
Vera Cruz, an old Spanish walled town on the Gulf of Mexico, with a population of 12,000, was situated on a sandy plain, which, extending back from the town, was broken by many sand-hills and ridges, and covered in great part with dense chapparal. On the land side a strong line of masonry works encircled the city from Fort Conception on the beach above, or north of, to Fort Santiago below it; while on the sea side the castle of San Juan de Ulloa, seated on an island a thousand yards in advance of the town, commanded all approaches with 128 heavy guns, and made the sea front doubly secure.
The American army landed unopposed on March 9, 1847, on the beach a few miles south of the town; during the next four days extended lines of investment completely around the doomed city on the land side, and, having with great labor and some interruption from northers landed the heavy siege-guns, mortars, and material for the bombardment, commenced the batteries on the 18th, the second day after the young engineer officers reached the scene of action. They were at once set to work reconnoitring the ground and the enemy’s works by day, and laying out the batteries and superintending the working parties by night.
Lieutenant Stevens threw himself into this work with even more than his accustomed zeal. On one of his daring reconnoissances the horse he rode—a powerful and headstrong animal loaned him by his friend, Lieutenant Tower—took the bit in his teeth and bolted directly for the enemy’s lines. Finding it impossible to stop or control the frantic steed, Lieutenant Stevens, throwing his whole strength on one rein, managed to make him swerve towards the base of a sand-hill, where he threw himself from the saddle, escaping injury on the soft ground, while the runaway continued his course to the very walls of the city.
The batteries were placed midway between the lines of investment and the city, and about 900 yards from the walls. Lieutenant Stevens was indefatigable in searching out the best routes for the boyaux, or covered ways, to enable the troops to pass to and from the batteries without loss from the enemy’s fire. The broken sand-hills and dense chapparal rendered this a difficult and laborious task; and in forcing his way through these thorny and almost impenetrable thickets his hands were so badly torn, and perhaps poisoned, that for several days he was obliged to have them bandaged with poultices of prickly pear. The route which he thus looked out was adopted, and the construction of the covered way was placed under his charge, with large working parties, for several nights, until completed. His experiences are best told in his own words. The independence, almost insubordination, of the new volunteers is simply the common experience with citizen soldiery fresh from home, but which they soon outgrow under good officers in a few months’ campaigning.
Friday, March 18. At two A.M. Lieutenants Mason, Stevens, and Tower entered the trenches and relieved Captain Lee and Lieutenants Beauregard and McClellan. No workers or guards present, save twelve sappers, till four o’clock. Lieutenant Mason at Battery 2. Lieutenant Stevens at Battery 1. Lieutenant Tower in communication leading to cemetery. Colonel Scott in command of the working party. A company of the 8th infantry, under command of Lieutenants Jordan and Pitcher, in Battery 1. About seven o’clock Lieutenant Foster relieved Lieutenant Tower, who returned to camp to supervise construction of powder magazines. At half past twelve Lieutenant Stevens ordered to examine the infantry communication, reconnoitred on the previous day, in order to commence the trenches at night with a working party.
At two P.M. Captain Sanders on the naval battery. Lieutenants Stevens and Smith on the right were on duty. The naval battery laid out during the day by Captain Lee. Lieutenant Smith took particular charge of Batteries 3 and 4, and the remainder of the communication to Battery 1, with a fatigue party under Major Graham; Lieutenant Stevens, of the boyau of communication from camp to batteries with a fatigue party of 400 volunteers, New Yorkers and Pennsylvanians. Did not report at beach till nine P.M. Arrived on the ground at ten P.M. Two hours occupied in laying out the boyau with a cord and getting the whole force at work. Whilst Lieutenant Stevens was absent in discharge of his duties of supervision at the batteries and trenches under the particular charge of Lieutenant Smith, the volunteers abandoned their work and returned to camp, excepting a small force of fifty men on the left of the large sand-hill, in rear of which the communication passed.
Saturday, March 19. About dark a large force of 400 men reported at the old cemetery as a fatigue party in the boyau under the charge of Lieutenant Stevens,—four companies of regulars, Brooks and Shackleford, 2d artillery; Lieutenant Ernst, 6th infantry; Lieutenant Rodgers, 2d dragoons,—the whole under the command of Captain De Hart,—and four companies of volunteers, Pennsylvanians.
The regulars employed on communication from Battery 1 to Battery 2, on parapet to the right of Battery 2, and on the trench from the upper end of the valley to the first hollow of the natural trench leading through the long ridge in rear of the batteries, the volunteers on the remaining part of the boyaux. The regulars made their trench practicable. The volunteers could not be made to work with the most strenuous exertions on the part of the officers. Some were drunk and all sleepy. They complained of being tired and hungry. Some delay occurred throughout the works in consequence of a musketry fire from the trenches. Lieutenant Mason in charge of a working party at the batteries.
Monday, March 22. The boyaux of communication made practicable and safe to-day, although not sufficiently commodious; a fatigue party of 200 men reporting to Lieutenant Stevens, and commencing work at five A.M.; two companies regulars of 2d artillery, Captain McKensie and Lieutenant Hardcastle, Captain Kendrick; and two of marines, Lieutenant Adams.
This party worked with extraordinary vigor till three o’clock, all the men in the trenches all the time, the officers giving their whole energy to supervising the men; Captain McKensie, in command of the working party, exhibiting great energy and efficiency. The day was quite warm, and an immense amount of work done. Lieutenant Mason at the batteries with fatigue party under the command of Captain Swartwout.
Tuesday, March 23. A fatigue party of 200 men reported to Lieutenant Stevens, and commenced work in the boyaux at 9½ A.M., working with great vigor till dark, all the men constantly at work, and made the boyaux very safe and commodious,—two companies regulars, Captain E.W. Smith and Lieutenant Bissel, 5th infantry, two companies marines.
Note. More work is done by day than by night under fire. The working parties by day did at least double the work per man of the working parties by night. A severe sand-storm blowing all day and night.
Lieutenant Stevens reported the completion of the boyaux to the chief engineer at 8½ P.M., and, after an hour’s rest, at his request returned to the trenches and assisted Lieutenant Mason till relieved at four o’clock in the morning.
Thursday, March 25. Lieutenants Mason and Stevens relieved the engineer officers on the right at four A.M. Great exertions were made at Battery No. 4, which opened its fire at eight A.M. The fatigue party in the trenches, Alabama volunteers, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Earle, remarkably fearless and efficient. One sapper and two volunteers placed at each embrasure to repair it after every discharge. By their courage and exertions, the fire of the battery was not obstructed during the day. Lieutenant Mason made three reconnoissances of the enemy’s works, accompanied twice by Lieutenant Stevens. Two companies of the 1st artillery served the guns, Captain Magruder and Lieutenant Haskin; Major L. Whitney in command of the force serving the batteries.
At eleven A.M. Captain Lee commenced establishing a new mortar battery on the left of No. 1.
Saturday, March 27. A severe norther raging yesterday made great ravages in the works that were repaired to-day. Lieutenants Mason and Stevens in the trenches at four A.M. A new mortar battery commenced yesterday nearly finished to-day, under the particular direction of Lieutenant Stevens, with a working party of one company of the 4th infantry under the command of Lieutenant Lincoln.
Sunday, March 28. A partial survey of the trenches made by Lieutenants Beauregard, Stevens, and Tower.
Camp Washington (three miles from Vera Cruz),
March 27, 1847.
My dearest Margaret,—I have now the unspeakable satisfaction of telling you that both the city and the castle have capitulated after a bombardment of rather less than four days, and from the ninth day of opening the trenches, and with a loss on our side of less than forty in killed and wounded. I will tell you what your poor subaltern of a husband has had to do in this matter. On Thursday, March 18, I made a reconnoissance with Mason to determine the position of a road for wagons, and of a covered communication for infantry. On Friday morning, March 19, I left camp at two in the morning, and was kept hard at work till four the next morning in constructing a battery and opening the communications thereto. During the course of this operation the enemy hurled at us some two hundred round-shot and shells. None came very near me. I had to encourage the men at their work, and had no time to attend to my fears.
Vera Cruz, April 3.
My dearest Wife,—It is now Saturday, and we have been in possession of the city one week. Great destruction was spread throughout the city by our shells. In the portion next to our batteries a shell entered every house, and almost each room of every house, in consequence of which many inoffensive people were killed. Vera Cruz is a miserable, dirty place; the streets are full of filth, and there are great numbers of poor people. Many families still keep their doors closed, though scarcely an outrage has been committed in the city. The people, though miserably poor, are very courteous and mild in their general deportment. Ever since our entrance into the city, the poor have been fed each day from our government stores, and every exertion is made to protect the whole city in its rights.
General Worth is governor of the city. The weather is rather warm, and we find mosquitoes, fleas, etc., troublesome. The city, though sorry in its sunlight aspect, is remarkably picturesque by moonlight. The style of architecture is of the Moorish character, abounding in domes and highly wrought work. I have several times wandered through the deserted streets of the city by night, filled with admiration of the gorgeous and Oriental aspect of the scene. It surpasses anything I ever saw. My health is very fine.
Vera Cruz, April 10.
My dearest Wife,—We are now preparing to march into the interior, and shall probably leave in a day or two. One half of the army are already on their way. We hope to enter the City of Mexico, and to contemplate the wonders of the capital, in one month. In the reduction of the city we have had fortune on our side. The grossest supineness prevailed in the Mexican ranks, though at times they awoke from their slumbers and poured into our midst well-directed fires of artillery. Our loss is very little. John R. Minton, a most gallant soldier, was killed on the first day of opening our fires. He was universally esteemed, and I had made his acquaintance on the first day of landing. He died for his country, before his country’s gratitude for gallant services at Monterey had been communicated in the shape of a brevet.
The burden of the day came with great weight on the officers of engineers. It is the universal sentiment of the army that they did their duty. We see it in the individual deportment of every officer with whom we are associated on duty. We had exciting times. Friends whom I had not seen since I left West Point, I shook for the first time warmly by the hand under the heavy fire of the enemy’s batteries. I met Haskin and Callender in such a conjuncture. There was not the least shrinking from duty, but each one stood up manfully to his task and did his whole duty; we all worked hard. The engineers failed in no part of their duty, and the consequence was that the loss of human life was comparatively trifling. I never worked so hard in my life. It was our first experience in the field, and I think we have fulfilled the expectations of the general and of our immediate chief (Colonel Totten).
I have already written you in relation to the city. We all long to leave so much moonlight magnificence and sunlight squalidity, and breathe the pure mountain air of Jalapa and Perote. Our troops are yet comparatively healthy. The sickly season will not come upon us for a month. Up in the mountains it is the most salubrious and delightful climate of the New World. Our troops conduct themselves with remarkable propriety. Very few cases have occurred of excesses of any kind, and all such are punished with extreme severity. Mason is in fine health, and is doing, as was to be expected, good service. All our officers are superior men, and we stand by each other like a band of brothers.
I have secured a beautiful animal in the way of a horse, docile as a kitten and very intelligent. He has a beautiful eye and head, and will follow me wherever I go. I intend to bring him home with me. I have also a very good servant. He is an old soldier. I have just returned from a ride to our old camp. There is a fine hard beach all the way, which reminds me of the beach at Newport. My little horse is very fleet, and carried me over the beach in very rapid style. How would Hazard be delighted to see him stretch out! You must tell my little Hazard about my horse. When I come home he shall ride him every day. They would soon be fast friends, I doubt not.
Have I told you that we are living in the government palace? At first we took our meals at the public house, but so much dirt and filth was to be met with everywhere that we formed a mess, and live in our own rooms. Our mess is now reduced to four, Major Smith, Captain Lee, Mason, and myself. There is a fine vegetable market close by, where we can provide ourselves; and as for meats, we have a barrel of hams. This morning I went to the market and observed quite a variety of tropical fruits; tomatoes, sweet potatoes, pineapples, plantains, lettuce, the Mexican squash, are in great abundance.
Vera Cruz, April 11.
My dear Father,—We are now in the midst of our arrangements to march into the interior, two divisions of the army (Twiggs and Patterson) having already marched. The greatest difficulty is on account of transportation. Vera Cruz is still healthy, and there is no natural reason why it should not be as salubrious as New Orleans. Its filth and nastiness is almost beyond belief, and is the efficient cause of its great sickliness in summer. Our authorities are now making every exertion to cleanse the city. Our troops behave well. Some few excesses have been committed, and these are punished with exemplary severity. General Scott has instituted military commissions to try a large class of offenses that, in an enemy’s country, cannot be reached under the articles of war, and martial law has been proclaimed as a supplemental code. Yesterday a negro was hanged outside the city walls for committing rape upon a Mexican woman.
We hope that peace will be established in the course of the summer. At all events, General Scott will find no difficulty in entering the City of Mexico. Our own troops, regulars and volunteers, are in a high state of discipline, and pant for an opportunity to signalize themselves. The Mexican troops have been demoralized by many successive defeats, and cannot, man to man, cope with our own. They are decidedly inferior, both in the men and the organization. In such cases numbers are of little account. All experience shows that resolution, courage, and enterprise, qualities possessed by our troops in an eminent degree, will overcome any tumultuous rabble. I verily believe that our little army of twelve thousand men is able to defeat any body of Mexicans, however large.
