FOOTNOTES
[1] “ʿAbd el Kerím,” meaning “Servant of the Merciful,” was the name which I thought it prudent to adopt.
[2] p, ph, f, in many African languages, are constantly interchanged, the same as r and dh, r and l.
[3] No distinction has been made between the different sounds of j.
[4] Mr. Overweg, who made a hypsometrical observation by boiling water, found the elevation of this spot just the same as that of Mount Tekút, viz. 2,800 feet.
[5] In el Bekri’s time (eleventh century) all these Roman monuments hereabout were still the objects of adoration.
[6] Unfortunately the minimum and maximum thermometers were so deranged that Mr. Overweg was unable to repair them. We had no barometer, and the only aneroid barometer with which we had been provided, and which had been under the care of my companion, was damaged on our first excursion; so that nothing was left to us but to find the elevation of places by the boiling-point of water.
[7] Hatíta told us expressly that if any of the Imghád should trouble us we should say, “Bábo.” Now “Bábo” is neither Arabic nor Temáshight, but the Háusa word for “There is none.”
[8] At the moment I am revising this I am happy to state that the slave-trade is really abolished.
[9] I trust my readers will approve of my using the expression Western Negroland to denote the countries from Fúta as far as Sókoto; Middle Sudán, or Central Negroland, from Sókoto to Bagírmi; and Eastern Negroland, comprising Wadäy, Darfúr Kordofán, and Sennár. However, here, when I say that Mohammed ben ʿAbd el Kerím introduced Islám into Central Negroland, I exclude Bórnu, where the Mohammedan religion is much older.
[10] He may have been born in Telemsán; but at least from very early youth he was settled in Tawát.
[11] This tree has nothing in common with the Adansonia, with which it has been supposed to be identical.
[12] Delélti is not a Háusa word.
[13] “Háwiya” means twenty, and seems originally to have been the highest sum reached by the indigenous arithmetic.
[14] “Kurdí” (shells) is the irregular plural of “urí” (a single shell).
[15] All sorts of wind instruments, the flute included, are called by the Háusa people “bushé-bushé,” from which word the Féllani-n-Háusa have formed “fufefuféji.”
[16] This is the only correct Háusa form for the singular of Féllani.
[17] The Fúlbe generally change the ʿain into ghain, and therefore say Ghomáro instead of Omáro.
[19] There is evidently some relation between the Háusa, the Berber, and the Coptic languages, not in the general vocabularies, but chiefly in the demonstratives, such as “me,” “hakka,” and the prepositions, such as “ná,” “dá,” “gá,” “dága,” “garé.” See the excellent analysis of the Berber language by Newman, in “Zeitschrift für Kunde des Morgenlandes,” vol. vii. a. 1845, pp. 268, 277, 278; (on the feminine forms “ita,” “ta,”) pp. 282, 291, 296. Many more specimens, however, may now be added.
[20] It is also a very remarkable fact, that Dáura claims the glory of having had an apostle of its own, Mohammed ʿAli el Baghdádi; and with this fact the circumstance, that the holy place which I noticed on my tour from Tin-téllust to Ágades is called by some “msíd Sídi Baghdádi,” may probably be connected. Whether Dáura be identical with el Bekri’s Daur, or Daw, is a question of some importance, since, if it really be so, it would appear to have been a considerable place at a very early period; but I prefer not to enter here upon the slippery ground of comparative geography.
[22] In Timbúktu I was enabled to peruse a long letter from Maghíli to Is-hák about points of religion. This is the only work of Maghíli, which I was able to discover in Negroland. There were two Sónghay kings of the name of Is-hák—the first, who ruled from A.H. 946-956, and the second, who was the last king of the dynasty, when Gógho or Gógó was conquered by the Basha Jodár the 17th Jumad eʾ tháni, 999; but there is no doubt that the first is meant. What I have said about the grandson of Maghíli’s dispute with Is-hák is the common tradition in Negroland, and, I think, deserves more confidence than what M. Cherbonneau has made out in Constantine. See Journal Asiatique, 1855. He says, “Après cet horrible massacre, el Mʿrili quitta Touat pour s’enfoncer dans le cœur du Soudan. Il parcourut successivement Tekra (? Tirka), Kachène et Kanou. Dans les deux premières villes il enseigna publiquement la science du Koran; dans l’autre il fit un cours de jurisprudence. De là il passa à Karou (ou Tchiarou, suivant la prononciation locale), et fut invité par el Hadj Mohammed, qui en était le gouverneur, à rédiger une note sur différentes questions de droit. Il était depuis peu dans cette ville, lorsqu’on vint lui apprendre que son fils avait été assassiné par les juifs de Touat. Il repartit et mourut presque au moment de son arrivée.”
