FOOTNOTES:
[1] Hor. A. P. 39.
[2] Since this Preface was put in type, the fragments of an ostrich egg, originally mistaken for an alabaster vase, have been tested and verified. This object seems to afford a new indication of prehistoric relations between Mycenæ and Egypt.
[3] In the remarkable Museum of the Royal Academy of Ireland are two swords referred to the Danish period, which were taken out of a bed of mud. After a repose of perhaps a thousand years, they do not exhibit corrosion to the common eye. But the case is considered exceptional, and probably due to some peculiar ingredient in the moisture.
[4] I do not think it proved that, as Schliemann seems to convey (p. 84), the chariot-box was removed and fastened on each occasion of using it. The passages in Il. XXIV. 190 and 267 refer to the peirins of the waggon. In Od. XV. 131, it is simply mentioned as a portion of the carriage, with no reference to detaching it.
[5] Ikmalios is mentioned in Od. XIX. 57 as the maker of a chair inlaid with ivory and silver. I cannot doubt that this was foreign, since it is marked as the work of a former age: ἥν ποτε τέκτων ποίης᾽ ᾽Ικμάλιος, "which erewhile Ikmalion with cunning hand had made" (Norgate). 'Erewhile' will not be found in Todd or Latham: but it is in Shakespeare, and the Dictionary of Worcester and Webster contains it.
[6] 'Homeric Synchronism,' pp. 171 seq. I do not here enter on the curious question what is the precise meaning of γυναῖα δῶρα.
[7] 'Troy and its Remains,' pp. 369, 371.
[8] 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 361. One of these had only about four per cent. of tin. Could this have been a native admixture?
[9] 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 335.
[10] I wish here to call attention to the fact that, as always (I believe) in the Egyptian and Assyrian monuments, the moon is on this ring also distinguished from the sun, not by its size, but by its being a crescent moon. In truth, the distinction of size, to the common eye, is variable; and is sometimes against the sun. Two full-formed globes of equal diameter would have presented a picture alike defective in composition and in meaning: and ancient art, not content with this, seized, more poetically as I think, upon the distinction of character in the two bodies respectively. Homer, as I contend, has exactly followed this form of representation in his σελήνην τε πλήθουσάν: and I venture to hope that the sense of growing, filling, waxing, or crescent moon will now be allowed to prevail over the more customary rendering of 'full' moon (Il. XVIII. 434).
[11] Juvenal, Sat. X. 147.
[12] See, e.g., the print in Manning's 'Land of the Pharaohs,' p. 129.
[13] Mr. Percy Gardner, in the Academy, April 21, 1877.
[14] 'Homeric Synchronism,' p. 240.
[15] These marks, I now learn from Dr. S., are universal.
[16] Hor. Od. II. 1. 8.
[17] 'Demi of Attica,' p. 125.
[18] Plutus, 720.
[19] IX., p. 397.
[20] II., 30, 8.
[21] P. 627.
[22] "Si parva licet componere magnis."
[23] See No. 126, in the upper row to the right and left, p. 76.
[24] Pages 76, 123.
[25] Theseus, 13.
[26] All the objects figured in the Illustrations to this Chapter, from and after No. 239, belong to the Third Sepulchre.
[27] No. 453 only belongs to Sepulchre V.
[28] Only Nos. 539-541 are not from this Tomb.
[29] See Plan A. and Plate I. The etymology of the name Tiryns (probably a Pelasgic word) is difficult to explain. It is very probable that the city was originally called Licymnia, for Strabo (VIII. p. 373) says that a citadel with that name is twelve stadia from Nauplia, and this distance perfectly agrees with that of Tiryns from the latter city. He does not distinctly say that he alludes to Tiryns; but this is very probable, because Pindar says (Olymp. 7, v. 47):
καὶ γὰρ ᾽Αλκμήνας κασίγνητον νόθον σκάπτῳ θένων,
σκληρᾶς ἐλαίας ἔκταν᾽ ἐν Τί-
ρυνθι Λικύμνιον, ἐλθίντ᾽ ἐκ θαλάμου Μιδέας,
τῖς δέ ποτε χθονὸς οικιστὴρ χολωθείς.
'Because he (Tlepolemus) killed in wrath with a stick of the hard olive-tree Alcmena's bastard brother Licymnius, who descended from Midea's nuptial chamber and was the builder of the city.' Apollodorus (II. 8, 2) confirms this, but says that he killed him accidentally: Τληπόλεμος οὖν, κτείνας οὐχ ἑκὼν Λικύμνιον τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γὰρ αὐτοῦ θεραπεύοντα πλήσσοντος ὑπέδραμε, 'Tlepolemus involuntarily killed Licymnios, who approached him when he was chastising his servant with a stick.'
Eustathius (ad loc.) says that the first name of Tiryns was Haliis or Haleis, fishermen having been the first settlers on the rock; this is also confirmed by Stephanus Byzantinus (s.v. Τίρυνς). Pausanias (II. 25, 8) says that the city received its name from the hero Tiryns, a son of Argos.
[30] Paus. II. 25, 8. Τὸ δὴ τεῖχος, ὃ δὴ μόνον τῶν ἐρειπίων λείπεται, κυκλώπων μέν ἐστιν ἔργον, πεποίηται δὲ ἀργῶν λίθων, μέγεθος ἔχων ἕκαστος λίθος ὡς ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν μηδ᾽ ἂν ἀρχὴν κινηθῆναι τὸν μικρότατον ὑπὸ ζεύγους ἡμιόνων· λίθια δὲ ενήρμοσται πάλαι ὡς μάλιστα αὐτῶν ἕκαστον ἁρμονίαν τοῖς μεγάλοις λίθοις εἶναι.
[31] γᾶ κυκλωπία (Euripides, Orestes, 965).
[32] Cf. Ch. II. p. 28. It should also be observed that these forms of construction do not invariably denote successive steps of antiquity and the art of building. Unhewn boulders, rough quarried stones, and those which had a polygonal cleavage due to their nature, were often used for convenience by builders who were quite able to work quadrangular blocks, as is proved by walls in which the former kinds are placed above the last. See Mr. E. H. Bunbury's "Cyclopean Remains in Central Italy," in the 'Classical Museum,' 1845, vol. ii. pp. 147. seqq., and the article MURUS in Dr. Smith's 'Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities.'
[33] See the margin of Plan A.
[34] Dodwell ('A Classical and Topographical Tour through Greece') and Prof. Ernst Curtius (Peloponnes) consider this gallery to be a second gate, which I think impossible, as it leads straight out into the plain.
[35] Colonel Leake states ('Travels in the Morea,' Vol. II. p. 351) that the principal entrance of Tiryns is on the south side, adjacent to the south-east angle. He is right if he speaks of the present day, for there has indeed been made at that point in modern times a zigzag roadway, leading up the steep slope; but there was most decidedly no gate or entrance whatever here in ancient times.
[36] Aristotle and Theophrastus, ap. Plin. H. N. VII. 56. Pliny says that the former of these authors attributes the building of towers to the Cyclopes, the latter to the Tirynthians.
[37] Paus. IX. 36.
[38] Iliad, II. 559:—Οἳ δ᾽ ῎Αργος τ᾽ εἶχον Τίρυνθά τε τειχιόοεσσαν.