You know the papers have been full of the complaints of the sappers and miners, or engineer soldiers. These men I am on duty with every day. They are the pride of the whole army, confessedly the best soldiers in the army. I never saw so superior a company of soldiers, Americans all, young men, having character, zeal, and intelligence, proud of their duties and of their position, perfectly subordinate, and cheerful in their obedience. I personally know almost every man of the sappers and miners. During the investment and siege of Vera Cruz they exhibited an extraordinary gallantry, and were all placed in the position of non-commissioned officers. Each man had direction of a working party, and in the execution of that duty they retained their arms and gave directions to the men.
ROUTE, VERA CRUZ TO MEXICO
Lieutenant Stevens took great interest in the engineer company, so largely the result of his recommendations and exertions. His diary of the march inland commences the next day.
March 29. The army made its entrance into the city this day at ten o’clock, and the general headquarters were established in the main plaza. General Worth was appointed governor of the city. The engineer company, although it had preëminently distinguished itself for gallantry and general conduct throughout the whole operation of the investment and siege, had no place assigned to it in the ceremonies of either the surrender or the entrance.
Colonel Totten sailed on the Princeton to the States as bearer of dispatches, and with the view of resuming his position at the head of the department, leaving Major John L. Smith in command. Lieutenant Stevens was this day directed to assume the duties of adjutant, and a sapper was detailed to assist him.
March 30. Lieutenants Stevens, Tower, and Foster, with a detachment of twelve sappers, commenced the survey of the defenses of the city and castle. Lieutenant Mason was temporarily assigned to duty with General Quitman on an expedition to Alvarado.
Monday, April 12. The engineers left Vera Cruz with the general staff at five P.M., and reached Vigara, three miles distant, where they encamped for the night. Here a little stream flows into the sea, over which is an arched bridge of masonry, somewhat out of repair.
I found myself exceedingly exhausted in consequence of my exertions before leaving the city in getting wagons for the baggage and train of the engineer company, and in attending to turning in the baggage of the engineer staff.
Tuesday, April 13. We started early, and found the road as far as Santa Fé exceedingly sandy and difficult for carriages. Santa Fé is situated in the midst of a prairie affording tolerable pasture for cattle, and has the honor of municipal regulation in the shape of an alcalde. There are some twenty little houses of trelliswork at this place. At the river San Juan, six miles from Santa Fé and twelve from Vigara, over which is thrown a fine bridge of masonry with a long causeway at its western extremity, we halted and dined. Before leaving, Worth’s advance, consisting of Duncan’s battery and Lieutenant-Colonel C.F. Smith’s light companies, reached the San Juan, where they encamped for the night. Resuming our march at three P.M., we pushed forward over at times a somewhat rough and hilly road, and at other points easy and practicable, till we reached our camping ground for the night, the Talome River, having a one-arch bridge.
Wednesday, April 14. Resuming our march early in the morning, we reached the National Bridge at about ten A.M., distant eight miles from our encampment, after making a halt of an hour at Paso de Obejas (distant two and one half miles from Talome), where we met a wagon train. There is a considerable village at this river.
On leaving the village, the road winds its way to the top of a very high hill, where there is an inspiring view of the surrounding country. Whilst the general was halting at the village, I rode to the top of the hill to take a view. At some distance to the south I could see a small band of rancheros watching the movements of our party. The National Bridge is a model of the kind, possessing much architectural beauty, and impressing the mind of the beholder that an iron and a lofty race had done this work in the solitudes of the mountain pass. The scenery is of the most picturesque and imposing character. The road, previous to reaching the bridge, winds round a bold tongue of land, on the edge and apex of which a little fort had been built. From the first view of the pass, the road descends the side of a steep hill, constructed originally with great care, due attention having been paid to both curves and grades. On passing the bridge, on the left is a bold promontory, and the little fort and the open village at the other extremity of the bridge. On the right and downward side the river flows through a deep ravine, on either side of which perpendicular columns of rock rise hundreds of feet. The current gently flowed over a rocky bed, and was at points fordable. A thunderstorm in this mountain pass, the swollen stream rushing impetuously to the sea, must be terrific. After halting two hours at the National Bridge, we pushed on to the Plano del Rio, the advance of the army. This was a difficult march of thirteen miles, with no water on the road for our horses. At some four miles from the bridge we reached a causeway, built with care, and which, leading over a little depression at its foot, is conducted almost to the top of a hill on the other side. On our way we met parties from camp searching the country for beef.
We reached the Plano del Rio at about five o’clock, and after remaining about an hour with Major Smith and Captain Lee, I accompanied Lieutenant Tower on a reconnoissance. We proceeded on the Jalapa road some three miles and a half, until we came in view of Battery 4 on the left of the road. Then, returning a short distance, we proceeded some distance on a path leading from the road till we came in view of the same battery, and one farther to the left, No. 3. From an examination of a sketch of Lieutenant Tower, exhibiting the results of all the reconnoissances since the arrival of General Twiggs, there could be little doubt that the proper mode of attack was to the right, so as to turn the enemy’s works and compel them to lay down their arms. The reconnoissances were not, however, complete, and the general, after informing himself of the position as far as it had been ascertained, determined that the reconnoissances should be extended. I found a bath in the river most delightful and refreshing after the severe labors of the day.
Thursday, April 15. The reconnoissances of the whole position were continued to-day; Captain Lee, with Mason, Beauregard, and myself, escorted by Major Sumner on the right, Tower on the front. On reaching the point of the road before coming in view of Battery 4, I was informed by Bowman, a wagon-master of Twiggs’s division, that on the other side of the river there was a practicable trail leading to the river some eight miles above the bridge, and where would probably be found a practicable ford. After accompanying Captain Lee in his reconnoissance to a high hill about seven hundred yards from the Cerro Gordo, the key of the enemy’s position, and getting a full view of it and of the ravines, valleys, etc., to the right, I returned home with a guide, and reported the statement of Bowman to Major Smith. He was then starting with an escort to examine the enemy’s works from the left bank of the river, with the view of establishing enfilading batteries against them. I also accompanied him; and after he had made his examinations, I requested permission to continue farther up, with a portion of the escort, till I could get a better view of the enemy’s rear. A body of four hundred cavalry having been observed only about four miles up the river bank, Major Smith felt constrained to refuse my request. On returning from the reconnoissance I explained very fully my general views in reference to the proper mode of conducting the reconnoissances of the position, and that though thus far particular points had been carefully examined, and the engineer officers had been very industrious, yet the reconnoissances had been undertaken on too limited a scale, and did not cover the whole of the position. The dragoons are admirable for extensive reconnoissances, yet no attempt has been made to determine the practicability and even the existence of certain routes, on both the right and left, which are said to obtain; that branching from the Jalapa road, a little this side of the National Bridge, joined it again a short distance before reaching Jalapa. Either of these routes, pursued by Worth’s column, would have effectually turned the position of the Cerro Gordo. Moreover, the reconnoissance on the right bank of the river had not been extended so as to get a view of the rear of the Cerro Gordo; and from the circumstance that four hundred lancers were on the right river bank, and in position about four miles above the bridge, the inference was almost conclusive that there was a practicable ford leading to the position in rear of the Cerro Gordo, and which the lancers were thrown out to cover. It was also suggested that a spirited reconnoissance in that direction would settle two essential questions, essential to properly combining the plan of attack,—1, Whether there was not a practicable ford, by means of which the enemy could escape, and at which point a column of attack might be directed against him; 2, Whether the main body, or a considerable portion thereof, might not be en masse in rear of the position of the Cerro Gordo hill, and thus not be cut off by the flank movement to the right, unless extended to a wider circuit than was intended. This reconnoissance was pressed earnestly as essential, to get correct information in regard to the intentions and position of the enemy.
Friday, April 16. The reconnoissance I had recommended was ordered by General Scott on the requisition of Major Smith, and fifty dragoons, under the command of Lieutenant Steele, were placed at my disposal. With Bowman as guide, we started about half past eight o’clock, and, after crossing both branches of the river and ascending to the ranch on the hill, we struck into a broad trail, perfectly practicable for horses and field artillery, and after pursuing our way some two and three quarter miles, came to a trail nearly at right angles, and which Bowman represented as six miles distant. Leaving the escort here with Steele, Bowman, and a beef contractor, we continued in a direct course nearly a mile to some ranches, where we took a man and boy to get information. On our return we proceeded with the whole escort on the perpendicular trail to another ranch, about half a mile distant, and finally to the river supposed by Bowman to be the main stream. We found it simply a tributary to the stream flowing under the first bridge, and the descent to the ravine through which it flowed was scarcely practicable for a mounted horseman. Leaving a small escort at the ravine, the main body returning to the ranch, with Bowman I pushed forward up the other side of the ravine, and proceeded about half a mile, and nearly to the foot of a spur that led obliquely to the main branch and in a direction a little beyond the Cerro Gordo. After examining the routes and the configuration of the country, I became satisfied that the reconnoissance could not be pushed farther in this direction to any practicable result, but that the best course would be to cross the spur at a depression and extend the reconnoissance down the other side to the river. On my return to the ranch, whilst proceeding at an easy pace, I found that an old rupture which had been cured fifteen years had broken out, and before I reached the ranch I began to suffer the most excruciating pain. The further continuance of the reconnoissance was abandoned, and I returned to camp, a distance of four miles, suffering very great pain. First Dr. Brown attended me, and I was soon relieved of pain by applying cold water. Dr. Tripler applied a very fine truss, and in the course of the evening I felt perfectly comfortable.
BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO
Saturday, April 17. This day I remained in camp, able to move about only a little and with great care. In the movement of General Twiggs to his position in order of battle, he was discovered, and a spirited combat ensued, which resulted in dislodging the enemy from a hill seven hundred yards from the Cerro Gordo, and upon which a battery of one 24-pounder and two 26-pounder howitzers was put in position during the night.
Sunday, April 18. As determined on yesterday, the position of the enemy was attacked to-day and, after a most brilliant conflict, the Cerro Gordo was stormed by the brigade of Colonel Harney, the enemy’s line of retreat on the Jalapa cut off by Shields’s brigade of volunteers and Riley’s brigade of regulars. A large portion of the enemy made their escape on the Jalapa road, and across the river at the ford before alluded to. Pillow made an attack in front, but failed in consequence of its being made prematurely, with great precipitation, without order in the assaulting columns, and before the supporting columns were in position, and at the wrong point, viz., in a ravine swept by the fire of two batteries, and with serious impediments in the way of abattis and felled trees. This attack, both as to time and as to direction, was earnestly remonstrated against by the engineer officer directing the attack, by the personal staff of the general, and by Colonel Campbell, second in command. Had the attack been made on the enemy’s extreme right, the true point of attack, and which was supposed to be the point determined upon by the general until he announced a different intention on arriving on the ground, it would have succeeded. It was fortunate the attack failed. It kept the garrisons of the batteries in their places and increased the number of prisoners. Shields behaved most gallantly in his advance to the Jalapa road, and was severely—supposed at the time mortally—wounded by a grapeshot that passed through his body. His advance captured Santa Anna’s carriage. Worth’s division was not engaged, acting simply as a reserve.
The storming of the Cerro Gordo was one of the most brilliant things on record. Whilst it was in progress, four thousand of the enemy were put in motion to turn their flanks, but the Cerro Gordo falling into our hands before they became engaged, they took ignominiously to flight. So certain was Harney that such would be the effect, when two thousand troops were reported to him as threatening each flank, he simply gave the order to extend to the right and left, and kept pushing up, and after a sharp conflict drove the enemy from the breastworks and down the hill.
The retreat of the enemy was a perfect rout. A portion in small bodies retreated on the Jalapa road. Many troops fled to the chapparal, making their escape through almost impracticable paths. Santa Anna himself made his escape with a few attendants across the river and at the ford, whose existence was not verified till after the battle in consequence of the serious injury that occurred to me, preventing my extending the reconnoissance as I contemplated. Ampudia with a few officers retreated on the Jalapa road, and very nearly fell into our hands.
Twiggs’s division was pushed forward hotly in pursuit, and encamped at Encerro, fourteen miles distant, the night of the battle, and reached Jalapa the next day. He was closely followed by the volunteer division, General Patterson assuming command of the whole.
Worth returned to camp with the general and his staff.
I was on my back a portion of the day, and was just able to drag about camp.
Camp near Cerro Gordo, Sunday,
April 15, 1847, 5 P.M.
My dearest Wife,—I have glorious news to tell you. This day we had a hard-fought battle at this place, the first great mountain pass on the highway from Vera Cruz to Mexico. The result is a most decisive victory, resulting in the capture of six thousand Mexicans, and the loss on our part of about three hundred killed and wounded. General Twiggs is now in hot pursuit of Santa Anna, who was present in command, and his remnant of five or six thousand men. He will, we trust, enter Jalapa to-night, fifteen miles distant. His division of somewhat less than three thousand men did the hard work, and will of course have the highest award of praise.