[23] “Hábe,” plural of the singular “Kádo,” is a general term now applied by the Fúlbe to the conquered race; but in this instance the application is different. It is not improbable that the conquerors extended the meaning of this term, which originally applied only to one dynasty, to the whole conquered nation.
[24] This name, in the corrupted form “Kilinghiwa,” Mr. Cooley has connected with the Berbers, in his excellent little work on the Negroland of the Arabs.
[25] It was most probably a king of Kátsena, whom Makrízi entitled King of Áfunú (Hamaker, Spec. Cat., p. 206), remarking the jealousy with which he watched his wives, although the name Mastúd which he gives to him, does not occur in the lists of the kings of Kátsena which have come to my knowledge, and does not even seem to be a true native name. The power of the Prince of Kátsena towards the end of the last century (Lucas, Horneman) seems to have been rather transient being based on the then weakness of Bórnu.
[26] Laird’s and Oldfield’s Narrative, vol. i., p. 233. As this clear and rational conviction, which the meritorious man who has laboured so long for that part of Africa entertained, has been entirely confirmed by my succeeding discovery, I think it well to give to it all the publicity which it deserves. The two learned geographers of Africa, Mr. Cooley and MacQueen, concurred entirely in this opinion.
[27] There is a great variety of this article, of which I shall enumerate a few kinds:—“farí-n-zénne,” the white undyed one; “zénne déffowa,” of light-blue colour; “fessagída,” with a broad line of silk; “hammakúku,” with less silk, sold generally for three thousand kurdí; “mailémú,” sold for two thousand five hundred; “zelluw-ámi,” a peculiar zénne with a silk border; “jumáda,” another similar kind; “da-n-katánga,” once a very favourite article of female dress, and therefore called “the child of the market” (of the word katánga, I have spoken on a former occasion), with red and black silk in small quantity, and a little white; “albáss-n-Kwára,” a very peculiar name, chosen to denote a kind of zénne of three stripes of mixed colours; “gódo,” white and black and of thick thread; “alkílla,” white and black chequered “sáki,” silk and cotton interwoven, and forming small squares black and white; “kéki,” half túrkedí (that is to say indigo-coloured), half “sáki,” or silk and cotton interwoven; “kéki serkí bókoy,” four kinds. Besides, there are ten kinds of zénnwa entirely of silk, but these are made better in Núpe than in Kanó. One of these, called “biní da gáni” (follow me and look), a name which is also given to a conspicuous kind of beads, is distinguished by three colours—yellow, red, and blue. Then there is a zénne made of atlas, called “massarchí”; another of coloured Manchester; and the simple one of Manchester, which is called “béfta.”
[28] Among these specimens is also an undyed and a dyed specimen of the “ríga tsámia,” which seems to deserve a good deal of interest, as it consists half of home-made silk, obtained from a peculiar kind of silkworm, which lives on the tamarind-tree. I also sent home from Kúkawa, at a former period, a piece of native cloth of the Kwána, a tribe of the Korórofa.
[29] There are many other branches of manufacture in Kanó which are too minute to be enumerated here. I will only mention the framing of the little looking-glasses, called lemmá, imported from Tripoli, and the immense variety of bótta or múrta, small leathern boxes. There is also a kind of small box made with great neatness from the kernel of the dúm-fruit.
[30] I need only refer to the memorable passage in his Journal, vol. ii., p. 203: “The best of the slaves now go to Niffee, to be there shipped for America. They are mostly males, and are minutely examined before departure.” (This latter circumstance agrees exactly with my own observations.) “From all reports there is an immense traffic of slaves that way exchanged against American goods, which are driving out of the markets all the merchandise of the north.” But another passage is not less clear, p. 228 f.: “Slaves are sent from Zínder to Niffee. Indeed it now appears that all this part of Africa is put under contribution to supply the South American market with slaves.”
[31] The names of the different kinds of beads, of which I have collected thirty-five, bear evident testimony to the imaginative powers and lively character of the Háusáwa.
[32] Originally these came from Nuremberg, but of late they have been also produced in Leghorn.