[39] Pind. Ol. XI. 40; Ovid, Met. VII. 410; Virgil, Æn. VII. 662.
[40] Herodot. IX. 28.
[41] Herodot. VI. 83.
[42] Paus. II. 17, 5; VIII. 27, 1.
[43] VIII. p. 373.
[44] Il. 15, 9.
[45] Apud Athenæum, VI. 261.
[46] Theophrastus adds that, desirous to get rid of their propensity to laugh, the Tirynthians consulted the oracle at Delphi, and got the god's answer that, if they could sacrifice an ox to Poseidon and throw it into the sea, without laughing, the evil would at once cease. The Tirynthians, who feared to fail in the execution of the god's command, forbad the children to be present at the sacrifice. But one of them having heard this, and having mixed in the crowd, they cried out at him to drive him away, on which he exclaimed, "How, are you afraid that I shall upset your sacrifice?" This excited universal laughter, and they became convinced that the god intended to show them by experience that an inveterate evil custom cannot be remedied.
[47] Max Müller, 'Essays,' II. 79.
[48] Aristot. Meteorol. I. 14.
[49] The exact depths are indicated by the proportional numbers appended to the sectional plans of the excavations in the margin of Plan A.
[50] See Nos. 2-7, and the coloured Plate A, figs. a, b.
[51] See Nos. 8-11 on p. 12, and the coloured Plate A, fig. d.
[52] To these may be added the Syrian and Phœnician Ashtoreth.
"Astarte, queen of heaven, with crescent horns,
To whose bright image nightly, by the moon,
Phœnician virgins paid their vows and songs."—
Milton, Par. Lost, Bk. I. vv. 439-441.
[53] See note A.—"HERA BOÖPIS," at the end of this chapter.
[54] See Bunsen's 'Egypt,' Vol. I. p. 420 (Transl.).
[55] Il. III. 144.
[56] Il. VII. 10.
[57] Il. XVIII. 40.
[58] See the coloured Plate A, fig. c.
[59] Published by Dr. G. Hirschfeld ('Vasi Arcaici Ateniesi, estratto dagli Annali dell' Instituto di Corr. Archeol.,' 1872. Roma).
[60] Such as the goblet represented on p. 70, No. 83.
[61] To each object is attached a number denoting the exact depth in meters at which it was found; so e.g. 3½ M. means 3½ meters; each meter has about 3⅓ feet. I call particular attention to this. In order to retain the precision of these numbers, and to avoid the labour and chance of error in converting them into feet and inches, a comparative table of French and English measures is prefixed to the book.
[62] See p. 13, and the coloured Plate A, fig. c.
[63] These are exactly like the whorls found at Mycenæ. See No. 15.
No. 15. Stone Whorl, found at Mycenæ. (5 M.) Actual size.
[64] Professor Max Müller, in the 'Academy,' January 10, 1874.
[65] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 294.
[66] Ovid, Metam. V. 330.
[67] Mionnet, 'Descr. des Méd. Ant.' pl. lxi. 6.
[68] Millingen, 'Anc. Coins of Greek Cities,' tab. ii. 12.
[69] Pausanias, II. 22, 1, 2.
[70] Plut. Quæst. Conviv. III. 9, 2; Etym. Mag. 388, 56.
[71] Plut. Fr. Dædal. 3.
[72] Paus. II. 17, 1.
[73] Paus. II. 4, 7.
[74] Paus. IX. 3, 4; Hesych. s. v. ἄγαν χαλκεῖος.
[75] Herod. I. 31.
[76] Lucian, Θεῶν Διάλ. 3; Diod. Sic. I. 24, 25; Herod. II. 41.
[77] Æsch. Suppl. 299; Apollod. II. 1, 3—
Κληδοῦχον Ἡρας ϕασὶ δωμάτων ποτὲ
᾽Ιὼ γενέσθαι τῇδ ἔν ᾽Αργείᾳ χθονί,—.
[78] Creuzer, 'Symbolik,' II. 576.
[79] Prom. 573, seq. and Hygin. Fab. 145.
[80] Diod. Sic. I. 24, 25; Apollod. II. 1, 3; Hygin. 145.
[81] Herod. II. 41.
[82] Apollod. II. 1, 3; Æschyl. Prom., 585: πῶς δ'οὐ κλύω τῆς οὶστροδινήτου κόρης τῆς ᾽Ιναχείας.
[83] Paus. III. 18, 13.
[84] Eustath. ap. Dionys. Perieg. 92, 94, Ιὼ γὰρ ἡ σελήνη κατὰ τὴν τῶν ᾽Αργείων διάλεκτον, on which Heyne, ad Apollod. p. 100, says: "fuisse suspicor nomen hoc caputque feminæ cornutum symbolum Lunæ apud Argivos antiquissimum." See also Jablonsky, Panth. II. p. 4 ff.
[85] Apollod. II. 1, 1; Schol. Lykophr. 177; Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 263; Steph. Byz.
[86] Euseb. Chron. Pars I. pp. 96, 127, 130, ed. Aucher; Augustin. de Civit. Dei, XVIII. 5.
[87] Diod. Sic. I. 11; Plut de Is. et Os. 52, compare c. 39; Macrob. Sat. I. 19; Ælian, Hist. Anim. X. 27.
[88] O. Müller, Dorier, I. 121; Steph. Byz. s.v. Βυζάντιον.
[89] Paus. IX. 19, 4.
[90] Ovid. Metam. I. 630
[91] Apollod. II. 1, 3.
[92] Panofka, 'Argos Panoptes,' tab. ii. 4; Cadalvène, 'Recueil de Méd. Gr.' Pl. III. 1; Müller, 'Denkmäler,' XXX. 132; Duc de Luynes, 'Études Numismat.' pp. 22-25.
[93] In the background is the second peak of Mount Eubœa, 2000 feet high, which rises immediately south of the Acropolis of Mycenæ.
[94] II. 18. See the Sketch Map on p. 1.
[95] V. 60.
[96] II. 25, 3.
[97] Κηϕισός. II. 15, 5; the lesser streams are not shown on the Sketch Map, p. 1.
[98] The accuracy of this name is confirmed by Pausanias, II. 17, § 2.
[99] Il. II. 287, III. 75 and 258, VI. 152, IX. 246, XV. 30, and XIX. 329. Comp. Horat. Carm. I. 7, 8, 9:—
"Plurimus in Junonis honorem
Aptum dicet equis Argos, ditesque Mycenas."
[100] II. 15.
[101] Meteorol. i. 14.
[102] Soph. Electra, 4.
[103] Paus. II. 15, 5; comp. Plato, Timæus.
[104] Comp. Æschyl. Suppl. 250.
[105] Od. III. 263:—"μυχῷ ῎Αργεος ἱπποβότοιο."
[106] See the large Plate II. and Plan B of the Acropolis.
[107] See Émile Burnouf, 'La Ville et l'Acropole d'Athènes.'
[108] A good view of this wonderful wall is seen in the background of Plate VI., which represents the Ichnography of the tombs discovered in the Acropolis. (See Chap. V.)
[109] See Plan B., Plate III., and Nos. 21, 22 (p. 34)
[110] Soph. Electra, 1374.