As for your poor husband, his was the part to stay in camp. Two days since I conducted a reconnoissance on the left of the enemy’s line over very difficult ground, with fifty dragoons to support me. I rode hard through the morning, and about three in the afternoon an old rupture in the groin, which troubled me when a boy from ten to fourteen years of age, broke out again after a perfect cure of fifteen years. So excruciating was the pain that it required the greatest exertion to get to camp, four miles distant, on my horse. Fortunately one of the best physicians in the army, Dr. Tripler, was able to attend upon me, and most fortunate of all he had a solitary truss of the best workmanship, which just fitted me. Dr. Tripler has prescribed the utmost quietude, has forbidden all excitement, and especially all riding on horseback. I had already received the appointment of adjutant of engineers, and my staff duties I can still attend to. All my friends express great sympathy for my misfortune. General Scott expressed himself in terms that won my heart. He remarked, “You engineers are too daring. You require to be held back. My young friend, I almost cried when I heard of your mishap.” I have made a great many friends since I joined the army. It may be well that I have received this check. Ever since I joined the army, I have been too impetuous, too headstrong. I have made great physical exertion. Now I am obliged to rein in the power of muscles, in which I do not excell, and have equal opportunities to develop the mental as before I became incapacitated. I shall have charge of the train of the engineers, which is carried in quite a number of wagons, and shall therefore be always able to ride in a wagon. My horse is one of the finest animals in the army, and is a most fast, easy, and beautiful walker, and he will therefore be no impediment to my riding on horseback.
All my friends of the engineers did well. Captain Lee has won golden opinions. Mason is rising rapidly in the esteem of all. He is one of the most disinterested as well as one of the most talented men in the army. If I have a perfectly devoted friend in the whole army, it is Mason. He makes no professions; he is always true to himself and his views of right, but I have his friendship and he has mine. My old chum Tower did splendidly. He is a man of great powers of mind and determined energy of character. He will probably be brevetted for his services at this place and at Vera Cruz.
To-morrow the whole army resumes its onward march. In one day we shall enter Jalapa. General Scott is winning golden opinions. He is prodigiously popular with the volunteers, and the whole army has confidence in him. During the whole continuance of the battle to-day he was much exposed.
The movement which resulted in the great victory of to-day was to the right and rear of the enemy, and the success of it hinged on the taking of a little work on the top of an almost inaccessible hill. The famous Colonel Harney of the dragoons led the forlorn hope in the attack of this position, and was closely followed by the 3d and 7th infantry. Up rushed our troops, amidst the most deafening cheers from the whole line. Steadily advanced the stars and stripes to the very Mexican standard floating from the Mexican work. For one moment in the most difficult point our flag disappeared; again it rose, and was immediately planted in triumph on the top of the hill. In four weeks we shall most certainly be in the City of Mexico, unless previously the Mexicans make overtures of peace.
My dear wife, do not feel anxious for me. I have the means, and shall take care of my health. My hopes of distinction have in a measure vanished, but still I have the satisfaction that I can be highly useful. My general health is very good. Remember me to Mary and my dear children, to Judge Peabody, and all my friends.
Your affectionate husband,
Isaac.
CHAPTER IX
JALAPA.—PUEBLA
Monday, April 19. This was a lazy day in camp, the general and his staff being occupied with the charge of the prisoners, and preparing the proper dispatches. It was determined to release all the prisoners and officers on parole. Thus 2700 men (and 200 having escaped the previous day whilst coming into camp, and before they had reached the charge of General Worth) were sent, with rations to subsist them on their way home, to and beyond Jalapa. La Vega, one of the prisoners, announced his intention not to accept his parole, but to go to the United States. The surgeons, moreover, were most actively engaged in caring for the wounded. The wounds of the men generally were slight, and all the disabled were cheerful and in high spirits. The wounds of the Mexicans were bad, and many of their dead were shot in the head. General Shields, to the surprise of all, still survived, was in excellent spirits, and did not doubt that he would get well.
At half past one the general-in-chief and his staff, with an escort of dragoons, started for Jalapa, and passed the night at Encerro, the residence of Santa Anna. Worth, who marched from the Plano del Rio in the morning, reached Jalapa the same night. On the road I saw several dead, disfigured with horrible wounds. I was obliged to ride in a wagon, the surgeon having forbidden my riding on horseback. The country seat of Santa Anna is delightfully situated in the midst of a rolling country, abounding in herds of cattle, and all the fruits of both tropics. His house is of two stories, the first being appropriated to kitchens, store-rooms, etc., and the second to the family. Several rooms were well furnished, and were garnished with paintings on historical subjects, for the most part Mexican and Spanish. We saw several of his wooden legs.
Tuesday, April 20. The general and staff reached Jalapa about eleven A.M., after a most beautiful ride of eight miles. Along the road were to be observed the Mexican troops in little groups of two or three, accompanied by their women, of whom there were many at their camp at the Cerro Gordo. I ventured to try my horse, and found for the time being less inconvenience than in the wagon. The appearance of the country, rolling and green, was very inviting. As we approached the city, the rear of Worth’s wagons was in the road, the men and mules almost entirely exhausted by the long march of yesterday. Major Smith, in consequence of injuries resulting from riding on horseback, was obliged to ride, and accompanied Major Sumner (wounded in the conflict of the 17th inst.) in the carriage of Santa Anna. On reaching the city I had the pleasure of meeting Captain Lee, Lieutenant Beauregard, and Lieutenants Smith and McClellan of the engineer company, who were in the advance with Twiggs. Quarters were assigned Major Smith and myself in the governor’s house, the headquarters of General Scott.
The same afternoon General Worth was pushed forward in the advance, Captain Lee, Lieutenants Mason and Tower, and the engineer company accompanying him. It was reported that La Hoya and Perote had been abandoned, and that a body of three or four thousand lancers was on the route to Puebla.
Wednesday, April 21. I was busily engaged to-day in organizing the train of the engineer company, the mules having proved very poor on the route from Plano del Rio, and many of the animals being entirely unserviceable. On requisition from the senior engineer, the general directed that a train of eight wagons should be furnished by the quartermaster at Vera Cruz to bring up the engineer train that remained, and as many of the engineer implements as practicable. Lieutenant Foster, in the afternoon, with the engineer train that had come up from the Plano del Rio, started to join his company at Perote. Sapper Noyes went to Vera Cruz in the train of Friday morning to point out to the quartermaster the articles that were needed.
Thursday to Saturday, April 22–24. Nothing especial occurred on these days. I have been principally engaged whilst at my leisure in going about the town, observing the people and their customs.
Sunday, April 25. This day I attended high mass in the cathedral. The church was decorated considerably, though with little taste. There were several figures of the Virgin Mary. The people seemed attentive to the various ceremonies, and were scrupulous in observing the prescribed forms. Not many of the higher classes were present. Some few elegant and well-dressed ladies were to be seen.
Monday to Thursday, April 26–29. During these days I have been collecting facts in relation to the battle of Cerro Gordo, with the view of making a general map and digesting a connected military narrative. In consequence of all the officers, except Lieutenant Beauregard and myself, having gone to Perote, there were no means of making an accurate survey of the positions, or of getting sketches of the various reconnoissances, to form a general plan. The only sketch forwarded from Perote was one by Lieutenant Tower. I have met during these days several old friends, particularly Tilden and Haskin. Canby I have seen much of.
April 30. This day I was busily occupied in preparing a memoir on the proper mode of conducting the war, in case Mexico shall pursue the guerrilla system, and obstinately refuse to listen to terms of accommodation. I find great difficulty in procuring information as to routes, etc. The weather in Jalapa is delightful. For the past four days copious showers towards evening have exercised the most healthful and invigorating influence upon the troops here. Since the arrival of headquarters on Tuesday, April 20, there has been a remarkable equableness of temperature. Jalapa is the very Eden of Mexico, and its picturesque situation in the very bosom of the mountains is nowhere surpassed. Such is the perfect amenity and smiling aspect of nature at this favored spot, that all the seasons of the year meet together. All the days of the year are both seedtime and harvest. The place is singularly beautiful in its perennial bloom, and in the flowers and gardens of its people. They seem to be a happy, easy race, and many of the people are of refinement and intelligence.
There are indications in the suburbs of Jalapa of more populousness and wealth than now obtain, as in the wells of masonry to be seen, fifty feet and more in depth, etc. The snowy peak of Orizaba, fifteen thousand feet above the sea, is to be seen far above the clouds, which at times hang over its base.
Jalapa, Thursday, April 22, 1847.
My dearest Wife,—We entered this beautiful city, fragrant with flowers and shrubbery, at eleven o’clock Tuesday morning. Jalapa and the surrounding country is the Eden of Mexico. For many miles the country is in the highest state of cultivation. There is a perennial bloom. At this very moment all the fruits and every species of vegetation are to be seen in all their stages. On the same tree are seen blossoms and fruit. In the same field we observe grain and corn just springing from the seed, and we see it ready for the sickle. The market abounds in oranges, bananas, peppers, lettuce, cabbages, cauliflower, onions, lemons, peas (green), beans, tomatoes, etc. The refinement and cultivation of the people are to be seen in their taste for flowers. At all points the most beautiful flowers strike your eye. All the houses of the lower classes, as well as of the higher, have gardens of flowers in rear. As you pass through the street you every moment get glimpses of fountains and shrubbery. Jalapa is more than Capua of old. It is Capua with all its beauty and serenity, but without its abandon. The people are refined, courteous, intelligent, and upright. Here we shall remain for some ten days or a fortnight, to organize the campaign, and prepare for the march to Mexico. Jalapa will be the great base of operations.
We left the Plano del Rio on Monday. I rode on a wagon, and reached Encerro, the hacienda of Santa Anna, a distance of fourteen miles, the same evening. The general and his staff passed the night here. It is beautifully situated on a commanding hill, with ample outbuildings, an artificial pond for bathing, etc., and a paved road branching from the main Jalapa road. The hacienda of two stories was elegantly furnished on the second floor, the first floor being appropriated to kitchens, store-rooms, etc. We saw several of Santa Anna’s wooden legs. General Scott gave us in the evening a nice supper with wine.
I rode on Tuesday from Encerro to Jalapa on my horse, and found it about as comfortable as a wagon. The distance was about eight miles. The morning was beautiful and the scenery enchanting. On reaching the city we found some seven or eight thousand of our troops under arms. For the first time since Cortez the hostile feet of a foreign race trod its pavements. The most perfect tranquillity prevailed. The people are well treated, receive good prices for all they wish to sell, and do not feel the weight of a foreign yoke.
Last evening we received intelligence that General Taylor entered the city of San Luis Potosi on the 13th of this month. Well done, indomitable old hero! It is somewhat doubtful whether I shall go on with the army. The surgeon advises me to remain here for the present. With care he thinks I may rely on a permanent cure. Care, however, is required.
Jalapa, May 1, 1847.
My dearest Wife,—I am glad to be able to assure you that my health is improving. It is not yet safe for me to ride my horse, and I think that my ride from Encerro, the country seat of Santa Anna, to Jalapa put me back some days. I can walk without any inconvenience by being careful as to my gait, and avoiding all sudden steps. I am not in the least incapacitated for office duty, and am, excepting my injury, in very vigorous health. It is hard, I assure you, in this beautiful region to be detained from enjoying my fine horse. As it is, he stands in the stable doing nothing. On Monday, May 3, I shall move on with General Patterson’s advance, in charge of the engineer train, to join the engineer corps with Worth.
The brilliant conflict of Cerro Gordo came upon the Mexicans like a thunderbolt, and is the most decisive blow of the war. The road is free to the City of Mexico, and I have no doubt General Scott will be there in six weeks. It is said the Mexicans will resort to the guerrilla mode of warfare. It will be found worse than useless. It will be found of assistance to our arms. General Scott will enforce the strictest discipline, and the people of the country will remain undisturbed in their houses. A fair price will be paid for everything that is consumed. The war will be made to bear with a heavy hand upon all connected with the government, and upon the property of all disaffected persons. Don’t feel alarmed about the observation in the papers in reference to the terrible and atrocious character of guerrilla warfare. No one here feels the least alarm. Twelve resolute men can disperse a hundred rancheros. As guerrilla troops our volunteers are infinitely superior to the Mexicans. The Mexicans as guerrilla troops are poor. They are generally very inferior troops. They are best behind breastworks, yet our men find no difficulty in storming them.
You may be sure that this city is a most charming place. We do not find the upper classes disposed to associate with us. Jalapa is said to be one of the most exclusive places in Mexico, the society being broken up into cliques, and families living among themselves as in New Bedford. The upper classes are indeed said to be very hostile to us. We are now about building a battery to overawe the city, where a ten-inch mortar will be mounted. The terrible destruction at Vera Cruz from our shells has been spread over all Mexico, and with all the exaggeration of the Spanish character. All the cities have the greatest fear of our shells.
The last few days I have been busily occupied in preparing a narrative of the brilliant conflict of the Cerro Gordo, illustrated with a sketch, and for the Engineer Department at Washington, and also in writing a memoir on the best mode of opposing the guerrilla warfare. The latter I have done chiefly for my own instruction. It is possible, if I can finish it to my mind, I may have it published. I have some thoughts of sending it to General Scott at once. The general, however, is a very great talker and writer himself, and I doubt whether he could find time to read the memoir.
Sunday, May 2. The train does not go till to-morrow, so I can tell you something of the occurrences of this day. Sunday is the great market day of Jalapa, and this morning I saw the greatest profusion of vegetables, watermelons in abundance, the finest oranges, bananas, plantains, cauliflower, cabbage, lettuce, celery, beans, peas, squashes, pumpkins, sweet potatoes, Irish potatoes, green corn, rare-ripe onions, tomatoes. The onions are the finest I ever saw. They are far superior to our own. Many well-dressed ladies were to be seen in the market with their servants. I went to the cathedral, but remained only a short time.