[33] I will here only mention, that the profit on the copper for the Jellába, if they do not go themselves to the hófra, but buy it in Dar-Fúr, is as follows:—In Fúr they buy the kantár of copper for one sedáshi (slave), equal to the value of a kantár of ivory, and sell it in Kúkawa for four thousand rottls, equal to two kantárs of ivory. In Kanó the price is about the same.
[34] There is no difference made between these two coins, women in general even preferring Maria Theresa to the columns on the Spanish dollar, which they fancy to represent cannon.
[35] Other people have stated to me that the kurdí-n-korófi did not exceed five hundred kurdí.
[36] “Chínna-n-yalá” is an interesting specimen of the corruption of a language in the border-districts; for while the words are Kanúri, they are joined according to the grammar of the Háusa language, for in Kanúri the expression ought to be “chínna yalabe.”
[37] “Búndi,” in Kanúri, means “wild beasts.” The inhabitants still bear the particular name of Ngúru-bú, plural of Ngúru-ma, from the name of the place or district Ngurú, generally called Ángarú.
[38] The termination-ma in Kanúri signifies the possession of a thing, and is equivalent to the mai- in Háusa, placed before a word. Thus bílla-ma is exactly identical with maí-gari, fír-ma with mai-dóki (the horseman), and so on. With this termination almost all the names of offices are formed in Kanúri, as yerí-ma, chiró-ma, kasél-ma, and so on. Thus also the governor of the province Múniyo or Mínyo bears the title Muniyó-ma or Minyó-ma, a name entirely misunderstood by Mr. Richardson. I will only add here that the title of the governor of the Gháladí in the Bórnu empire, on account of the immense extent of the latter, has been introduced into the list of offices of all the courts of Central Negroland, and that we find a ghaladíma in Sókoto as well as in every little town of Ádamáwa. The same is to be said of some offices originally belonging only to the court of the empire of Mélle, such as that of feréng or fárma, mánso, and others.
[39] Here I will give the route from Kanó to Álamáy, near Búndi, by way of Khadéja, as it determines approximately the position of this town, which has been also mentioned by Clapperton as a place of importance. But its peculiar political situation, forced upon it by the events of this period, when it became the residence of a rebel chief waging war on all around, prevented my visiting it at a future period.
1st day. On leaving Kanó, sleep in Gógia, where the governor of Kanó has a house, and where you arrive about two o’clock in the afternoon.
2nd. Gáya, another town of the province of Kanó, where you arrive about the same hour, having crossed in the forenoon the bed of a torrent with water only in the rainy season.
3rd. Dúchi or Dútsi; arrive about the ʿaser, having crossed in the morning a torrent called Dedúrra, and passed about noon a half-deserted place called Katákatá.
4th. Zogó, a large open place; about ʿaser. Many small villages on the road.
5th. Khadéja, a large town surrounded with a beautiful and very strong double clay wall, and well inhabited, the courtyards being enclosed with clay walls, but containing only reed huts. The inhabitants employ themselves exclusively in warlike expeditions, and have no industry; but nevertheless there are still to be seen here a few dyeing-pots, marking the eastern limit of this branch of industry. On the south side of the town is a kogí, or komádugu with a stream of running water in the rainy season, but with only stagnant pools in summer, along which a little wheat is cultivated. It is generally called Wáni.
6th. Garú-n-ghábbes, a middle-sized walled town, the first place of Bórnu, on this side, with a good deal of cultivation around. Though without importance in other respects, it is so in an historical point of view; for this place being identical with the town Birám tá ghábbes, mentioned above, is regarded as the oldest place of the seven original settlements of the Háusa nation.
7th. Álamáy, the place which I passed by this morning; arrive about ʿaser. Country in a wild state; no cultivation.
[40] Ngurútuwa, properly meaning the place full of hippopotami, is a very common name in Bórnu, just as “Rúóa-n-dorina” (the water of the hippopotami) is a widespread name given by Háusa travellers to any water which they may find in the wilderness.
[41] Of this document I have sent a copy from Kúkawa to the Leipsic Oriental Society; and a translation of it has been published in the Journal (Zeitschrift) of that society in the year 1852, p. 305 ff., with notes by M. Blau.
[42] See a letter of mine from Kúkawa, Nov. 20th, 1852, addressed to Chevalier Bunsen, and published in Petermann’s Mittheilungen 1855, p. 7.