[111] Schol. Eurip. Orest. 5; Apollod. iii. 5, 6; Soph. Antig. 818.
[112] Agam. 1259: λέοντος εὐγενοῖς ἀπουσίᾳ.
[113] Agam. 1258.
[114] For an account of the discovery of the ground plan of the Lions' Gate and its enormous threshold, see Chapter V.
[115] See Plan C, and the cut No. 23.
[116] To ῎Αργιον ὄρος. De Fluv. 18, 7.
[117] Troad. 1088, τείχη λάïνα κυκλώπια οὐράνια.
[118] Electra, 1158, κυκλώπεια οὐράνια τείχη.
[119] VIII. p. 377.
[120] Iliad, I. 29-31:
τὴν δ' ἐγὼ οὺ λύσω πρίν μιν καὶ γῆρας ἔπεισιν
ἡμετέρῳ ἐνὶ οἴκῳ, ἐν ῎Αργεï, τηλίθι πάτρης,
ἱστὸν ἐποιχομένην καὶ ἐμον λέχος ἀντιόωσαν.
[121] Iliad, II. 108: πολλῇσιν νήσοισι καὶ ῎Αργεï παντὶ ἀνάσσειν.
[122] Iphigenia in Aulide, 152: κυκλώπων θυμέλαι.
[123] Ibid. 265: Μυκῆναι κυκλωπίαι.
[124] Ibid. 1500-1501:
καλεῖς πόλισμα Περσέως,
Κυκλωπίων πόνον χερῶν;
[125] Iphig. Taur. 845:
κυκλωπίδες ἑστίαι, ὦ πάτρις,
Μυκήνα φίλα.
[126] Electra, 710:
πετρίνοις τ᾽ ἐπιστὰς
κάρυξ ιάχει βάθροις,
αγοράν, ἀγοράν, Μυκηναῖοι
στείχετε μακαρίων ὸψόμενοι τυράννων
φάσματα, δείματα.
[127] Iphigenia in Aulide, 1498-1499:
ἰὼ γᾶ μᾶτερ ὦ Πελασγία,
Μυκηναῖαί τ᾽ ἐμαί θεράπναι.
[128] Orestes, 1246-1247:
Μυκηνίδες ὦ φίλαι,
τὰ πρῶτα κατὰ Πελασγὸν ἑδος ᾽Αργείων.
[129] Hercules Furens, 974-944:
πρὸς τὰς Μυκήνας εἶμι λάζυσθαι χρεὼν
μοχλοὺς δικελλας θ᾽, ὡς τὰ κυκλώπων βάθρα
φοίνικι κανόνι καὶ τύκοις ἡρμοσμένα
στρεπτῷ σιδήρῳ συντριαινώσω πόλιν.
[130] See Plate II.
[131] Epistul. Mor. 66, 26.
[132] See Plan D.
[133] See No. 16, p. 23.
[134] All these Treasuries are indicated on Plan D.
[135] See Plate IV., "Treasury of Atreus."
[136] Thus we read in Homer (Od. VII. 84-87):
῞Ὡστε γὰρ ἠελίου αἴγλη πέλεν ἠὲ σελήνης,
Δῶμα καθ᾽ ὑψερεφὲς μεγαλήτορος ᾿Αλκινόοιο,
Χάλκεοι μὲν γὰρ τοῖχοι ἐρηρέδατ᾿ ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα,
᾽Ες μυχὸν ἐξ οὐδοῦ· περὶ δὲ θριγκὸς κυάνοιο.
"Like the sun or the moon beam in bright splendour, so beamed the high palace of the magnanimous Alcinoüs; for the brazen walls extended from the threshold of the gate to the innermost part of the building; their entablature was of blue steel."
Further the palaces of the immortal gods on Olympus must have been thought to be also ornamented with brazen plates, because Homer says (Iliad, I. 426): Διὸς ποτὶ χαλκοβατὲς δῶ, "To the brazen house of Jove."
We also read in Pausanias (II. 23):
῎Αλλα δέ ἐστιν ᾽Αργείοις θέας ἄξια · κατάγαιον οἰκοδόμημα, ἐπ᾽ αὺτο δὲ ἦν ὁ χαλκοῦς θάλαμος, ὃν ᾽Ακρίσιός ποτε φρουρὰν τῆς θυγατρὸς ἐποίησεν. Περίλαος δὲ καθεῖλεν αὐτὸν τυραννήσας · τοῦτό τε οὖν τὸ οἰκοδόμημά ἐστι. "In Argos there are still other remarkable objects: a subterranean vault, over which was the brazen chamber which Acrisius made for his daughter (Danaë's) prison; it was destroyed under the dominion of Perilaüs, but the building still exists."
Further in Horace (Carm. III. 16):
"Inclusam Danaën turris ahenea
Robustæque fores et vigilum canum
Tristes excubiæ munierant satis
Nocturnis ab adulteris."
"A bronze tower, solid doors, and the severe watch of the dogs, had been for the imprisoned Danaë a sufficiently strong protection against nocturnal lovers."
Another case is the temple of Athena Chalciœcus at Sparta, where King Pausanias was put to death. The name of this sanctuary can of course refer to nothing else than to the brazen plates with which the walls were decorated.
My esteemed friend, Mr. Chas. T. Newton, of the British Museum, calls my attention to Colonel Mure's article in the Rheinisches Museum, VIII. 272, in which the author states that General Gordon told him he had in his collection in Scotland fragments not only of the bronze nails, but also of the brazen plates of the Treasury of Atreus. At the same time Colonel Mure quotes the passage of Sophocles (Antigone, 944-947):
ἔτλα καὶ Δανάας οὐράνιον φῶς
ἀλλάξαι δέμας ἐν χαλκοδέτοις αὐλαῖς·
κρυπτομένα δ' ἐν τυμβήρει θαλάμω κατεζεύχθη.
("The body also of Danaë endured to exchange the heavenly light against the darkness in the halls covered with brazen plates; hidden in a sepulchral chamber, she was fettered").
[137] Pausanias (ix. 38) says of this Treasury: "The Treasury of Minyas is the most wonderful edifice in Greece, and is second to no work of art abroad; it is built in the following manner: it consists of stone and has a circular form; the summit is not very pointed; it is said that the topmost stone holds together the whole building."
[138] 'A Classical and Topographical Tour through Greece.'
[139] Paus. VI. 19, 1; X. 11, 1.
[140] II. 16, 6. See the passage fully quoted in the next chapter, p. 59.
[141] The reader is warned not to confound this with Veli Pasha's attempt to rifle the other Treasury, mentioned on p. 42.
[142] Horace, Epod. V. 86.
[143] From αἴξ (root αἰγ), a goat.
[144] Il. II. 101.
[145] Homer, Od. III. 263-275.
[146] Od. IV. 524-535; compare I. 35; III. 234; IV. 91; IX. 387; XXIV. 20, 97.
[147] Od. I. 36.
[148] Od. III. 305-310.
[149] Welcker, Gr. Trag. I. s. 358.
[150] Il. IX. 149-154.
[151] Il. II. 569.
[152] XIII. p. 582.
[153] III. 3, 6.
[154] Paus. III. 11, 10.
[155] IX. p. 401.
[156] VIII. 5, 1.
[157] I. 12.
[158] VIII. p. 372.