I consulted to-day Dr. Wright, the hospital surgeon of Jalapa, in reference to my difficulty, and he speaks in the most encouraging manner. He says there is no objection to my riding a portion of the distance on horseback, and that with care there is not the least danger in advancing with the army.
May 3. In the expectation that the march would take place to-morrow, I was busily engaged preparing for my departure. The sappers remaining in this place made all their arrangements, and the engineer train of eight wagons was put in perfect order, a wagon master and two extra men having been provided for. General Patterson’s advance brigade, that would serve as our escort, was the brigade of Quitman. In the evening, about eight o’clock, an express came up from Vera Cruz.
May 4. I rose early, having decided to start at half past six o’clock. Some delays occurred, and when in readiness to start, at half past seven, I was informed that the order to march had been countermanded. Consequently everything was put back in its place.
About eleven A.M. Carigan, a sick sapper, died at the hospital. He had been sick almost from the first day he came into the country. His case was not considered incurable at Vera Cruz, but the journey to Jalapa, riding in a wagon over a rough road, proved too much for his strength. He was buried in the afternoon in a convent churchyard, his remains having been accompanied by myself and five sappers. When his body was lowered into its final resting-place, I made a few remarks on the peculiar circumstances of his case, dwelling upon the fact that his short service had not been in vain, and that he had served his country, and as much died for his country as though he had fallen at Vera Cruz or at Cerro Gordo. Sergeant Clark and A.M. Noyes, on my calling on them, made a few very appropriate remarks in reference to his case, and bore cheerful testimony to his excellent character and the esteem in which he was held by his associates. Regan, a sapper who had enlisted with him, and who had known him for a long time, was a most sincere mourner. He seemed to reproach himself as the cause of Carigan’s death, in consequence of his own example having been the cause of Carigan’s enlistment. I stated to Regan that he had no cause to reproach himself, and that in writing to Carigan’s friends he could dwell upon the circumstances of Carigan’s having received every attention, and finally having been buried in one of the most beautiful regions of the earth, and in ground consecrated by the religious solemnities of his faith.
May 5. There are reports that Santa Anna intends cutting off the large train coming from Vera Cruz in a few days, in consequence of which Captain Bainbridge with a battalion of infantry proceeded downward yesterday, to be followed by Colonel Riley and a portion of his brigade to-morrow, the whole to take a position at the National Bridge. I now hold myself in readiness to move forward at any moment. But in the present aspect of affairs, three regiments of volunteers returning home, much sickness amongst the troops, and no certainty as to the arrival of new levies, it is not certain that it will be possible to move beyond Puebla.
May 7. Left Jalapa this morning at 7.30 in charge of the second section of the engineer train, to join the advance of General Worth, and under the escort of General Quitman’s brigade, to whom I reported on my arrival at his encampment. He did not get under way till towards noon, and, after marching two hours through a cultivated and beautiful country, we reached the village of El Soldado, about eight miles from Jalapa. After halting an hour at this place the command pursued its march through a most picturesque and beautiful country, presenting at the different points a varied view of the valley, dotted all over with villages, and with fields of corn and barley, and parties of laborers by the roadside peacefully pursuing the cultivation of the soil. At La Hoya, defended with some care at a pass between two high hills, with a succession of barriers in the road, two arranged with a single embrasure for guns, was to be seen the apple-tree in blossom, and also the pine-tree. We halted at Las Vegas for the night, the road hither ascending all the way, and the character of the trees rapidly changing to the fir, the black birch, and the mountain oak. Las Vegas is a somewhat straggling village of perhaps about two thousand people, situated in a depression or valley in the hills, which to the northeast expand into a most fertile and agreeable plain, highly cultivated along the west side. Most inviting fields of barley and corn had remained untouched, though the horses of our troops had subsisted on the former. Jalapa to El Soldado, seven miles; to La Hoya, three miles (large); to tank on left, nine miles; to Las Vegas, three miles; Jalapa to Las Vegas, twenty-two miles.
May 8. Left Las Vegas about eight A.M. and reached Perote about twelve P.M., a distance of ten miles, or about. This route for the first three miles is quite rough and uneven. At the end of the third mile is a very long and difficult descent, at the foot of which is a beautiful stream of ice-cold water, flowing directly from the Coffre de Perote. Here the whole command were refreshed. After ascending a considerable hill we again, after a gentle descent, gained a little village at another, quite sluggish stream about a mile from the Rio Frio. A slight ascent brought us to the extended plain of Perote, ten or twelve miles in width and extending generally in a westerly direction as far as El Pinal. Perote, with its castle in the middle of the plain and towards its eastern extremity, was almost depopulated, and presented a very uninviting appearance. General Worth had collected here large stores of forage and flour, much rice, and some sugar and coffee. On reporting to General Worth, and stating my object (to join Captain Lee), I was directed to attach myself to Colonel Clarke’s brigade, the last battalion of which was to march at seven A.M. on the 9th. I found Mason quite sick, and doubtful as to his ability to move on. Though somewhat fatigued with my day’s march, I suffered no inconvenience from my rupture, though the entire distance from Jalapa was made on horseback.
May 9. I left Perote this morning with Colonel Clarke at seven A.M., and arrived at San Antonio, a distance of seven miles, about eleven. A slight halt was made three miles from Perote. At one o’clock, after resting the mules, I proceeded with the train to Tepe Ahualco, which I reached after a distance of nine miles. Here I found the engineer company, and Captain Lee and Lieutenant Tower of the engineers. Captain Lee, unfortunately, was suffering from chills and fever.
May 10. The brigade of Colonel Garland, with General Worth and staff, left Tepe Ahualco (a very mean village, with bad water) at eight o’clock, and after a march of ten miles through the plain reached the hacienda of Vireyes, where we encamped for the night. This hacienda, like most of the haciendas of the country, was a good substantial building on the four sides of a square, and arranged with reference to the defense of the interior space. The peons lived in mean habitations of mud and trellis-work, not equal to the dwellings of swine in New England.
May 11. The march commenced at seven A.M., and after two halts,—one of about half an hour at Byzantium, distant eight miles, a village having its cathedral, one or two stores with pulque for sale, and pretty good houses for the peons; one of about two hours at Ojo de Agua, distant ten miles, a village not so considerable as the former, but noted for its clear water gushing in quite a large stream from the roadside,—we reached the hacienda Santa Annaced as a violent windstorm came on. Large stacks of barley straw in front of the hacienda afforded sustenance for many domestic animals. As we approached the village of Byzantium, a gently ascending and somewhat considerable hill on the left, cultivated to its very top with the maguey plant, and the green grass of the flowing stream at the base relieved the dryness of the plain, and afforded a most pleasing prospect. The road on the 10th and 11th was level; and for the most part good. Distance this day, about twelve miles.
May 12. The march commenced at six A.M., the rear brigade of Colonel Clarke joining the advance brigade of Colonel Garland in its first movement, its encampment having been only two miles in rear. After proceeding some miles we entered Nopalucan, a considerable town of three churches, several fondas, and some substantial houses. The padre furnished the general and his officers an entertainment of spirits and cakes. The best people had shut up their houses and left the place. Before approaching Nopalucan, the road for some two miles passes through a highly cultivated tract of country, with some dozen haciendas on the right and left. An elevation on entering this tract affords a very charming prospect.
After remaining two hours at Nopalucan the division moved forward, over in some portions a rough road, and encamped for the night one league this side of the Pass of El Pinal.
May 13. At Nopalucan information was given that Santa Anna, with some fifteen hundred or two thousand lancers, had passed through that place on the 10th for Puebla, and at the camp of the 12th and 13th there were rumors that he had prepared mines in the road at El Pinal. In consequence the engineer company, Duncan’s battery, and some other troops moved early to examine the pass. A false alarm during the night left many of the troops much harassed. El Pinal is no pass whatever, and the mines, of which rumor was so big, were little excavations commenced under the road in two places, but abandoned. El Pinal derives its name from the pine-trees, which are found to the very top of the mountains. At this point the road commences a rapid descent, and soon brings us to Acajete, a smaller place than Nopalucan, yet having its church and its fonda. Here the alcalde provided a collation for the general and his officers. After halting an hour and a half, we moved forward, and reached Amasoque about two o’clock. This is a village having a large public square and three fine churches. It is larger than Nopalucan, and must contain nearly four thousand inhabitants.
It was determined to remain at Amasoque one entire day to enable General Quitman’s command to come up, and accordingly General Worth’s division was in expectation of a day’s rest, but about nine o’clock.
May 14, word was brought that five thousand lancers were marching down upon us. A reconnoissance by Captain Lee reduced the numbers to less than two thousand, and the movement seemed to look to the cutting of our communication with Quitman’s column. It was so illy concerted that seventy shots from Duncan’s battery and a few from Steptoe’s turned the enemy from their apparent purpose, and caused them to turn to their left and make good their retreat. A column of about six hundred, however, continued their course, veering a little to the left to keep out of the reach of Quitman, who, on hearing our guns, hastened the march of his troops, and effected a junction with Worth with great celerity. This column was followed by myself, Lieutenant McClellan, and three dragoons as far as the hacienda San Miguel, some five miles from Amasoque. On the way thither we crossed a very deep arroyo, along a very good though very steep mule-path. At the hacienda, having ascertained from the people and from their trail that the column had continued their eccentric course, we returned in a somewhat different direction, and having crossed an arroyo by an almost impracticable path, and fallen on and nearly captured a Mexican officer and his servant, we came to where the arroyos met, and were obliged to retrace our steps. We reached headquarters about three o’clock. I was exceedingly exhausted by my exertions. Lieutenant McClellan was very gallant and prompt in pursuing the Mexican, and lost him in consequence of the chapparal. A pony that was led by the servant was given to the men.
Note. The occurrences of this day show two things: 1st. Troops should be quartered or encamped in reference to the attack of an enemy, and the site should always be determined by officers of engineers.
2d. On the arrival of troops at the place of encampment, an examination should be made to determine the principal circumstances in reference to the roads and the general features of the topography of the country, so that, in case of an attack or demonstration, we should have the necessary information to strike a vigorous blow at the enemy, and push him into a precipitate retreat. At Amasoque nothing was known in the morning in reference to the roads of the village itself leading to the direction where the enemy was known to be, until the reconnoissance was made after the presence of the enemy was reported. Still less was anything known in regard to the existence of the arroyos, which cut up the surface of the plain, and rendered it entirely impracticable for cavalry and artillery to operate, till the crossings (used by the people of the country and known by their troops) were carefully ascertained. During the whole march from Tepe Ahualco, these things had been entirely neglected.
Captain Lee and Lieutenant Tower made a reconnoissance of the country towards Puebla, and discovered that the main body of the enemy had retrograded to a village some eight miles from and off the main road to Puebla. Colonel Garland’s brigade was pushed forward about two miles and bivouacked for the night. The troops were ordered to march, first at nine P.M., then at three A.M., and finally at five A.M., in order to concentrate near Puebla in the course of the morning. In consequence of these continual changes, the troops were exceedingly and needlessly harassed.
May 15. The army moved at five A.M., and at a village three miles from Amasoque, commissioners were found in waiting to treat for the occupation of the city. The assurances of the general were satisfactory to them. They were simply a recognition that Puebla should be no exception to the general course our army has pursued in this country as regards the inviolability of the rights, persons, religion, and authority of the city, so far as not incompatible with its military occupation. The troops in the course of the day were all got into quarters, although it was accomplished in a very undignified manner, the general, at the head of his staff, personally superintending the breaking open of the doors of the barracks whenever they were not opened by the keys in season to satisfy his impatient spirit.
May 16–22. The army continued in the peaceful occupation of Puebla, and nothing occurred to disturb the general tranquillity except two or three cases of broils, occasioned by the imprudence of our own people, and one report of the march of Santa Anna to attack the city. Some changes were made in the distribution of troops, much attention paid to the rumors of the streets, and no general system of measures adopted in relation to the defenses of the city, or to the dispositions to be made in case of the attack of an enemy. The people were decidedly hostile to Santa Anna, and our respect for their rights was making a decided change in our favor. On the 20th and 21st the city was rife with rumors of the approach of General Taylor to San Luis Potosi, and at length it was said that General Taylor had been taken prisoner and hanged. Information came on the 21st that General Scott was still at Jalapa, and would not leave till the 23d.
May 23, 24. Affairs continue tranquil. Information has come that General Twiggs left Jalapa Saturday, May 22, and was followed by General Scott on Sunday. My own health is improving very rapidly, and on the 24th I reported to Captain Lee my readiness for duty.
May 25. Engaged on a reconnoissance of the road to Tlascala. There are two roads, one for carriages and one for mules, which continue separate the whole distance to Tlascala. This reconnoissance occupied seven hours, and was supported by twelve sappers.
May 26. Accompanied Captain Lee and Lieutenants Mason and Tower in an examination of the hill and the adjacent parts of the city, to determine a position for our troops in case of the attack of the enemy. The occupation of the hill, the Cuartel San José, and some buildings on the right and left, fulfilled the conditions quite well. It commanded the city, and the approaches to it in the direction of the hill afforded room for stores, wagons, and animals. This examination was suggested to General Worth by Captain Lee on the first occupation of the city, but was deferred in consequence of press of business, and was ordered to-day in consequence of a report that a strong force of the enemy was marching upon the city from Mexico.