[43] Indeed, in the copy which I sent to Europe, the copyist has corrected this error; but unfortunately, instead of inserting this reign in the right place, he has added the twenty years to the thirty-three years of the reign of the elder Edrís ben ʿAlí.
[44] The forty days’ journey stated by Ebn Batúta to intervene between Tekádda and Bórnu are to be counted, as it seems, to Njímiye, the old capital of Kánem; Bírni, or rather Ghasréggomo, at least, not being founded at that time.
[45] Leo, when he says that the language of Gaogo is identical with the Bórnu language, does not speak of the language of the whole nation, but only of that of the ruling tribe, the Bulála.
[46] This custom, I think, confirms the opinion that the Koyám migrated from Kánem into Bórnu. They are expressly called “áhel el bil.”
[47] This certainly did not belong to the largest craft of the islanders; for one of the boats which accompanied Mr. Overweg afterwards on his voyage on the lake was almost fifty feet long, and six and a half wide.
[48] Kánembú is the plural of Kánémma.
[49] The Yédiná named to me the following islands as the largest and most important:—Gúriyá, Yíwaa Dóji, Belárge, Húshiyá Billán, Purrám, Maibuluwá, Fidda, Kóllea Dallabórme, Turbó Dakkabeláya, Fujiá Chílim, and Bréjaré, the latter having many horses. Almost all these names have been since confirmed by Mr. Overweg, although he spells some of them in a different way, and perhaps less accurately, as he obtained all his information from his Kanúri companions; indeed, notwithstanding his long sojourn among the islanders, he did not even learn their real name, viz.—Yédiná. The Yédiná belong evidently to the Kótoko, and are most nearly related to the people of Nghála; they are probably already indicated by Makrizí under the name اتعنا and their language was originally entirely distinct from the Kanúri, although in process of time they have adopted many of their terms.
[50] The distance of the western shore of this island cannot be more than at the utmost thirty miles from the shore of the lagoon, at least at certain seasons. Mr. Overweg’s indications in respect to this island, which he would seem to have navigated all round, are very vague. At all events, I think it must be considerably nearer the shore than it has been laid down by Mr. Petermann, but it is difficult, nay impossible, to fix with precision the form or size of these islands, which, according to season, vary continually.
[51] I will here give verbatim a few extracts of my despatch to Government, dated Kúkawa, May 24, 1851, from which it will be seen how sure I was already at that time of the immense importance of the river which I was about to discover.
“My Lord,—I have the honour to inform your Lordship that, on Tuesday next, I am to start for Ádamáwa, as it is called by the Fellátah (Fullan), or Fúmbiná, a very extensive country, whose capital, Yóla, is distant from here fifteen days south-south-west, situated on a very considerable river called Fáro, which, joining another river not less considerable, and likewise navigable, called Bénuwé, falls into the Kwára, or Niger, at a place between Kakanda and Adda, not more than a few days’ distant from the mouth of that celebrated river.” “My undertaking seemed to me the more worthy, as it has long been the intention of Government to explore that country; for orders had been given to the Niger expedition to turn aside, if possible, from the course of that river, and to reach Bórnu by a southern road, which it was presumed might be effected partly or entirely by water, etc. As for my part, I can at present certify, with the greatest confidence, that there is no connection whatever between those two rivers, the Chadda, which is identical with the Bénuwé, on the one, and the Sháry, the principal tributary of Lake Tsád, on the other side. Nevertheless, the Fáro as well as the Bénuwé seem to have their sources to the east of the meridian of Kúkawa; and the river formed by these two branches being navigable for large boats into the very heart of Ádamáwa, there will be a great facility for Europeans to enter that country after it shall have been sufficiently explored.” After speaking of the northern road into the interior by way of Bílma, I concluded with these words:—
“By-and-by, I am sure, a southern road will be opened into the heart of Central Africa, but the time has not yet come.”
[52] “Bíllama” properly means mayor, from “bílla,” a town; but in many cases it has become a proper name.
[53] Kárda is properly the name of that division of the Mága which is settled in the province of Máshena.
[54] The Mándara people, or rather Ur-wándalá, called the Gámerghú Múks-amálguwá, which I think is a nickname, the word múkse meaning woman; but the latter part of the name, Amálguwá, may be the original form of Gámerghú. I had no opportunity of asking the people themselves about the original name.