[159] Herod. VII. 202.
[160] Herod. IX. 28.
[161] Paus. VII. 25, 6.
[162] XI. 65.
[163] Il. II. 569: ἐϋκτίμενον πτολίεθρον.
[164] Il. IV. 52: ἐρυάγυια Μυκήνη.
[165] Il. VII. 180: Od. III. 305: πολυχρύσοιο Μυκήνης.
[166] I. 9.
[167] VIII. p. 373.
[168] Il. II. 561.
[169] II. 16, 6.
[170] VIII. p. 368.
[171] II. 16, 6: Λείπεται δὲ ὅμως ἔτι καὶ ἄλλα τοῦ περιβόλου καὶ ἡ πύλη, λέοντες δὲ ἐφεστήκασιν αὐτῇ: Κυκλώπων δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἔργα εἶναι λέγουσιν, οἳ Προίτῳ τὸ τεῖχος ἐποίησαν ἐν Τίρυνθι. Μυκηνῶν δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἐρειπίοις κρήνη τέ ἐστι καλουμένη Περσεία καὶ Ἀτρέως καὶ τῶν παίδων ὑπόγαια οἰκοδομήματα, ἔνθα οἱ θησαυροί σφισι τῶν χρημάτων ἦσαν. τάφος δὲ ἔστι μὲν Ἀτρέως: εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ ὅσους σὺν Ἀγαμέμνονι ἐπανήκοντας ἐξ Ἰλίου δειπνίσας κατεφόνευσεν Αἴγισθος. Τοῦ μὲν δὴ Κασσάνδρας μνήματος ἀμφισβητοῦσι Λακεδαιμονίων οἱ περὶ Ἀμύκλας οἰκοῦντες: ἕτερον δέ ἐστιν Ἀγαμέμνονος, τὸ δὲ Εὐρυμέδοντος τοῦ ἡνιόχου, καὶ Τελεδάμου τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ Πέλοπος, τούτους γὰρ τεκεῖν διδύμους Κασσάνδραν φασί, νηπίους δὲ ἔτι ὄντας ἐπικατέσφαξε τοῖς γονεῦσιν Αἴγισθος, καὶ Ἠλέκτρας: Πυλάδῃ γὰρ συνῴκησεν Ὀρέστου δόντος. Ἑλλάνικος δὲ καὶ τάδε ἔγραψε, Μέδοντα καὶ Στρόφιον γενέσθαι Πυλάδῃ παῖδας ἐξ Ἠλέκτρας. Κλυταιμνήστρα δὲ ἐτάφη καὶ Αἴγισθος ὀλίγον ἀπωτέρω τοῦ τείχους: ἐντὸς δὲ ἀπηξιώθησαν, ἔνθα Ἀγαμέμνων τε αὐτὸς ἔκειτο καὶ οἱ σὺν ἐκείνῳ φονευθέντες.
[172] II. 17.
[173] 'Peloponnesiaca,' vol. ii. p. 365.
[174] 'A Classical and Topographical Tour through Greece,' vol. ii. p. 236.
[175] 'Denkwürdigkeiten und Erinnerungen,' vol. ii. p. 276.
[176] 'Peloponnes,' vol. ii. pp. 411-413.
[177] XI. 65: καὶ διέμεινεν ἀοίκητος μέχρι τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνων.
[178] Strabo, VIII. p. 372: ὥστε νῦν μήδ᾽ ἴχνος εὑρίσκεσθαι τῆς Μυκηναίων πόλεως.
[179] In the engraving, No. 25, the spout is partly hidden by one of the handles.
[180] See the Plates of Mycenean Pottery, Nos. 30-78. A Vase (No. 23a) is placed, for the sake of convenience, as a tail-piece to Chapter II. p. 51.
[181] See 'Troy and its Remains,' chap. vi. pp. 103-4.
[182] See Nos. 31, 35, 41, 46, 50 and 52.
[183] See Nos. 31, 35, 50, and 52.
[184] See Nos. 41 and 48.
[185] See Nos. 33, 40, 42, 45.
[186] See Nos. 30, 43, 44.
[187] See the coloured and plain Plates of Idols; the latter containing the figures Nos. 90-110.
[188] See also the coloured Plate C, fig. m.
[189] See also the coloured Plate C, fig. l.
[190] They are like those figured under Nos. 137, 139, p. 79, and No. 165, p. 109.
[191] Il. XVIII. 558-560:—
κήρυκες δ' ἀπάνευθεν ὑπὸ δρυï δαῖτα πένοντο,
βοῦν δ' ἱερεύσαντες μέγαν ἄμφεπον, aἳ δὲ γυναῖκες
δεῖπνον ἐρίθοισιν, λεύκ' ἄλφιτα πολλὰ πάλυνον.
"'A little way removed, the heralds slew
A sturdy ox, and now beneath an oak
Prepared the feast; while women mixed, hard by,
White barley porridge for the labourers' meal."
LORD DERBY.
[192] Od. XIV. 76-77:—
ὀπτήσας δ' ἄρα πάντα φέρων παρέθηκ' 'Οδυσσῆï
θερμ' αὐτοῖς ὀβελοῖσιν· ὁ δ' ἄλφιτα λευκὰ πάλυνεν.
And when he had roasted all, he brought it and put it before Ulysses, still warm
on the spits, strewn over with white flour.
[193] See my 'Ithaque, le Péloponnèse, Troie.'
[194] See the Vignette to this Chapter, No. 24, p. 52.
[195] As we never hear of heroic chariots with one horse, this may be an imperfect representation of two. The same remark applies to the next tombstone. See p. 86.
[196] XXIV. 190 and 267. Homer also uses πείρινθα (the word only occurs in the accusative) for the wicker-basket which held the load fastened on to a cart (ἅμαξα); and this, its original sense, may be a guide to its form in the chariot also (comp. Od. xv. 131).
[197] Il. V. 727-728:—
δίφρος δὲ χρυσέοισι καὶ ἀργυρέοισιν ἱμᾶσιν
ἐντέταται· δοιαὶ δὲ περίδρομοι ἄντυγές εἰσιν.
"The chariot-board on gold and silver bands
Was hung, and round it ran a double rail."
[198] My friend, Mr. W. S. W. Vaux, calls my attention to the fact that this four-spoked chariot wheel, seen also in the cut No. 120 (p. 74) and on the Mycenean intaglios hereinafter described, is characteristic of the earliest Greek coins. The early Egyptian and Ethiopian and Assyrian wheels have six spokes. The Persian Achæmenid sculptures show chariots with eight-spoked wheels.
[199] The Greek drachma is worth about 8½d. English.
[200] This most curious enclosure will be more fully described, and the important question of its use discussed, in the following Chapter.
[202] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 36, fig. 30.
[203] The frieze, No. 153, is described, and its broad face shown on p. 140, No. 216; the fragment No. 154 is described on p. 121.
[204] See 'Troy and its Remains,' Plates xxvii-xxxi.
[205] See supplementary volume to Stuart's 'Athens.'
[206] See No. 94.
[207] See No. 106.
[208] See No. 100.
[209] See No. 101.
[210] See Nos. 90-93.
[211] See Nos. 159, 160, and the coloured Plate D, figs. n, o, p.
[212] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 294.