May 27. A fatigue party with some sappers, and all under the direction of Lieutenant Smith, were employed to-day in repairing the parapet of Fort Guadalupe, on the summit of the hill. The engineer officers were engaged generally in examining roads entering the city, and plotting the same.
May 28. General Scott and staff arrived to-day. Engineers employed as yesterday.
May 29. General Twiggs arrived with his division to-day at three P.M., and at one o’clock the long roll beat in consequence of a report of the approach of the enemy, twenty thousand strong. This proved to be unfounded.
May 30, 31. The only occurrence of interest is Santa Anna’s solemn renunciation of power, and return to private life. He declares in his manifest that he has labored with a single eye to the good of his country, and can review with satisfaction and without reproach his whole public career. I cannot but entertain the opinion that Santa Anna’s renouncing all authority is in consequence of a fixed determination on his part to be “Aut Cæsar aut nihil.” It may be the deliberate act of a great statesman and patriot, more firmly to maintain the authority necessary to save his country. He may act from the conviction that his country, seeing that he would not continue in authority in this crisis unless he were cordially supported by all parties, would with one voice recall him to public life and invest him with full powers. So far as I am able to judge, Santa Anna’s career, since his return to Mexico, has been most glorious and remarkable. Without resources, and in the midst of internal discord, he has organized two large armies, and made one of the most extraordinary marches in all history. He has been defeated, but throughout has shown an admirable constancy, and exhibited high military qualities. In strategic operations he has shown marked ability. At Buena Vista he came within an ace of utterly defeating General Taylor, and had he succeeded (and the probabilities were in his favor), he would have been able to excite to the highest pitch of enthusiasm the whole nation. A large army might have been raised, and our advance into the interior effectually checked. On the field of battle he has not proved equal to us. But it is probably due to the nature of his troops, who in the shock of the conflict are inferior to us, three or four to one. At Angostura, and at the Cerro Gordo, he exhibited courage and an indefatigable spirit. He did not leave the height of the Cerro Gordo till the very moment of its falling into our hands, and he was obliged to make his escape on one of the wheel mules of his carriage. Nor were his spirits depressed by this overwhelming defeat. He immediately rallied his troops at Orizaba, a strategic position in reference to the whole route of Jalapa from Vera Cruz to Puebla. Here he was able to threaten our lines of communication, and, without moving a step, he compelled us to protect our trains with large escorts as they came up from Vera Cruz to Jalapa. When nearly a whole brigade (Riley’s) was sent down to protect the large train supposed to be the last of five hundred wagons, and it became evident that nothing more would be gained in this direction, he anticipated our advance, and threw himself between us and the City of Mexico. He has now renounced all authority. We must wait until his real object in taking this great step shall have become developed.
June 3. We have rumors to-day that a reinforcement of 3000 men has landed at Antigua, and is on the march to Jalapa. It has been determined to break up Jalapa, place the sick in hospital in Perote, and bring up the whole disposable force to Puebla. At Perote and Jalapa are 800 sick and 1700 men in garrison. Leaving a garrison of 400 men in Perote, the remaining 1300 men, with 900 recruits, will increase the troops now at Puebla, 6000 effectives including officers (there are 700 sick), to 8200; of the 900 recruits, at least 200 will be left behind sick. So that 8000 men will be the extent of our force. We shall probably remain in Puebla till about the 1st of July, and then advance to the city with our whole force.
I write this evening to my wife by a train going down to-morrow. It is doubtful whether the letter will reach the States.
This is Corpus Christi Day. I attended church in the morning, and was anything but pleased with the idle ceremonies of the occasion. The Catholicism of this country is a great corruption of that of the United States. It is chiefly a religion of observances, and of the most burdensome and elaborate kind. Excepting human sacrifices, it is on a par with the religion of the Aztecs.
A bull-fight having been advertised, I attended it with many other officers, but the performance was a very tame one. The bulls were barbarously butchered after having been lassoed and thrown down. Every one returned home disgusted.
June 4. The news from Mexico to-day is less favorable to peace. The congress, it is said, has refused to accept the resignation of Santa Anna, and the latter has left Mexico to take command of the troops. The landing of Cadwallader with three thousand troops has been confirmed. Half a million of money is also on its way. Everything bears a favorable aspect now. The arrival of funds is of great consequence, in order that no necessity may arise to live by forced contributions. We ought to apply to the support of the war the revenues that formerly went to the central government, but in our dealings with individuals scrupulously to pay for every supply and service. To-day I was employed on the journal of last month. The officers were generally employed on the drawings.
June 6. A mail arrived to-day with cheering news from the States. The government was exerting its energies to increase both columns of invasion, and, from the success which had already attended the recruiting service, there was little doubt that in the course of the season there would be thirty thousand troops in the field. Six regiments of volunteers for the war were also to be called out.
June 7–21. The army has continued recruiting its strength and awaiting reinforcements. Daily drills in companies, battalions, brigades, and divisions have tended to give tone and efficiency to the command, though a counteracting influence has been found in the troops not being paid. Great discontent exists in consequence of this. Many of the troops are quartered in damp basements, and all live on fresh provisions, prolific causes of disease. The sickness has been as high as twenty-five per cent. of the whole number present, and even at this time is not much below this. In some regiments the company officers do not attend to their men, and particularly to their food. The use of the chili, or Mexican pepper, supplies the place of salt, and contributes essentially to the health of the troops.
There have been occasional rumors of rising in the city, to be assisted by guerrillas. A small force is with the governor at Athsio, and all the roads are infested to some extent by this description of troops. There have been several attempts to induce our men to desert, and now a German is being tried for the offense, and will probably be put to death.
The engineers have been employed in drawing a map of the city and its environs, completing the drawings of the siege of Vera Cruz, and collecting information in relation to the roads and localities in the valley of Mexico.
The general-in-chief reached Puebla on the 28th, and on the following day all the engineer officers and the engineer company were relieved from duty with particular divisions, and placed under the direction of the senior engineer at general headquarters. General Twiggs arrived with his division on the 29th of June.
Information was derived from Americans, residents of the City of Mexico, who joined the army as it penetrated into the country, and from Mexicans (robbers and contrabandists), etc. In consequence of these inquiries, Captain Lee was enabled to prepare a map of all the routes from Puebla to the City of Mexico and in its valley, and exhibiting generally the topography of the country, its hills, rivers, marshes, etc. Much information was also obtained in reference to the fixed means of defense of the enemy,—particularly the position and character of field-works and batteries, and the character of the obstructions from cuts in the causeways of approach to the city, and from inundations from the lakes. In the investigation of this matter, one circumstance transpired affording convincing proof that no difficulty would be found to bribe men of rank and influence. A merchant of Puebla, of some wealth, extensive connection, and large practical knowledge of localities in all parts of Mexico, for the sum of five thousand dollars proposed going to the City of Mexico and procuring accurate information in reference to the roads and localities in the valley of Mexico, the fixed means of defense of the enemy, the force, composition, distribution, and morale of the troops, the state of public feeling in the city, etc. He professed a sufficient acquaintance with military matters to furnish the information with entire fullness and accuracy. Nor did he ask the least compensation for his services till the information furnished should be pronounced perfectly satisfactory. This proposition was finally declined by General Scott.
It having been ascertained that Dominguez, the chief of the robbers from Vera Cruz to Mexico and a resident of Puebla, was willing to enter into the American service with at least a portion of the robbers, Major Smith proposed to the general-in-chief that they should be received, and employed as spies, guides, and couriers. This suggestion met with his approbation, and the inspector-general, Colonel Hitchcock, was associated with Major Smith in arranging a proper organization. Thus far the robbers have proved useful as spies and couriers.
General Cadwallader is known to be on his way from Perote, and will probably reach Puebla with his command to-day or to-morrow. It is to be feared that the large number of sick will render it necessary to leave a garrison in Puebla, reducing, if the advance to Mexico obtain within ten days, the efficient fighting force to six thousand men.
June 22–24. Information reached General Scott on the evening of the 23d that General Cadwallader was at Perote, and that he would leave next day and reach Puebla on Monday, the 29th. He met with serious resistance between Jalapa and Perote, particularly at the Pass of La Hoya. The 24th was St. John’s Day, and was celebrated generally throughout the city. Some patriotic feeling was exhibited in the military dresses and flags of the boys. The engineer company obtained authority to change their quarters to the convent San Antonio. The subject of an engineer drill was under discussion by Lieutenants Mason, Stevens, and G.W. Smith, and it was decided that the manual of the miner should be translated. On the 24th I submitted to Major Smith a brief memoir on a system of espionage, and involving the employment of the robbers of the country.
June 25–28. During these days information has reached headquarters of the landing of General Pillow at Vera Cruz, and of his order to General Cadwallader to await his arrival in Perote. The whole command, probably amounting to five thousand men, will arrive as early as the 5th of July.
Rumors for several days have been rife in Puebla of negotiations for a treaty of peace being commenced. Several messengers are known to have arrived from Mexico, and the Mexican president has been notified by General Scott that a commissioner with powers to treat has arrived from the United States. I see no indication of the least disposition to treat on the part of the Mexican nation, and nothing can stay the advance of our army to the valley of Mexico. Even then, in consequence of the rainy season and the smallness of our force, we shall restrict ourselves to the narrowest limits; but a small portion of the heart of the country will feel our presence, and the spirit of the people will not be subdued. They will flatter themselves with the hope of soon driving from their capital and their soil the infamous invader. New armies will be raised, and we again in the fall obliged to take the field. North to Zacatecas let our arms extend!
July 1. The Mexican congress, agreeably to the proclamation of the president, assembled on the 28th of June, but, wanting five of a quorum, adjourned to the 5th of July, the special subject of their consideration being the appointing of commissioners to treat of peace. Pillow reached Perote yesterday (probably), and will probably be in Puebla on the 7th or 8th inst. It is also supposed that Pierce has arrived in Vera Cruz with additional troops. It is a doubtful matter whether the Mexican congress will take a decided course in initiating negotiations, or whether the commissioners whom they appoint will agree upon the terms. I have every confidence that General Scott, whilst showing every disposition to respond to any desire for peace which the Mexican nation may express, and exerting his whole strength to accomplish that great object, will not permit it to be made a pretext to gain time, and a cover to the complete organization of the enemy’s force. The enemy may treat at this time. They stickle on points of honor, and will have the greatest repugnance to the occupation of their capital. They see our force daily increasing. They have felt our prowess at the Cerro Gordo. They know we desire peace. Our terms are not hard. If we advance and enter the City of Mexico, their government will be in a measure dissolved, and the favorable moment for negotiations have gone. All these considerations must incline the candid and intelligent portion of the nation to arrange all matters in dispute before we advance from Puebla. Yet the Castilian obstinacy and pride may overrule all these considerations, and determine them to try the issue of a protracted contest. It is possible they may consider our terms, if agreed to, as the step fatal and inevitable towards the final occupation of the whole country, and, considering the present conflict as one for national independence, they may conclude to fight as long as a man remains to bear arms. For one, I cannot but consider the issue doubtful, and am inclined to the belief that nothing will come from the present movement, and that we shall advance to and enter the City of Mexico.
July 4. The anniversary of our national independence has dawned upon the Americans in Puebla most auspiciously. News came last evening that General Pierce, with two thousand men, left Vera Cruz on June 28, and that in a week he would be followed by six thousand more troops. If this be true, we shall be able to launch a column of fifteen thousand men against the capital. It must fall into our hands with but little resistance. The rainy season should be devoted to the disciplining and reorganization of the whole army, new levies and old troops. Thus in October, based in the valley of Mexico, we shall be in condition to move in any direction, and doubtless, northward, our columns will march as far as Zacatecas, unless previously peace be agreed upon.
A war fever has broken out afresh in the capital, and energetic measures are being taken to add to their means of defense. Church bells are being cast into cannon, and field-works and fortifications put in good condition.
The engineer staff called on the general officers in the morning and dined together afterwards. We passed a pleasant day.
July 6. A courier came in this morning with information that El Pinal was occupied by a guerrilla force of one thousand men, and that the train had been at Ojo de Agua two days, resting from the fatigues of the march from Perote. The roads were bad, and many of the teams had given out. Colonel Harney, with a force of seven hundred men and a relief train of forty wagons, started at eight o’clock, July 7, to disperse the assemblage at El Pinal, and meet the exposed train at Nopalucan. The troops still continue sick. About noon the arrival of General Pillow at Amasoque was announced; about five o’clock the dragoons arrived, bringing with them the long-expected mail.
July 8. The troops reached Puebla about noon to-day, and as they passed General Scott in review, they made a sorry appearance. In some respects composed of good material, they have come in all haste to the seat of war without a single day’s drill, and after a march of one hundred and sixty-one miles it is not surprising they were much worn down. The day in the city was by all devoted to reading letters and papers. I had the extreme felicity of getting five letters from my dear wife, announcing her comfortable settlement for the season in Newport. In a distant land, the pleasure of receiving intelligence from our dear friends at home is above and beyond all other pleasures. My latest dates were to the 31st of May.
July 9. A general order of to-day assigned Pillow to the command of the third regular division, composed of Cadwallader’s and Pierce’s brigades, General Quitman continuing in command of the volunteer division till it shall become practicable to join his proper regular division with General Taylor. General Shields was assigned to the command of the volunteer brigade now in Puebla. We learned to-day that there was a movement to the north against Santa Anna in which eight states joined. The prospect of peace is very small.