[55] The Fúlbe of Ádamáwa are especially rich in compliments, which, however, have not yet lost their real and true meaning. Thus the general questions, “Num báldum” (Are you well?), “Jám wáli” (Have you slept?), are followed by the special questions, “No yímbe úro” (How is the family?), “No inna úro” (How is the landlady?), “To púchu máda,” or “Kórri púchu májám” (How is your horse?), “To erájo máda” (How is your grandfather?), “To máchudo máda” (How is your slave?), “To bíbe máda” (And your children?), “To sukábe máda” (How are your lads?), “Bíbe hábe májám” (How are the children of your subjects?), “Korri nay májám” (How are your cattle?); all of which in general are answered with “Se jám.” Between this strain occasionally a question about the news of the world—“Tó hábbarú dúnia;” and with travellers at least a question as to the fatigue—“Tó chómmeri”—is inserted. There is still a greater variety of compliments, the form of many, as used in Ádamáwa, varying greatly from that usual in other countries occupied by the Fúlbe, and of course all depends on the time of the day when friends meet.
[56] Unfortunately, I had not energy enough to finish it in detail; so that many little interesting features were not expressed.
[57] I made some observations with the boiling-water instrument on this road, but unfortunately my thermometers for this purpose were entirely out of order.
[58] Búmánda probably means a ford, or rather place of embarkation. It can scarcely have any connection with the Kanúri word “mánda,” meaning salt, though salt is obtained in the western place of this name.
[59] This word “gére” is identical with “éré,” or “arre,” the name the Músgu give to the river of Logón.
[60] I heard the name pronounced in this way, but lower down it may be pronounced Bí-nuwé. However, I have to remark that Mr. Petermann changed the é into an í, from mere mistake; and I do not know whether the members of the Chádda expedition had sufficient authority for writing the name in this way. The word belongs to the Bátta language, where water is called “beé,” or “bé”; but in kindred dialects it is called “bí.” “Nuwé” means the mother; and the whole name means “mother of water.” The name, therefore, properly is of the feminine gender.
[61] “Tépe” is a Púllo or rather Fulfúlde word meaning “junction,” “confluence,” which by the Western Fúlbe would be called “fottérde máje.” In Háusa the name is “magángamú.”
[62] That this river is anywhere really called Chádda, or even Tsádda, I doubt very much; and I am surprised that the members of the late expedition in the Pleiad do not say a word on this point. I think the name Chádda was a mere mistake of Lander’s, confirmed by Allen, owing to their fancying it an outlet of Lake Tsád.
[63] This immense rise of the river agrees perfectly with the experience of Messrs. Laird and Oldfield, who, from absolute measurement, found the difference in the level of the water at Idda in the course of the year nearly sixty feet. See their Journal, vol. ii., p. 276, and p. 420, note, “fifty-seven to sixty feet.”
[64] There was a very serious discrepancy amongst those gentlemen with regard to the fall of the river. Dr. Baikie states, in his Journal, which recently appeared, p. 230, that “the water first showed decided signs of falling about the 3rd of October, and by the 5th the decrease was very perceptible.” If, therefore, the river began to fall at Zhibu on the 3rd of October, the fall would commence at the Tépe, more than two hundred miles higher up along the windings of the river, at least three days before, if we take the current at three miles an hour. My statement, therefore, that the river begins decidedly to fall at the confluence at the very end of September, has been singularly confirmed. But that there is also some truth with regard to the long continuance of the highest level is evident from the conflicting observations of the party. (See Baikie’s Journal, p. 217.) Indeed the sailor-master insisted that the river had fallen long before; and all the people were puzzled about it. From all this I must conclude that my statement with regard to the river, instead of having been considerably modified by the expedition, has been confirmed by their experience in all its principal points. We shall see the same difficulty recur with regard to a maximum level preserved for forty days by the western river, although the time when it begins to fall is entirely different; and as to the latter river, not only I, but the natives also were mistaken with respect to its presumed time of falling. The same is the case with the (river) Shári, and is natural enough, considering the extensive inundations with which the rise of these African rivers is attended. This state of the rivers in the tropical climes is so irregular, that Leo Africanus has made quite the same observation. (L. i. c. 28, “Descrizione dell’ Africa.”)
[65] I leave this passage as it stood in my journal, although it describes a state of things which now, in 1857, belongs to the past. This stronghold also has at length been taken by the intruders, and the seat of happiness and independence converted into a region of desolation. In 1853, two years after my journey to Ádamáwa, Mohammed Láwl left his residence with a great host, having sworn not to return before he had reduced Bágelé. After a siege of almost two months, with the assistance of a few muskets, he succeeded in conquering the mountaineers, and reducing them to slavery. The chief of the pagans of the Bágelé, who belong to the Bátta tribe, in the height of his power exercised paramount authority over the neighbouring tribes, and is said to have even had the “jus primæ noctis.”