[213] I call particular attention to the Egyptian sepulchral paintings published by Mr. G. A. Hoskins in his 'Travels in Ethiopia and Upper Egypt,' where we see among the offerings some vases from which similar heads look out.
[216] See under No. 120, p. [74].
[217] See under No. 120, p. [74].
[218] Ibid.
[219] Also engraved under No. 120. I here again call particular attention to the fact, that the depth in which each object has been found is always marked in metres below each object in the engravings.
[220] See the Coloured Plate B, fig. g.
[221] See Nos. 83, 84, 88, pp. [70], [71].
[222] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 158.
[223] Hist. Animal. IX. 40.
[224] See Od. III. 41, 46, 50 and 63, and XXII. 9, 10, 86.
[225] Δειπνοσοφισταί, 783.
[226] See Vignette to Chapter V. p. [118].
[227] See the Frontispiece, Plate V.
[228] See Plan E, which shows the Plan and Sections of this Treasury.
[229] See the examples grouped on the two Plates, Nos. 192-204.
[230] See No. 154, p. 98.
[231] See the Plan of the Lions' Gate, No. 22, p. 34. Comp. 'Troy and its Remains,' pp. 303, 321.
[232] Chapter IV. p. 99.
[233] See Plates VI. and VII.
[234] See Plan C and Plates VI., VII.
[235] See the cut No. 190a, p. 117.
[236] The Dithyramb was an ancient Bacchanalian performance, as early at least as Archilochus, who says "he knows how to lead off the dithyramb, the beautiful song of Dionysus, when his mind is inflamed with wine" (Frag. ap. Athen. XIV. p. 628). It seems to have been a hymn sung by one or more members of a κῶμος, or irregular band of revellers, to the music of the flute. Arion, at Corinth, first gave a regular choral or antistrophic form to the dithyramb (Herodot. I. 24; Pindar, Olymp. XIII. 18-25). The choruses, which ordinarily consisted of fifty men or youths, danced in a ring round the altar of Dionysus. Hence they were termed cyclic choruses (κίκλιοι χοροί), and dithyrambic poets were understood by the term κυκλιοδιδάσκαλοι.
[237] Il. I. 58, 68, 101; II. 53, 96, 99.
[238] Oed. Tyr. 161: ῎Αρτεμιν ἃ κυκλόεντ' ἀγορᾶς θρόνον εὐκλέα θάσσει.
"Artemis who sits on the Agora's glorious circular seat."
[239] This rock has now partially fallen, in consequence of the excavation of the third and fourth tombs, which it overhangs.
[240] Orest. 919.
[241] See Appendix A.
[242] Thucyd. III. 74: τὰς οἰκίας τὰς ἐν κύκλω τῆς ἀγορᾶς.
[243] Paus. I. 43, § 4: βουλεντήριον ἐνταῦθα ᾠκυδόμησαν, ἵνα σφίσιν ὁ ταφος των ἡρώων ἐντὸς τοῦ βουλεντηρίου γένηται.
[244] Paus. I. 43, § 8: Κοροίβῳ δί ἐστι τάφος ἐν τῇ Μεγαρέων ἀγορᾷ.
[245] Paus. II. 15, § 4: ἐνταῦθά ἐστι μὶν ᾽Οφέλτου τάφος περὶ δὲ αὐτὸν θρίγκος λίθων, καὶ ἐντὸς του περιβίλου βωμοί· ἔστι δὶ χῶμα γῆς Λυκούργου μνῆμα τοῦ ᾽Οφόλτου πατρός.
[246] Paus. II. 15, § 2; Apollod. I. 9, § 14; III. 6, § 4; Hyg. Fab. 74; Stat. Theb. V. 296.
[247] Translation of the Odes of Pindar by F. A. Paley, M.A.
[248] Paus. V. 8, § 3; VIII. 26, § 2; Strabo, VIII. 355.
[249] See the coloured Plate C, fig. k.
[250] See No. 115.
[251] See No. 107.
[254] Iliad, XVIII. 478-608.
[255] Od. XIX. 224-231.
[256] Il. XI. 632-635.
[257] Like those shown under No. 126, p. [76].
[258] See Appendix B, for an ingenious suggestion as to the nature of these objects.
[259] Literally, 'a spear casting a very long shadow.'
[260] See for example, Il. XVII. 297:—
ἐγκέφαλος δὲ παρ' αὺλὸν ἀνέδραμεν ἐξ ὠτειλῆς.
"And the brain ran out from the wound on the tube of the lance."
[261] Il. III. 361-362:—
᾽Ατρείδης δὲ ἐρυσσάμενος ξίφος ἀργυρόηλον,
πλῆξεν ἀνασχόμενος κόρυθος φάλον.
"Drawing his silver-studded sword and lifting up his arm, Atreides struck the φάλος off the helmet."
[262] The following passage of the Iliad, XIX. 379-383, can leave no doubt on this point:—
ὥς ἀπ᾽ ᾽Αχιλλῆος σάκεος σέλας αἰθέρ᾽ ἵκανε
καλοῦ, δαιδαλέου· περὶ δὲ τρυϕάλειαν ἀείρας
κρατὶ θέτο βριαρήν· ἡ δ᾽, ἀστὴρ ὣς ἀπέλαμπεν
ἵππουρις τρυϕάλεια· περισσείοντο δ᾽ ἔθειραι
χρύσεαι, ἃς ῞Ἡϕαιστος ἵει λόϕον ἀμϕὶ θαμειάς.
"So shone up to the sky the glance of the beautiful artistic shield of Achilles. Lifting then up the powerful helmet, he put it on his head, and the plumed helmet glanced like a star, and the hairs of gold waved, which Hephæstus had thickly set round the cone (λόφον)."
See the description of these parts of the Homeric helmets in 'Troy and its Remains,' pp. 279-281, and 334.
[263] For example, Il. I. 450:—
τοῖσιν δὲ Χρύσης μεγάλ᾽ εὔχετο χεῖρας ἀνασχών.
"Loud prayed for them Chryses lifting up his hands."
[264] See Vignette to Chapter VI.
[265] Il. X. 257-259.
. . . ἀμϕὶ δέ οἱ κυνέην κεφαλῇϕιν ἔθηκεν
ταυρείην, ἄϕαλόν τε καὶ ἄλλοϕον, ἥτε καταῖτυξ
κέκληται, ῥύεται δὲ κάρη θαλερῶν αἰζηῶν.
"On his brows he placed
A helmet, wrought of bull's hide, without crest
Or cone, and commonly cataityx called,
Such as defends the head of blooming youths."—I. CH. WRIGHT.
[267] See 'Atlas des Antiquités Troyennes', Pl. 98, No. 2073.
[270] See Chapters III. and IV., pp. [80]-85, [88]-[90].
[271] See 'Troy and its Remains,' pp. 103-106.
[272] See Nos. 282-284, pp. [186], [188].
[273] Called in German the 'Umfangsmethode.'
[274] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 310, No. 222, where "rings" should rather have been "tubes" or "tubular rings."
[275] Ibid. p. 285, No. 199.
[276] See Vignette to this chapter.
[277] See Plan B B.
[278] All these are engraved in their actual size.
[280] See Iliad, XXII. 111, ἀσπὶς ὀμφαλόεσσα; comp. 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 324.