July 10. News from Mexico more unfavorable to peace. Congress wants eleven of a quorum. There are now eighteen thousand troops in the valley of Mexico, provided with arms and sixty pieces of cannon. Four thousand troops from San Luis Potosi are said to be daily expected. All the causeways are armed with cannon, protected by field-works with wet ditches. Important advantages will result from deferring the advance to Mexico till the close of the rainy season. Time will be gained to put the new levies in shape, instructing both officers and men in their duty, and making them more reliable before an enemy. The large number of sick will be much reduced, and sickness will be prevented by the march in dry weather. Reinforcements will come up. The disposition of the Mexicans for peace will be thoroughly tested, and ulterior operations after conquering the city and valley can be arranged. The war can be vigorously pushed in the dry season, with ample supplies of transportation. The new levies are utterly unreliable, and the main dependence is in the old troops, scarcely six thousand effective men. Not the least doubt is felt at our ability at this time to enter the capital, and it is not to be disguised that every day’s delay increases the strength of the enemy’s force and affords the means to perfect his works. I believe, however, that our own strength will increase in a greater ratio. The dry season will give important advantages in our own counter-works, greater in proportion than in those possessed by the enemy. Our victory will also be more decisive, and will have greater results.
July 11, 12. The city has assumed its usual quietude, and it is to be hoped that effective measures will be at once taken to put the new levies in some state of efficiency. This morning (12th) a squadron of dragoons under the command of Captain Kearny set forth for Mexico with a flag in reference to an exchange of prisoners. A general order has just been published announcing an early and vigorous movement, directing reviews of the several divisions, and the utmost attention to tactical instruction, etc. It is understood the movement will commence on Tuesday, July 20.
July 18. It has been ascertained that Pierce will not reach Puebla until about the first of August (he left Vera Cruz July 15 or 16), and consequently the advance movement has been deferred. I trust it will be deferred till the rainy season is over, and that in the mean time a train will go down and bring up additional supplies. The flag which went out on the 12th returned on the 14th. Captain Kearny went as far as Rio Frio, and made the distance, about forty miles, in ten hours. The flag is understood to have had reference to an exchange of prisoners. No answer has yet been returned.
The review of the troops has been going on. General Twiggs has unquestionably the best division in the service.
In conformity with instructions from the general-in-chief, Major Smith made a report on the 13th in reference to the garrison and munitions to be left in Puebla on the advance of the army to Mexico, and the position to be occupied by the garrison. On the 15th authority was given by the general to enlarge the engineer train.
July 25. It is now considered hopeless to negotiate with the Mexican government until another blow is struck, and accordingly it has been intimated from headquarters that the advance division shall move as soon as the brigade of Pierce shall be within one day’s march. As it is almost certain that Pierce has taken the Orizaba road, he cannot reach Puebla much before Thursday of next week, August 4, so that the advance cannot be made till about Wednesday, August 3.
During the past week the conversations of the streets in reference to the probabilities of peace or war have been constantly fluctuating from one extreme to the other. Taking counsel of their desires, people have eagerly caught at straws to convince themselves that peace was certain. At no time, judging from actual facts, has there been much probability that the difficulties between the two governments would be adjusted at this stage of the business.
The governing class of Mexico are easily elated; are characterized by remarkable tenacity of purpose and indomitable pride, which is not disposed to submit to humiliation; and they have at their head a fit representative in all respects, a man of extensive capacity both for peace and war, and who possesses in an eminent degree genius for command. In consequence of the long and necessary delay at Puebla, the enemy have been able to organize quite a formidable force in the City of Mexico, and to strengthen their position by batteries and artificial obstacles, till now, with the spirit of hopefulness so indigenous to the Spanish character, they believe themselves in condition successfully to oppose us.
August 1. Last evening a courier brought notes from General Pierce and Colonel Wyncoop of the 29th ult. The former was at La Hoya with two thousand men, and no enemy on the road. General Smith, July 28, with the 1st artillery, 3d infantry, rifle regiment of New York volunteers, and one squadron of dragoons, went down to meet him, and at the last accounts was at Ojo de Agua.
It is exceedingly difficult to push couriers through to Vera Cruz. They are sure to be searched, and shot if papers are found on them. Dispatches are made very short, on thin, small pieces of paper, and concealed in the garments of the couriers. It is believed that the enemy have relays of horses along the road from Vera Cruz to Mexico, and that intelligence is transmitted at the rate of six miles an hour. Every important transaction in Puebla is known at headquarters in the City of Mexico in ten to twelve hours. With our limited number of troops, it is impracticable to organize the line from Puebla to Vera Cruz so that our couriers could travel in safety with the same rapidity. Besides considerable garrisons in both Perote and Jalapa, there would have to be a strong force at Orizaba, and garrisons with stockade defenses on both the Orizaba and national roads every day’s journey, say fifteen to twenty miles apart. I say it is impracticable so to organize our rear and have left a force adequate to the reduction of the City of Mexico. In my judgment it would be our true military policy immediately thus to organize our rear, and remain in Puebla till a well-disciplined army could be collected from the States.
On Thursday, July 29, a court of inquiry asked for by Colonel Riley commenced its sittings, Pillow, Quitman, and Colonel Clarke, members. That gallant veteran and most excellent officer, Colonel Riley, has demanded an inquiry into his operations at the Cerro Gordo, on the ground that the services of his brigade have not received justice at the hands of General Twiggs and the commander-in-chief in their official reports. Riley was a daring and successful officer of the last war, and has been in more battles and combats than any other officer in the army. Though advanced in years, he is intrepid, decided, and of sound judgment. I doubt not the court of inquiry will make a report that will soothe the injured feelings of the gallant and good old man.
Puebla, Mexico, July 8, 1847.
My dearest Wife,—I feel and know that here I can do some service for my country. So long as my services shall be needed here, I would not feel at liberty to ask to go home. I fear that peace cannot be brought about till some great blow is struck, and another signal victory won. Such is the wretched misgovernment of this people, and so discordant are their public counsels, so corrupt and selfish their public men, that I sometimes fear that the strong arm of military power alone can pacificate the nation. No nation on the face of the earth is a stronger exemplification of the strong governing the weak. Wherever our army has gone, the people have been benefited. You can hardly realize how conciliatory has been the deportment of our people throughout. All along the road from Vera Cruz to Puebla, beautiful fields of corn and grain were left untouched, when our horses were suffering for food. Any aggression on the property of the people is promptly punished and redressed. The Mexican army ravage their own people, and leave a sad wreck behind them. We pay for everything, and protect the people in their rights. I believe the entrance of our army will give a fresh impulse to this people. They are now but half civilized, taking the whole population together. An impulse will be given to the arts of peace, and the nation will be wiser and better for our coming among them.
You may be sure that I take great satisfaction in your writing frequently to father. It will be a great comfort to him. I wish you so far as you can to occupy my place as regards my own relatives. Besides my father, Oliver, and Mary, I think many of them are much attached to me, and that they have a very high regard for you. I fear their expectations are much too high as to my prospects here. I aspire to no higher distinction than to do my entire duty. Our military establishment is so wretchedly organized that it is difficult for a man of acknowledged merit to rise. In organizing the ten new regiments very few promotions were made from the existing organizations, in consequence of which some of the ablest military men in our army see placed above them men totally devoid of capacity or zeal for the public service. One of the colonels of the new regiments is a dismissed cadet from West Point, and since I graduated. One of the majors of the volunteer regiments is a dismissed cadet of my own class, a very stupid and ignorant fellow. The men of capacity and of merit have this satisfaction: in difficult straits their counsels are sought and followed. The advice of lieutenants, even, is taken when that of general officers is disregarded.
Sunday, July 18. It is ten days since I wrote the above, nor is there much prospect that what has been written, and what I am writing now, will reach you for months. It is a great pleasure to write, and I know that whatever I write you will be glad to read. Pierce will not arrive in Puebla with his brigade before the 1st of August, nor can we advance to Mexico till after his arrival. We shall be detained here at least three weeks, a length of time invaluable to get well our sick and put in good shape our new levies. You can hardly realize either the scenery or the climate of this place. To the west are the two snowy mountains of Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl, their crests far above the clouds, to the north, Malinche, hoar with occasional frosts, and in every other direction gentle elevations, the whole inclosing one of the most beautiful and fertile valleys in the world. Though in the nineteenth degree of latitude and in midsummer, the climate corresponds with Newport in the month of April. This is due to the snowy mountains, our high elevation above the sea (at least 7500 feet), and the daily rains. Every afternoon regularly, we have a copious shower, and frequently a deluge of rain. I find four blankets and my woolen drawers necessary to keep me warm. We need as much bedclothing as in Bucksport in midwinter. I wear thick clothes all the time, and sometimes an overcoat. The gentlemen of Puebla are accustomed to wear their cloaks habitually. For one I could not dispense with flannel underclothes. Yet we never have frosts, and all the fruits and vegetables come to maturity at all seasons of the year. It is a very trying climate. The extreme rarity of the atmosphere is trying to all of us. It checks the insensible perspiration, and we have to be careful to keep well. At the present time my health is perfect. I was never better in my life, and this is the result of an abstemiousness in both eating and drinking which I have practiced ever since my arrival. We have an engineer mess of five officers. For breakfast and supper we scarcely ever have anything but dry toasted bread without butter and hard-boiled eggs. For dinner, meats plainly but thoroughly cooked, and a variety of vegetables without fruit or pastry. Fruit is considered unhealthy. In one of your letters you inquire if my servant is not in my way. You must recollect that our servants do our washing as well as take care of our horses and attend upon us. My servant’s part is to wait upon table and clean the dishes. He has to take care of my room, make up my bed, mend my clothes, see that they are washed and in good condition, and take care of my horse. He is expected to spend much time in cleaning my horse, and he has to ride him every day for exercise when I have no occasion to use him myself. My servant’s name is Michael Cunningham, a native of New York, and a very good-hearted and attentive fellow. Michael’s only fault is that occasionally he indulges in an extra glass. This I hope to correct. My old soldier in Vera Cruz I was obliged to discharge for drunkenness. Michael I found in Puebla. He was a soldier whose term of enlistment had expired. I like this kind of life very much. But you need not fear that I shall look back to it with regret, when I find myself in the midst of my little family and by my own fireside. Wherever we are, it is wise to be content. It makes one’s duties pleasanter, and our lives more profitable.
You may inquire how I spend my time. We breakfast at eight, dine at two, and sup at seven. I generally rise in season for breakfast, and go to bed about twelve at night. After breakfast I take a walk and call on my friends. From ten to five o’clock I pass in my room in attending to my official duties, which are now entirely sedentary, and consist in preparing returns, reports, making drawings, etc., or in studying my profession as found in the books which I brought out with me, and which are a perfect treasure. Five to nine is spent in visiting, talking, receiving visits, etc. Nine to twelve I pass generally in reading. Thus my time is well filled, and I am being in some degree useful and preparing myself for future usefulness. Mason spends his time very much in the same way. I am studying daily the Spanish language, and hope before leaving this country to be able to speak it.
Captain Pitman, of Providence, now senior captain of the 9th infantry, I see frequently. He came up with Cadwallader, and is spoken of highly by those who have had opportunities to witness his deportment as an officer. I have no doubt he will do good service, though unfortunately his company is small, some thirty odd effective men. He is determined to learn his profession, and will soon get his company in good condition.
Sunday, August 1. My dear wife, since I have been an observer in this country, I have been more and more convinced that the hero age has not yet gone. This country, so highly favored by nature, a land emphatically of sun and flowers, so abject in the slavishness and brutality of its people, needs a hero spirit for its regeneration. Cortez and his devoted band did a great work, a work fit for heroes and prophets. His iron will and great soul planted Castilian civilization and enterprise in the midst of a contracted and superstitious people; and cities of fine proportions, magnificent works of art, cathedrals to the worship of the Most High, gardens in the arid plain and the dense chapparal and the wild forest field soon greeted the eyes of men in attestation of his genius. But with the decline of Castilian grandeur, Mexico ceased to be governed by a race of heroes, and her governors and her priests have degenerated into mere cumberers of the earth, having zeal only for their own aggrandizement. Is not here a work for a Moses or an Alfred? Is he not needed? And must he not arise? With the times must come the man.
But enough of this. We are still in Puebla, our army eleven thousand strong, daily improving in health, discipline, and efficiency, General Pierce some five days behind with that eagerly looked-for mail that is to bring us tidings from our homes, and all eyes turned to Mexico, ready for either alternative of peace or war. We all hope that this vexed question may be settled here on terms honorable to both countries. But if this is not to be, no man fears the ultimate result. Every private in the ranks has a solid and well-grounded conviction that our flag is never destined to retire, that no effort of the enemy can pull it down. If we move onward, no mortal arm can prevent the valley of Mexico from falling into our hands. General Scott is a remarkable man. I will acknowledge that I was under wrong impressions as to his character. Of a strong and comprehensive mind, he has extraordinary tenacity of purpose, great self-reliance, and a power of labor equaled by few men. He is emphatically the leader of our army, and has its confidence. None of our general officers are to be compared with him. He has his weak points, which I will not mention now. No man in this army doubts his fitness to command.