[66] Ribágo, sometimes contracted to the form Ribáwo, means “a governor’s country-seat.”
[67] With regard to the Fúlbe, the prayers of dhohor (“zúhura,” or “sallifánna”) may rightly be called midday prayers, as they are accustomed to pray as soon as the zawál has been observed. But in general it would be wrong to call dhohor noon, as is very often done; for none of the other Mohammedans in this part of the world will say his dhohor prayer before two o’clock P.M. at the very earliest, and generally not before three o’clock.
[68] Adamáwa is certainly not quite identical with Fúmbiná, as it denotes only those regions of the latter which have been conquered by the Fúlbe, while many parts are as yet unsubdued.
[69] With regard to salt, I will observe that the greater part of it is brought from Búmánda, on the Bénuwé, near Hamárruwa, where it seems to be obtained from the soil in the same way as I shall describe the salt-boiling in Fóga, although in Búmánda there is no valley-formation, and Mr. Vogel, who lately visited this place, may be right in stating that the salt is merely obtained from ashes by burning the grass which grows in that locality.
[70] It is a great pity that the members of the Bénuwé expedition were not able to measure the elevation of the river at the furthest point reached. My thermometer for measuring the boiling-point of water was so deranged, that my observation at the Tépe is without any value. Till further observations have been made, I think it may be assumed to be from 800 to 850 feet.
[71] It would be rather more appropriate to give the name of Lower Bénuwé to that part of the river below, and that of Upper Bénuwé to the part above the confluence, than to call Upper Bénuwé the part of the river visited by Dr. Baikie.
[72] This name is evidently connected with that of the Balanites, which they call “tanní”; and several Negro nations compare the date with the fruit of that tree.
[73] Mr. Vogel, who has succeeded in obtaining a sight of this animal, found that it is a Mammal like the Manatus Senegalensis. The South African rivers also have these Mammals, and the ayú is not less frequent in the Ísu near Timbúktu than it is in the Bénuwé.
[74] Súmmo, situated between Holma and Song.
[75] The numbers “three” (tan) and “four” (nan) seem to point to the Fulfúlde as well as to the Kaffir languages.
[76] It is probable that this tribe is indicated by the مكبا of Makrízi (Hamaker, Spec. Catal. p. 206), although there are several other localities of the same name.
[77] Probably their real name is Tiká. See Appendix.
[78] The termination nchí is nothing but the Sónghay word ki, which in several dialects is pronounced as chí, and means “language.” On account of this termination being added to the original name, I have purposely not marked the accents in this list. The languages thus marked are spoken only partly in Ádamáwa, the tribes to whom they are peculiar being for the greatest part independent.
[79] In the following sketch, made just at the moment, I aimed only at giving the outlines of the mount, without any pretension to represent the country around. The foreground, therefore, is left quite level.
[80] Perhaps this was a sign of mourning.
[81] The marriage (nigá) ceremonies in this country fill a whole week. The first day is dedicated to the feasting on the favourite “nákia,” the paste mentioned before; the second to the “tíggra,” a dried paste made of millet, with an immense quantity of pepper; the third to the “ngáji,” the common dish made of sorghum, with a little fish sauce, if possible; the fourth day is called “líktere,” I think from the taking away the emblems of the virginal state of the bride, “larússa”; the fifth, the bride is placed on a mat or búshi, from which she rises seven times, and kneels down as often; this is called “búshiro,” or “búchiro genátsin”; the next day, which must be a Friday, her female friends wash her head while singing, and in the evening she is placed upon a horse and brought to the house of the bridegroom, where the final act of the nigrá is accomplished. The Kanúri are very peculiar in the distinction of a marriage with a virgin, “féro,” or “féro kuyánga,” or a widow, or “kámo záwar.”
[82] Between Yédi and the Tsád, the following places are situated—Léga, a considerable town surrounded by a wall; Díbbuwa, Jíggeri, Manawáze, Górdiná, and Mógolám.
[83] Mr. Vogel, who likewise visited this spot in 1854, found the plain elevated 920 feet above the level of the sea, while the two mounts attained the respective heights of 1,300 and 1,600 feet.