[281] See Iliad, III. 357; VII. 250; and in many other passages.
[282] See Iliad, XIII. 715; XIV. 428; and in other passages.
[283] See for example Il. XI. 32:—
ἀν δ᾽ ἕλετ᾽ ἀμφιβρότην, πολυδαίδαλον ἀσπίδα θοῦριν.
"Then he took the man-covering, artistically made, powerful shield."
See also all the wonders which Hephæstus wrought on the shield of Achilles, Il. XVIII. 468-608.
[284] See, for example, Il. XX. 275, and XVIII. 480.
[286] κορυθαίολος ῞Ἑκτωρ. Comp. 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 281.
[287] Il. XXII. 326.
[288] More properly the tree cricket (τέττιξ, Lat. cicada, It. cigaia, Fr. cigale), of which the Athenians wore golden images in their hair, to denote their autochthonic origin. Hence it was probably the common badge of the cognate Achæan and old Ionian races.
[289] Herodotus, III. 13, 14.
Milton alludes to this legend (Par. Lost, Bk. II.):—
"As when a gryphon through the wilderness
With winged course o'er hill or moory dale
Pursues the Arimaspian, who by stealth
Had from his wakeful custody purloined
The guarded gold."
[290] H. N. VII. 2; XXXIII. 4, 21.
[291] Apud Philostrat. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. III. 48, p. 134.
[292] 'Vasengemälde.'
[293] Like Nos. 262, 264, 265, 266, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 279, 280, 303, 305, 306, and 316.
[294] Iliad, XVII. 51 and 52:—
αἵματί οἱ δεύοντο κόμαι Χαρίτεσσιν ὁμοῖαι,
πλοχμοί θ᾿, οἳ χρυσῷ τε καὶι ἀργύρω ἐσφήκωντο.
[295] Il. XXII. 209-213:—
ἀλλ᾿, ὅτε δὴ τὸ τεταρτον ἐπὶ κρουνοὺς ἀφίκοντο,
καὶ τότε δὴ χρύσεια πατὴρ ἐτιταινε τάλαντα·
ἐν δ᾿ ἐτίθει δύο κῆρε τανηλεγέεος θανάτοιο,
τὴν μὲν ᾿Αχιλλῆος, τὴν δ᾿ ῞Ἑκτορος ἱπποδάμοιο·
ἕλκε δὲ μέσσα λαβών· ῥέπε δ᾿ ῞Ἑκτορος αἴσιμον ἦμαρ,
ᾤχετο δ᾿ εἰς ᾿Αΐδαο· λίπεν δέ ἑ Φοῖβος ᾿Απόλλων.
[296] II. 16, § 6. See the passage fully quoted in Chapter III. p. 59.
[297] Odyss. XV. 460:—
χρύσεον ὅρμον ἔχων, μετὰ δ᾿ ἠλέκτροισιν ἔερτο.
"Bringing a golden necklace set with amber."
And XVIII. 296:—
ὅρμον δ᾿ Εὐρυμάχῳ πολυδαίδαλον αὐτίκ' ἔνεικεν
χρύσεον, ἠλέκτροισιν ἐερμένον, ἠέλιον ὥς.
"He brought immediately to Eurymachus an artistic golden necklace, set with amber like the sun."
In both cases the plural agrees exactly with the sense of amber-beads set in a gold mounting.
The third passage, Odyss. IV. 73—
χρυσοῦ τ᾿ ἠλέκτρου τε καὶ ἀργύρου ἠδ᾿ ἐλέφαντος—
occurs in the description of the palace of Menelaus; and here the yellow gold and amber seem placed in poetic parallelism with the white silver and ivory.
[298] Odyss. VIII. 443-445:—
Αὐτὸς νῦν ἴδε πῶμα, θοῶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ δεσμὸν ἴηλον,
μήτις τοι καθ᾽ ὁδὸν δηλήσεται, ὁππότ᾽ ἂν αὖτε
εὕδῃσθα γλυκὺν ὑπνον, ἰὼν ἐν νηῒ μελαίνῃ.
[299] Ib. 446-448:—
Αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ τόγ᾽ ἄκουσε πολύτλᾳς δῖος ᾽Οδυσσεύς,
αὐτίκ᾽ ἐπήρτυε πῶμα, θοῶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ δεσμὸν ἴηλεν
ποικίλον, ὅν ποτέ μιν δέεδαε φρεσὶ πότνια Κίρκη.
In Od. II. 354, Telemachus, preparing for his voyage to Sparta, bids his nurse Euryclea to fill twelve amphoræ with wine and fit them all with lids, but these would need to be very close-fitting for liquids (cf. p. 256):
Δώδεκα δ᾽ ἔμπλησον, καὶ πώμασιν ἄρσον ἃπαντας.
[300] See my 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 286, No. 200, p. 310, Nos. 222 and 223, and Plate XVII. Nos. 243 and 244.
[301] See Plan F for a ground plan, and view of this altar, and a section of the ground, the altar itself, and the fourth sepulchre.
[302] See Plans B, BB, C, and Plate VI.
[303] See for example Il. IX. 123, 265, XXIII. 259 and 267, XXIV. 233; Odyss. XIII. 13.
[304] See Od. I. 137, III. 440.
[305] Od. XIX. 386, 469.
[306] See Caylus, 'Recueil d'Antiquités,' I. 41, pl. XI.
[307] 'Antiquités du Bosphore Cimmérien,' Planche I.; where also mention is made of a gold mask found at Olbia.
[308] Tischbein, 'Recueil de Gravures,' II. 1; where also mention is made of an iron mask from a sepulchre at Santa Agata dei Goti.
[309] See Il. VII. 219:—
Αἴας δ᾽ ἐγγύθεν ἦλθε, φέρων σάκος ἠΰτε πύργον,
χάλκεον, ἑπταβόειον, ὅ οἱ Τυχίος κάμε τεύχων,
σκυτοτόμων ὄχ᾽ ἄριστος, ῞Ὑλῃ ἔνι οὶκίια ναίιων.
also XI. 485; XVII. 128.
[310] This explanation is rendered necessary by the way in which the photograph was taken. To invert the position would require complete recomposition of the light and shadows; and this has been done by our artist in the case of No. 281, on account of the importance of the object.
[313] See my 'Atlas des Antiquités Troyennes,' Plate 105, No. 2311.
[314] The photograph was unfortunately taken in such a position as to show only one of the two handles.
[315] Il. XI. 632-635:—
πὰρ δὲ δέπας περικαλλές, ὁ οἴκοθεν ἦγ᾽ ὁ γεραιος,
χρυσείοις ἡλοισι πεπαρμένον· οὔατα δ᾽ αὐτοῦ
τέσσαρ ἔσαν, δοιαὶ δε πελειάδες ἀμφὶς ἕκαστον
χρύσειαι νεμέθοντο· δύω δ᾽ ὑπὸ πυθμένες ἦσαν.
"She placed beside them a splendid goblet, which the old man had brought with him from home; it was studded with golden pins; it had four handles, on each of which pecked two golden pigeons; the goblet had two bottoms."
[316] 'Deipnosophistæ,' XI. 77.
[317] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 87, No. 53, and p. 169, No. 192.