August 7. Since writing the above General Pierce has arrived with a mail from the States, bringing to me the melancholy tidings that my sister Mary was in Cincinnati in the last stages of consumption, unable to proceed farther on her way home. Oliver went on to bring her home, and wrote me the very day of his arrival. I wrote you yesterday by a courier employed at great expense to go down to Vera Cruz, but it is very uncertain whether he will get through. All the letters that have been sent to the States for months have been by couriers, who carry 80 to 100 letters, each a very small package, at two dollars per letter, and for the sake of the gain run the gauntlet of the guerrillas and robbers that infest the road. About one half get through. I trust that letter will reach you, as it would, I think, serve to remove much doubt in reference to the movement of our army upon the City of Mexico. Twiggs’s division commenced its movement to-day. To-morrow General Scott and staff will leave Puebla, and reach Twiggs the same evening at San Martin. Every one is in fine spirits, and no doubt is felt as to the result. This letter I must now bring to a close, and get ready for the march. I shall not be able to add to it till we enter the City of Mexico, and go again into quarters. At that time not far distant, I trust not more than fourteen days, I trust I shall be able to inform you of a glorious victory and of my own personal safety. I for one have not the least presentiment of coming personal danger. I simply fear that my strength may not hold out to the last. But with prudence I have little apprehension as to my strength proving inadequate for my share of duty. I must now, with all hope and confidence in the future, bid you good-night and my sweet babes, commending you all to the care of that great Being who does not permit a sparrow to fall to the ground without his knowledge.
THE VALLEY OF MEXICO
CHAPTER X
ADVANCE TO MEXICO, EL PEÑON, CONTRERAS, CHURUBUSCO
The City of Mexico is situated in the centre of an irregular basin some thirty-five miles from north to south and twenty-five miles from east to west, and is separated from the great plain of Puebla by the eastern branch of the great Cordillera of Anahuac, interposing an elevation of nineteen hundred feet at the Pass of the Rio Frio.
It was known from information collected by the engineers that the city was entirely surrounded either by an inundation or by marshy ground, and was approached by eight causeways, flanked with wet ditches, and provided with numerous cuts; that the whole city was protected by a double and in some quarters by a triple line of defensive works, well armed with cannon, and defended by an army of some thirty thousand men. The direct approach along the great national road was defended by the strong position of the Peñon, seven miles from the city. Chapultepec stood boldly out on the southwest, and on the north there were said to be formidable works at Guadalupe.
After entering the valley along the national road, there were three general modes of approaching the city,—the direct along the national road, around Lake Tezcuco on the north, Chalco and Xochimilco on the south.
All the information collected pointed to the south and west as the proper quarter from whence to attack the city; the south presented an extended front with four of the eight causeways of entrance nearly parallel to each other, and was necessarily weak. On the west the suburb of San Cosme, a single street lined with houses on either side, extended well into the country, and afforded a vulnerable point. Chapultepec, not deemed a very formidable obstacle, required to be swept away to be free to select the point of attack. Hence Tacubaya, a strong village overawing Chapultepec, became the key point of the whole operation. In the particular operation against the southern front, the occupancy of the church and village of Piedad was of the last importance, in view of all the southern gates, communicating directly with all the villages in rear from Tacubaya to San Augustine, and by a good cross road controlling the three causeways of San Antonio, Nino Perdido, and Piedad.
Before ultimately deciding upon the strategic line, General Scott determined to enter the valley at the head of the column, and whilst the rear was closing up, to employ spies and push forward reconnoissances to get accurate information of all the material facts bearing on the plan of operations.
Accordingly, on the 7th of August the division of Twiggs, with the engineer company at its head, led the advance, followed on successive days by Quitman, Worth, and Pillow. General Scott and staff joined the advance on the 8th. On the 11th Twiggs reached Ayotla, fifteen miles from Mexico, Quitman Buena Vista, Worth Rio Frio, Pillow Tesmaluca, respectively 3½ miles, 11½ miles, and 20½ miles in rear.
On the 12th a reconnoissance of the Peñon was made by Captains Lee and Mason and Lieutenant Stevens, the escort consisting of a squadron of the dragoons, Captain Thornton, a section of Taylor’s battery, and the 4th artillery,—the whole under the command of Major Gardner. The Peñon was found to be an extensive and commanding position, entirely surrounded by water,—Lake Tezcuco stretching miles to the north. The base of the hill, four hundred feet high, was surrounded by a continuous parallel armed with batteries, and the defenses rose in amphitheatre to the top, which was crowned by a small work. The only causeway of approach was swept by two lines of works, and the defenses of the whole position were formidable. A road branching off from the main road, two miles from the Peñon, and leading to Mexicalcingo, was pursued some two miles, and found to be exceedingly good. The Indians in the neighborhood reported that the road was equally good throughout its whole extent, but that the bridge at Mexicalcingo was broken down.
An amusing incident occurred in the progress of this reconnoissance. Three officers—Major Gaines, of the Kentucky volunteers, Captain Mason and Lieutenant Stevens, of the engineers—approached the causeway some three quarters of a mile in advance of the escort, and advanced towards a group of Mexican officers, some eight or ten in number, who were flourishing their lances and curveting their horses as if to frighten the American officers away. The latter, well mounted, continued their course in a deliberate walk; and when they arrived within about three hundred yards, the valiant Mexicans discharged their pistols, and, finding no effect had been produced upon the American officers, who still continued to advance, they immediately took to flight along the causeway.
In the afternoon Captain Lee and Lieutenant Beauregard reconnoitred the road on the northern shore of Lake Chalco, as far as the causeway between Lakes Chalco and Xochimilco. The causeway was knee-deep in water. The object of the reconnoissance (to get boats) was not effected. During the progress of the reconnoissance of the Peñon the Mexican troops, in expectation of an attack, were brought out from the city in large numbers. Major Smith and Lieutenant Tower, from a hill one thousand feet high, in advance of Ayotla, observed the passage of troops from the city to the Peñon during the progress of this reconnoissance.
On the 3d a minute reconnoissance of the ground between the lakes was made by the engineers, supported by Shields’s brigade, who at nine o’clock left camp to block up the Peñon.
Captain Mason, supported by Sibley’s dragoons and the rifles, and accompanied by Lieutenants Beauregard and McClellan, examined the position of Mexicalcingo, seven miles from the Peñon, pursuing the road that was partially examined yesterday. This bold movement, almost under the guns of the Peñon, and extremely hazardous in presence of an enterprising enemy, was accomplished in the most successful manner. After arriving at Mexicalcingo the party was joined by Captain Lee and Lieutenant Tower, who, with a squadron of dragoons, had taken the route of the lakes to examine the roads.
Mexicalcingo was found to be a strong position, defended by seven batteries, and entirely surrounded by water and marshy ground.
The Peñon was minutely examined by Lieutenant Stevens, who entered the inundation at several points, and succeeded in examining the whole position, excepting a very inconsiderable portion on the western slope. He entered the lake, and for a whole mile the water did not rise above the fetlocks of his horse. South of the causeway the water was carefully examined to determine the best crossing-place. Two were found where water was not over two feet in depth, and the bottom very hard. The positions of the several batteries and the paths of approach were discovered. The position was even more formidable than it seemed yesterday. Over thirty guns were in position. New batteries were being erected, and stockades on the hill. The whole inundation was swept by powerful batteries. Lieutenant Stevens was engaged seven hours in this reconnoissance, most of the time within twelve hundred yards of the enemy’s guns.
We all returned late, much fatigued with our day’s work. The general expressed much gratification at the information furnished by the several reconnoissances.
The general has not yet entirely decided upon his course. He listens to everything, weighs everything, and, when he sees his way clear, will act with promptitude. Pillow arrived to-day, and immediately proceeded to Chalco.
August 14. Little was done to-day in the way of reconnoissances. Captain Mason and Lieutenant Beauregard were assigned to duty with the division of General Worth, and joined him at Chalco. Lieutenant Tower commenced a reconnoissance of the lakes, to determine the practicability of transport by water to Mexicalcingo, but did not succeed in getting into the canal of Chalco. In the afternoon Colonel Duncan arrived at general headquarters with the information that the road south of the lakes was practicable. (He had explored ten miles of the road with a column.) Accordingly, the plan of the general to attack Mexicalcingo in front, sending Worth’s division around to attack in rear, was abandoned, and it was determined to move the whole army around the lakes.
August 15. Headquarters left Ayotla at eleven, and proceeded to Chalco, Worth pushing from Chalco the same evening, and Quitman entering Chalco. Captain Lee and Lieutenant Tower were assigned to the brigade of Harney for temporary duty with the advance. The engineer company also joined the advance of Worth.
August 16. All the divisions in motion this morning. The road around the lakes was narrow and rough, in many cases passing through a narrow defile on the very edge of the lake, on one side abrupt acclivities, and on the other a quagmire, into which the least false step would plunge one several feet deep.
Headquarters, before reaching the camping-ground of Worth of the previous night, had to pass Quitman’s and Pillow’s train. On arriving at Chimalpa, headquarters remained some hours for authentic intelligence from Twiggs, it having been reported that in marching out from Ayotla, early in the morning, he had encountered a large force of the enemy under Alvarez. On learning that Taylor’s battery, in firing seven rounds, dispersed the large body of enemy’s lancers which made a demonstration against Twiggs at the point where the route left the national road to wind round Chalco, headquarters moved forward to Tulancingo, where we passed the night. This village is remarkable for its large and ancient olive groves. The olive-trees on either side of the road, stretching out their arms, form an arch above like the elms of New England.
August 17. Headquarters reached Xochimilco this day with Pillow’s and Quitman’s divisions, Worth advancing as far as San Augustin, and Twiggs reaching Pillow’s camping-ground of last evening. The road to-day was extremely difficult, and required some working to fill up cuts, and remove stones and other obstructions placed in the road. The march was very laborious in consequence of the continual halts.
Early on the morning of the 18th General Scott reached San Augustin, called the engineers, observed, “To-day the enemy may feel us, to-morrow we must feel him,” and ordered reconnoissances to determine the best mode of reaching the position of Tacubaya. There were two roads,—the direct by San Antonio, which was already ascertained to be occupied in strength by the enemy, and one to the west passing through Contreras and San Angel, known, however, for a portion of the distance to be simply a mule-path.
Major Smith directed in person the examination of the San Antonio route, assisted by Captain Mason, Lieutenants Stevens and Tower, and Captain Lee that to the west, assisted by Lieutenant Beauregard. The instructions of the general as to reconnoissances had been already anticipated by General Worth as regards the Contreras route, who had pushed his division forward, and dispatched Captain Mason, escorted by Thornton’s dragoons, to reconnoitre the enemy’s position at San Antonio. Whilst in the discharge of this duty two shots from a battery of the enemy were fired, killing Captain Thornton outright and severely wounding Fitzwater, an interpreter.
General Worth immediately placed his division in the occupancy of the Hacienda Cuapa, thus affording the most ample protection to the escorts of the engineers. Major Smith now ordered Captain Mason and Lieutenant Tower to examine the enemy’s right, and Lieutenant Stevens his left.
Captain Mason first went to the steeple of a church near by to determine the best mode of conducting his reconnoissance, and then with Colonel C.F. Smith’s light battalion he passed over a field of pedregal to our left, till he got a full view of the rear of the enemy. He traced paths leading to Mexicalcingo, interrogated the peons, and came to the conclusion that the whole position might be turned and the enemy made to abandon it, by crossing an infantry force on the line he had just pursued, and falling upon the enemy at daylight with the bayonet.
Lieutenant Stevens was twice recalled whilst pushing his reconnoissance, first, by order of Colonel Garland in consequence of an apprehended attack from the enemy, and second, by direction of Major Smith, the senior engineer. This officer did not deem it necessary to do anything further, observing to General Worth that he had examined the whole vicinity from the top of the hacienda, and had also interrogated the residents, and was satisfied that the ground was firm on our right, and afforded a route to turn the enemy’s position. Lieutenant Stevens expressed doubts as to this, and was permitted to go on with his examination. He persevered until night, and found that the ground was marshy, intersected with canals, and that operations in this direction were not practicable.
In the mean time Captain Lee, with Kearny’s dragoons and Graham’s 11th infantry, reconnoitred the route by Contreras. At about a mile and a half it became a mule-path, requiring to be worked to be practicable for artillery, and on ascending a hill a mile and a half farther on, a large intrenched camp opened to view at a mile’s distance, occupied in strength by the enemy, and completely closing the Contreras route, which for the intervening distance passed through a bed of pedregal, a lava rock of honeycomb projection. After passing the intrenched camp, the road was known to be good. At the hill the party had a successful skirmish with the enemy’s pickets, and then returned to San Augustin.
In the afternoon General Scott examined in person the San Antonio front, and at his quarters that evening, after hearing the reports of the engineers, he decided to mask San Antonio, and force the intrenched camp at Contreras. Captain Mason alone of the engineers advocated the forcing of San Antonio.
On the 19th Twiggs’s division, on coming up from Xochimilco, was pushed forward to the support of General Pillow, already on his way to furnish parties to work the road. The engineer company, with its tools on the backs of mules, was ordered back from Worth early that morning and assigned to Captain Lee, who, assisted by Lieutenants Beauregard and Tower, located the road and superintended the working parties.
Major Smith, assisted by Lieutenant Stevens, designated the positions to be occupied by the trains and the division of Quitman at San Augustin, now become the general depot and key of operations. Captain Mason continued on duty with Worth in front of San Antonio.