[318] With regard to these ornaments, see further Appendix C.
[319] See Nos. 282, 283, 284, pp. [186], [188].
[320] The Cut has to be viewed with the outer edge of the page downwards.
[321] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 335, Plate XIX.
[322] See Nos. 329-330, p. [218].
[323] De Pythiæ Oraculis; Op. Moral. ed. Didot, vol. i. p. 488.
[324] This name is always Μαύσσολλος on the coins.
[325] Quæst. Græc. p. 45.
[326] See the Vignette to Chapter III., p. 52.
[327] See 'Atlas des Antiquités Troyennes,' Plate 21, Nos. 583 and 584. This explains how the nurse Euryclea fastened on the lids of the amphoræ for Telemachus. (Hom. Odyss. ii. 354):—
Δώδεκα δ᾽ ἔμπλησον, καὶ πώμασιν ἄρσον ἅπαντας.
[328] See 'Troy and its Remains,' pp. 160, 208, 209, 214, 352.
[329] The two remaining buttons have similar patterns.
[330] See the engraving, No. 460, on p. [303].
[331] See, for example, Iliad XIII. 650 and 662.
[332] X. 261-265.
... ἀμφὶ δέ οἱ κυνέην κεφαλῇφιν εθηκεν,
ῥινοῦ ποιητήν· πολέσιν δ᾿ ἔντοσθεν ἱμᾶσιν
ἐντέτατο στερεῶς· ἔκτοσθε δὲ λευκοὶ ὀδόντες
ἀργιόδοντος ὑὸς θαμέες ἔχον ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα
εὖ καὶ ἐπισταμένως.
"And on his brows a leathern headpiece placed
Well wrought within, with numerous straps secured,
And on the outside, with wild boar's gleaming tusks
Profusely garnished, scattered here and there
By skilful hand." Lord Derby.
[333] These ornaments of horse-trappings vividly remind us of the famous passage in the Iliad IV., 141:
ὡς δ᾿ ὅτε τις τ᾿ ἐλέφαντα γυνὴ φοίνικι μιήνῃ
Μῃονὶς ἠὲ Κάειρα παρήïον ἔμμεναι ἵππων·
κεῖται δ᾿ ἐν θαλάμω, πολέες τέ μιν ἠρήσαντο
ἱππῆες φορέειν· βασιλῆï δὲ κεῖται ἄγαλμα,
ἀμφότερον, κόσμος θ᾿ ἵππω, ἐλατῆρί τε κῦδος·
"As when some Carian or Mæonian maid
With crimson dye the ivory stains, designed
To be the cheek-piece of a warrior's steed,
By many a valiant horseman coveted,
As in the house it lies, a monarch's boast,
The horse adorning, and the horseman's pride."
LORD DERBY.
[334] Il. XVIII. 346; Odyss. VIII. 435.
[335] See Edward Freiherr von Sacken, 'Das Grabfeld von Hallstatt.'
[336] XIII. 13; and XV. 84.
[337] VIII. 290; and IX. 122.
[338] XI. 700; XXIII. 264, 485, 513, 718.
[339] Il. XVIII. 373.
[340] Odyss. VIII. 434; Il. XVIII. 344.
[341] Il. XXIII. 702; XXII. 164 it is called τριπος instead of the usual form τρίπους.
[342] Φάσγανον for σφάγανον, from the root σφαγ. There was also a verb φασγάνω "to kill with the sword:" Hesych. Lex. s. v.
[343] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 332, Nos. 267 and 268.
[344] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 265.
[345] For an engraving of this sword, after cleaning, see Appendix D.
[346] See Nos. 84, 88, p. [71].
[349] See my 'Atlas des Antiquités Troyennes,' Pl. 105, No. 2311.
[351] See the opening scene of the Agamemnon of Æschylus.
[353] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 35, No. 13; p. 106, No. 70; p. 307, No. 219.
[354] I think it my duty to state here that the Archæological Society in Athens has alone incurred all the trouble and expense of drugging the body so as to render it hard and solid, and raising it from the sepulchre and carrying it to the village of Charvati, and that I have had no trouble or expense from this operation.
[358] See 'Troy and its Remains,' pp. 330, 331.
[359] Homer's βοῶπις πότνια ῞Ἡρη, "our lady Hera with the head of a cow;" hence "cow-faced;" and then, with large eyes like a cow, or "ox-eyed." (See Note at the end of Chapter I.)
[360] Il. III. 144.
[361] See Vignette to Chapter X., p. [333].
[362] See Vignette to this Chapter, p. [289].
[363] "There is nothing new under the sun."
[364] See 'Troy and its Remains,' Plate XXIV. Nos. 348, 350, 351.
[366] Owing to the ashes and smoke with which the cylinder is covered, the upper row of circles did not appear in the photograph.
[367] Described on p. 311. I call particular attention to the fact that the engraving represents the mask in only one-fifth of its actual size.
[368] Thucyd. I. 8-10.
[369] Odyss. IV. 530-535, and XI. 409-411.
[370] Æschylus, Agamemnon, 1438; Euripides, Orestes, 26.
[371] Paus. II. 16, § 6.
[372] See 'Troy and its Remains,' pp. 363-372.
[373] Iliad, XVIII. 497-508:—
λαοι δ᾽ εἰν ἀγορῇ ἔσαν ἀθρίοι· ἔνθα δὲ νεῖκος
ωρώρει· δύο δ᾽ ἄνδρες ἐνείκεον εἵνεκα ποινῆς
ἀνδρὸς ἀποφθιμένου. Ὁ μὲν εὔχετο πάντ᾽ ἀποδοὓναι,
δήμῳ πιφαύσκων, ὁ δ᾽ ἀναίνετο μηδὲν ἑλέσθαι·
ἄμφω δ᾽ ἱέσθην ἐπὶ ἴστορι πεῖραρ ἑλέσθαι.
λαοὶ δ᾽ ἀμφοτέροισιν ἐπήπυον, ἀμφὶς ἀρωγοί·
κήρυκες δ᾽ ἄρα λαὸν ερήτυον. Οἱ δὲ γέροντες
εἵατ' ἐπὶ ξεστοῖσι λίθοις ἱερῷ ἐνὶ κύκλῳ,
σκῆπτρα δὲ κηρύκων ἐν χέρς' ἔχον ἠεροφώνων·
τοῖσιν ἔπειτ᾽ ἤϊσσον, ἀμοιβηδὶς δὲ δικαζον.
κεῖτο δ᾽ ἀρ᾽ ἐν μεσσοισι δύω χρυσοῖο τάλαντα
τῷ δόμεν ὃς μετὰ τοῖσι δίκην ἰθύντατα εἴποι.
The translation is by Mr. Gladstone, in the Contemporary Review for February, 1874.
[374] Il. II. 788-9; VII. 345-6; where ἀγορά is the assembly, from which the place of meeting took its name; ἀγορά, from the verb ἀγείρω, "assemble."
[375] Odyss. VIII. 4-7, and 16, 17:—
τοῖσιν δ᾽ ἡγεμόνευ᾽ ἱερὸν μένος ᾽Αλκινόοιο
φαιήκων ἀγορήνδ᾽, ἥ σφιν παρὰ νηυσὶ τέτυκτο.
ἐλθόντες δὲ καθιζον ἐπὶ ξεστοῖσι λίθοισι
πλησίον· . . . . . . .
καρπαλίμως δ᾽ ἔμπληντο βροτῶν ἀγοραι τε καὶ ἕδραι
ἀγρομένων.
[376] Odyss. VI. 266-7:—
ἔνθα δέ τέ σφ᾽ ἀγορή, καλὸν Ποσιδήϊον ἀμφίς,
ῥυτοῖσιν λάεσσι κατωρυχέεσς᾽ ἀραρυῖα.
[377] Odyss. IX. 112:—τοῖσιν δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἀγοραὶ βουληφόροι οὐδὲ θεμίστες, "But they have neither assemblies for council nor laws"—each ruling apart in his own family.
[378] Iphig. Taur. 845; Iphig. Aul. 152 and 1498-1499; Hercul. Furens, 944; Orest. 1246-47; Troad, 1088; Electra, 710-712 and 1158. See Chapter II., pp. 37-38.
[379] Elect. 615: τειχέων μὲν ἐλθων ἐντὸς οὺδὲν ἂν σθένοις.
[380] Orest. 919: ὀλιγάκις ἄστυ κἀγορᾶς χραίνων κύκλον.
[381] Orest. 871-3:
ὁρω δ᾽ ὄχλον στείιχοντα καὶ θάσσοντ᾽ ἄκραν
οὗ φασι πρῶτον Δαάναον Αἰγύπτῳ δίκας
διδόντ᾽ ἀθροῖσαι λαὸν εἰς κοινὰς ἕδρας.
[382] Chapter III., p. 63.
[383] Paus. III. 19, § 6.
[384] Il. VI. 413-419:—
... οὐδέ μοί ἐστι πατὴρ καὶ πότνια μήτηρ.
ἤτοι γὰρ πατέρ᾽ ἁμὸν ἀπέκτανε δῖος ᾽Αχιλλεύς,
ἐκ δὲ πόλιν πέρσεν Κιλίκων εὐναιετάωσαν,
Θήβην ὑψίπυλον· κατὰ δ᾽ ἔκτανεν ᾽Ηετίωνα
οὐδέ μιν ἐξενάριξε· σεβάσσατο γὰρ τόγε θυμῷ·
ἀλλ᾽ ἄρα μιν κατέκηε σὺν ἔντεσι δαιδαλέοισιν,
ἠδ᾽ ἐπὶ σῆμ᾽ ἔχεεν.
[385] Odyss. XI. 72-76:—
μή μ᾽ ἄκλαυτον, ἄθαπτον, ἰὼν ὄπιθεν καταλείπειν
νοσφισθείς, μή τοί τι θεῶν μήνιμα γένωμαι·
ἀλλά με κακκεῖαι σὺν τεύχεσιν, ἅσσα μοί ἐστιν,
σῆμα τέ μοι χεῦαι, πολιῆς ἐπὶ θινὶ θαλάσσης.
"Do not leave me behind, unwept for, unburied, when you go away, lest I should become the cause of the wrath of the gods against thee; but burn me with all the arms which belong to me, and erect over me a mound on the shore of the hoary sea."
[386] Soph. Ajax, 555:—
τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα τεύχη κοίν᾽ ἐμοὶ τεθάψεται.
"My other weapons shall be buried together with me."
[387] Agam. 1552-1554:
... πρὸς ἡμῶν
κάαππεσεν, κάτθανε, ἡμεῖς καὶ καταθάψομεν
οὐχ ὑπὸ κλαυθμῶν τῶν ἐξ οἴικων.
[388] Il., XIX. 301-302:
ὥς ἔφατο (Βρισηῒς) κλαίους᾽· ἐπὶ δὲ στεναχοντο γυναῖκες,
Πάτροκλον πρόφασιν, σφῶν δ᾽ αὐτῶν κήδε᾽ ἑκάστη.
[389] Choëph. 430-3:
πάντολμε μᾶτερ, δαΐαις ἐν ἐκφοραῖς
ἄνευ πολιτᾶν ἄνακτ᾽,
ἄνευ δὲ πενθημάτων
ἔτλης ἀανοίμωκτον ἄνδρα θάψαι.
[390] Ibid. 479:
πάτερ, τρόποισιν οὐ τυραννικοῖς θανών.
[391] Electra, 444:
ὑφ᾽ ἧς θανὼν ἄτιμος, ὥστε δυσμενής,
ἐμασχαλίσθη.
[392] Troad, 446:
ἧ κακὸς κακῶς ταφήσει νυκτός, οὐκ ἐν ἡμερᾳ.
[393] Elect. 894: τύμβου δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ὄχθῳ τῷδε κηρύσσω πατρί.
[394] II. 21-28.
[395] I. 187.
[396] IV. 22, 23.
[397] From an account of the Tomb at Palestrina in the Times, February 17, 1877.
[398] See Plan G. Tomb south of the Agora.
[400] See Nos. 334, 335, p. [223].
[401] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 36.
[402] Il. XVIII. 483-489:—
"There he wrought earth, sea, and heaven,
There he set th' unwearying sun,
And the waxing moon, and stars that
Crown the blue vault every one;
Pleiads, Hyads, strong Orion,
Arctos, hight to boot the Wain.
He upon Orion waiting,
Only he of all the train
Shunning still the baths of ocean
Wheels and wheels his round again."
From Mr. Gladstone's translation of the "Shield of Achilles" in the Contemporary Review, Feb. 1874; vol. xxiii. p. 337, New Series.
[403] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 36.
[404] The spot where the jewels were found is marked by the letter (a), both on the plan and section (Plan G).
[405] This mistake seems to have been noted by critics of an early date, for both Sophocles and Euripides mention and distinguish the two cities, though they seem to confuse the inhabitants. I was unable, when on the spot, to make out the picture suggested at the opening of Sophocles' Electra, which seems, as it were, drawn on the spot, but is more probably a fancy sketch. But Mycenæ is very prominent in it. Sophocles even wrote a play called Μυκηναται.
[406] Of course they need not have come directly from Mycenæ, but may have been exiles, who came together under the name of their old city.
[407] According to Sayce, who has carefully studied the fragments of Ephorus, these and certain other indications prove that Diodorus has almost copied his relation literally from that of Ephorus, and that he has only reproduced a large part of what Ephorus wrote.
[408] Lord Derby's translation.
[409] Except the body (No. 454, p. [297]), and a few diagrams and new drawings of objects, besides the Plans.
[410] See 'Troy and its Remains,' p. 361.
Transcriber notes:
P. [ix.] 'of building Posejdonian', changed 'Posejdonian' to 'Poseidonian'.
P. [xxxi.] 'two o:' is 'two or', changed.
P. [38]. footnote 4. numbers '974-944' apparently incorrect. Leaving error.
P. [98]. 'Græco-Phenician' changed to 'Græco-Phœnician'.
P. [177]. Footnote for Herodotus, III. 13, 14. added.
P. [198]. 'recal to our', changed 'recal' to 'recall'.
P. [205]. Added footnote number to [298] footnotes: "...in the black ship."
P. [234]. 'at Mycenae", changed to 'at Mycenæ'.
P. [286]. 'of a a light yellow', taken out extra 'a'.
Fixed various punctuation.