General Twiggs passed the division of Pillow just as the tools of his working parties were being packed away, they being no longer able to work the way in consequence of having come within range of the enemy’s batteries; and the engineers, now joined by Major Smith and Lieutenant Stevens from San Augustin, advanced to and entered the pedregal to examine the enemy’s position. As observed yesterday by Captain Lee, he was found to be in a strong intrenched camp on the opposite side of a deep ravine, which, with the almost impracticable bed of pedregal that intervened, completely separated the two armies. All the efforts of the engineers, who advanced close to the enemy’s pickets, Lieutenant McClellan having his horse shot under him, could discover no other route than the mule-path, completely commanded by the long guns of the intrenched camp. This path wound through the rocks, and afforded at points some little cover for men and guns. The pickets of the enemy were in large force and well pushed forward. In the mean time a heavy cannonade, shells and round-shot, opened from the camp. At this juncture, with the rifles thrown forward as skirmishers, the howitzer battery of Callender and the field battery of Magruder were brought forward to a position indicated by Captain Lee to drive in the pickets and make a bold demonstration, to cover the true and very different movement, indicated by Lieutenant Stevens on returning from the advanced position gained by the engineers under cover of the rifles to communicate Captain Lee’s request for the batteries, and before the order to move forward the batteries had been given. This officer (Lieutenant Stevens) observed to Twiggs, the senior officer in front, “The true point of attack is the enemy’s left. Attack his left, you cut him off from his reserves and hurl him into the gorges of the mountains.” Major Smith expressed similar opinions. Riley was now sent against the enemy’s left, and the whole brigade of Smith to cover the demonstration in front. Callender brought his battery into action with extraordinary promptness and efficiency, and pushed it rapidly forward. The heavier guns of Magruder could not be so easily handled, and great delay occurred in getting them into battery; a position was found partially sheltering them, and they were brought into action. Callender was soon severely, and T. Preston Johnston of Magruder’s battery mortally wounded. Lieutenant McClellan, who assisted to carry Callender to the rear, now took command of his battery, Lieutenant Reno being at the time detached with the rockets. Lieutenant Foster also, at Captain Magruder’s request, took charge of one of his pieces, and when Johnston fell, carried him to the rear. Both these officers distinguished themselves by their exertions in pushing forward the two batteries as well as in serving them.
BATTLEFIELDS IN THE VALLEY OF MEXICO
Contreras, Churubusco, Molino del Rey, Chapultepec, Capture of City
Riley was still struggling through the pedregal, Lieutenant Tower guiding his brigade, and Cadwallader was sent in the same direction. Smith’s brigade, closely followed by Pierce, now came to the front, and entered a cornfield to the left, three companies of the 3d infantry, Captain Craig, being detailed as a guard to the batteries, and Lieutenant Haskin with twenty men to make good Magruder’s losses. The fire from the camp—shot, shells, and small-arms—on the front was terrible, and the enemy’s pickets advanced in force, threatening the batteries. The leading regiment of Pierce, the 9th infantry, Colonel Ransom, conducted by Lieutenant Stevens, now gallantly dashed forward through the fire that swept the path, crossed a cleared cornfield in direct view of the enemy’s battery, pressed from cover to cover, driving clouds of the enemy’s skirmishers before them, crossed the rapid stream that ran in the ravine, and gained the opposite bank, within three or four hundred yards of the camp. This important position it maintained till dark, forming with the 12th infantry, the detachments of Craig and Haskin, and scattered bodies of the rifles, the sole force in front; the 15th infantry, Colonel Morgan, having been sent in the trail of Cadwallader immediately on the arrival of the general-in-chief on the ground, and Smith with his brigade following at a later period.
Riley on emerging from the pedregal came upon the village of San Geronimo, through which he swept, and continued to advance in the direction of a ravine that was found to extend to the rear of the camp. In this isolated position he had two successful encounters with the enemy’s lancers, killing their general, Frontera, and awaited only the coming up of reinforcements to order the assault. But Cadwallader, not put in motion till Riley was well on his way, had barely time to reach the village and hold it against the reserves of the enemy, estimated at ten thousand men, foot and horse, which now came up from the city under Santa Anna in person. The village, the key to the position, was to be maintained at all hazards. Cadwallader presented a bold front and kept the enemy in check. The arrival of Morgan an hour later, and of Smith towards night, made the position impregnable against an infantry attack.
About sunset Riley returned to the village, and Smith, now senior in command, resolved to attack the reserves, but, dark coming on before his dispositions were made, an attack upon the intrenched camp was resorted to as an alternative.
A dark and stormy night now closed in upon the scene, and the soldiers in their dreary bivouac were placed in readiness for the morrow’s work. All thus far had gone on well. Worth in front of San Antonio maintained the front and rear. Smith in the village of San Geronimo held the key of the offensive movement to the enemy’s left; his rear, thanks to the pedregal and Pierce, still held in front of the intrenched camp, being safe against attack.
The general-in-chief returned at nightfall to San Augustin. Many bodies of stragglers were to be seen on the field. Even the two commanders of divisions, Pillow and Twiggs, failed in reaching the village, where their commands were in position, and within reach of an overwhelming force. As the fire of our batteries died away and they were withdrawn, cheer on cheer rose from the enemy’s extended line. Rain coming on, many bodies of stragglers not being able to find their commands, the principal force hemmed up in a little village within reach of the enemy’s heavy batteries and within striking distance of his large force, for the first time a feeling of despondency seized upon the minds of our men. Happily, General Smith, the officer in command at the village, was equal to the emergency, and extricated our force from its perilous situation.
He determined upon a night attack, and sent Captain Lee to San Augustin to confer with the general-in-chief in reference to supporting it by a diversion in front. In consequence of the lateness of the hour, the general deemed it impracticable to get any portion of Worth’s command upon the ground in season, but gave full powers to Captain Lee to collect all the stragglers in front to operate as a diversion to the main attack projected by General Smith.
In the course of this interview General Pillow and General Twiggs came in, stating that, in consequence of the darkness and having no guide, they had found it impracticable to reach the village, and were obliged to retrace their steps; Pillow adding that they fell upon one of the enemy’s pickets while thus groping their way, or came so near as plainly to hear their voices. Twiggs, a heavy man advanced in years, fell into one of the hollows of which the formation was full, and injured himself considerably.
I was present during almost the entire interview, having entered the room shortly after the arrival of Captain Lee, and everything I witnessed increased, if it were possible, my confidence in General Scott. Himself on the ground till dark came on, he had grasped the whole field of operations, and had determined to adhere to his original plan. He listened with perfect composure and complacency to Captain Lee’s statement of the field, occasionally introducing a pertinent question, and with the utmost patience weighed the various suggestions of the officers, and particularly General Smith’s plan of a night attack. Neither General Pillow nor General Twiggs made any suggestions as to what should be done. Captain Lee, having been in all parts of the field, and having full information on almost every point, was, as it were, the only person whom it was necessary to listen to.
The general listened with equal patience to what I had observed on the front attack. In the very commencement, and before the batteries had been ordered forward, I stated with much emphasis to General Twiggs that the attack should be against the enemy’s left. “Attack his left, you cut him off from his reserves and hurl him into the gorges of the mountains.” I, however, conducted the batteries forward, and with the assistance of Lieutenants McClellan and Foster, placed them in position. After reconnoitring towards the right in the attempt to find a better path for our guns and troops, and without success, I returned to the batteries, which in the mean time had been considerably advanced, and were exposed to a tremendous fire of grape. The howitzer battery was being served with great effect, and had almost cleared the ground in front of the ravine of the enemy. But very great delay occurred in bringing forward Magruder’s battery and opening its fire. Everything seemed to go wrong with him. The enemy’s grape, within point-blank range, in a measure disabled the howitzer battery, wounding many of the gunners and finally disabling Callender, who was wounded in both legs, and at this moment some little delay occurred in getting a supply of spherical case-shot. The supporting party was reduced to some eight rifles, and the enemy’s skirmishers advanced. General Smith’s brigade came up, and entered the cornfield to the left of the battery. At my request, two or three companies of the 3d infantry advanced to the front and right to protect the batteries. Soon the 9th infantry came up, with general orders to support the batteries, and were conducted by me over a cut and open cornfield, under a shower of the enemy’s grape, to the cover of a ledge, from which, passing from cover to cover, driving the enemy’s skirmishers before them, they reached the ravine, and crossing which they sheltered themselves on the opposite bluff on the edge of a cornfield. Colonel Ransom showed great gallantry and force in the management of his command, and to show the promptness of his command in following him, this anecdote is related. Only some eight or ten men were seen lagging behind, and these an officer of the regiment was cursing most lustily to urge them forward.
Just as the regiment had reached its position I met General Twiggs, and we both ascended to a little ridge, where we had a full view of the enemy’s intrenched camp. Soon a shower of grape came in our direction. General Twiggs remained in his exposed position without moving a muscle, till I suggested the propriety of his stepping down to a little depression which afforded cover.
He informed me that Riley had been moving against the enemy’s right for more than an hour. I remarked, “I will go and find him, and bring you back word of where he is,” to which General Twiggs assented, and I immediately started in search of Riley. I was, however, much exhausted by my previous exertions, and the ground was of the difficult and almost impracticable honeycomb lava rock, and I was obliged to abandon the attempt, and returned to the advanced position of the 9th infantry.
On an elevated ridge just on the edge of the ravine, and partly sheltered by a cedar-tree, I had a distinct view of the whole position. I observed the encounter of the lancers with our own troops (which I afterwards ascertained to be Riley’s command), and after an interval the enemy’s reserves advancing in great force. They continued to advance in two lines of lancers and infantry, with clouds of skirmishers in front, and halted, their right nearly opposite the village of San Geronimo.
Whilst these reserves were advancing, there was an evident slackening, and at length a total cessation, of our return fire in front to the almost continual fire of grape and escopettes of the enemy. This led me to suppose that a change had taken place in our dispositions, involving great exposure perhaps to the 9th, and I returned for information. On my return I met many bodies of stragglers, who could afford no information as to the state of the field, heard the triumphal shouts from the Mexican lines, and finally fell upon General Pillow and General Twiggs. General Pillow was in much perplexity, was intent upon finding the village of San Geronimo, and wished me to conduct the 9th to that place. Not having been to the village, and dark coming on, I confessed my inability to conduct the regiment as he desired, and after considerable hesitation he directed me to bring back the regiment to the position of Magruder’s battery. I accordingly went in the direction of the ravine, my chief guide being the discharge of the enemy’s guns from the position of the reserve; but that failing, and the night becoming quite dark, I lost my way and wandered about, until finally I heard voices approaching in my direction, which I soon discovered to be from our own troops. Calling out to them, I was answered by Lieutenant Foster, of my own corps, who informed me that he was retiring with a party of about thirty rifles and 9th infantry men, having just been driven out from a small building, higher up and on the same stream with the position of the 9th infantry, by a large force of the enemy. At this time I was so exhausted that I could walk only with great difficulty, and was obliged to abandon going in quest of the 9th, and returned with Foster, who gave me the support of his arm till we reached Sibley’s troop of dragoons, near the foot of the hill from which General Scott had overlooked the field. As we wended our way along the rain fell, small bodies of troops were to be seen from time to time, and everything had the appearance of a broken and dispirited army. It, was perhaps the only desponding moment our troops had seen since the opening of the campaign.
After resting about half an hour, I returned with Sibley, and reported what I had observed as above.
During the whole of this memorable evening, not only was General Scott perfectly composed and assured, but, in his intercourse with those present, neglected none of the courtesies due to guests. All those who came in tired and wet from the field he made sit down at his table and break their fast.
About twelve o’clock General Twiggs and Captain Lee set out on their way back to the field, Pillow remaining in town to sleep; and on arriving on the ground of the front attack Twiggs, entirely exhausted by his exertions, sought a little rest, and Lee collected the 9th and 12th, with some sappers and rifles, to make a diversion in front.
This note-book is not the place for a detailed account of the brilliant conflict planned by General Smith. Suffice it to say that, in consequence of the darkness and constant rain of the night, the attack projected to be made at three was not actually made till daylight. It was eminently successful, and without doubt was the most brilliant affair of the war. The principal charge was made by Riley on their reverse and rear, led by Tower, and supported by Smith’s and Cadwallader’s brigades, respectively commanded by Dimick and Cadwallader, Ransom in front making a diversion with the troops that had been collected in that quarter. The position was carried with little loss on our part, and the whole force of the enemy either killed, wounded, taken prisoners, or driven solitary fugitives from the field. General Valencia made his escape with the lancers in an eccentric direction, and was afterwards heard of at Toluca.
Our troops pushed on in pursuit and soon entered the town of San Angel, through which Santa Anna had passed that very morning with his reserves of fifteen thousand men. After a short halt at San Angel, Pillow in command ordered the column to move on Coyoacan, where an unimportant skirmish took place.
Here General Scott joined the column, and ordered a halt to reconnoitre and bring up the captured guns. Captain Lee went towards San Antonio with a dragoon escort to communicate with Worth, and I to the steeple of the church to use my glass. Turning it on the San Antonio road, I observed the enemy in full retreat, the whole road from San Antonio for more than a mile towards the city being filled with troops, pack-mules, and wagons. On reporting this to General Scott, he ordered Twiggs to advance to cut off their retreat, and assigned me to duty as the senior engineer officer of his division.