XLIX.
The secret convention of the Revolutionary organisation—or rather, of the principal section which had remained faithful to Sullivan—met in due course, in August 1886, but as I was not a delegate, I had no personal knowledge of what took place. The spirit of the time, however, was very fairly reflected in some circulars, issued prior to its assembly, from which I take the following extracts:—
“The indications all point to the conclusion that the measure of Home Rule offered will be emasculated and pared down in such a way as to make it unacceptable to those for whom it is intended. We are now preparing for those contingencies, and the estimates for the cost of making a rigorous campaign with ‘delusion’ (dynamite) will absorb more funds than are at present available from the prescribed percentage. The Executive, therefore, in order to meet the great outlay necessary at this crisis, take this occasion to request that, in addition to the usual percentage, each camp at once, by a vote of the camp, send on such additional funds as they may deem proper.... It is suggested that in voting this fund it be credited in forwarding it entirely to ‘delusion’ (dynamite). In the meantime, in the next few months, important operations are likely to take place; you are cautioned to use every device to mislead those engaged in tracing our operations.”
And again:—
“We have some members who are opposed to the active operations of the last few years, and who, therefore, favour a more enlarged representation. It would seem to us that the operations objected to are fully vindicated by the concessions wrung thereby from England. However, we offer no suggestions as to what line of policy you may see fit to pursue. It will be the business of your Convention to frame that policy, and the business of the Executive Body to execute them without regard to individual opinions....
“The silent secret warfare has been productive of results. It would be well, therefore, to instruct your delegates as to your wishes on those points fully and clearly. Having instructed your delegates which of these policies you wish to pursue, the details will not be difficult. It would be well, therefore, to put your instructions to your delegates in one of the following general terms, with such alterations as you deem proper:—
“Viz., ‘Our delegate is instructed to favour an active secret policy, similar to recent operations;’ or, in the alternative of favouring a return to open insurrectionary operations, as follows:—
“Viz., ‘Our delegate is instructed to favour the planting of ploughs (distribution of arms) and an open insurrectionary movement.’
“There can then be no insinuations of misrepresentation, and whatever policy is adopted will have the overwhelming support of the organisation at its back. It will be well, also, to embody such changes as are desirable in the constitution in your instructions. It is to be hoped that, in the short time intervening between this and the Convention, you will fully, wisely, and carefully consider the policy of the future, and the character, intelligence, and experience of your delegates....
“The active operations of the U.S. (United Brotherhood) have brought about the probable granting of Home Rule. It is desirable that delegates to the National Convention shall be fully informed of your desire to follow up these operations on the same lines, or whether you desire to fall back on the old work of putting ploughs in. The latter course does not seem to us fruitful of results or practical. The former policy has been vindicated by great destruction with little loss to us. It is for the Convention to decide, however, what the future policy shall be.”
From the official report of the secret Convention which reached me subsequently, I learnt that the votes in favour of dynamite had been in the majority, for the policy of the late Executive had been endorsed, and the new Executive given a free hand for the future. What, however, was perhaps the most important proceeding of all at this Convention of the Revolutionists, was the passing of the following resolution:—
“Resolved:—That we maintain the same relations in the future to open societies, working for the same purpose as ourselves, that we have in the past.”
If further proof were wanted beyond that already given of the “understanding” which existed between the open and secret organisations, it could not be supplied in a more emphatic manner than this.
Although the Executive were given full power to act as they thought best, it was apparently considered undesirable to do anything during the latter part of 1886, and so nothing of importance came to pass up to the month of April 1887, when I made another trip to Europe, without, however, any letters or credentials on this occasion. My visit was, nevertheless, not of an uneventful character. I visited the House of Commons more than once, and in the social intercourse which took place between myself and some of the Irish M.P.’s, learnt many facts of an interesting character. It was during this visit that I set myself to find out some particulars regarding Dr. James G. Fox, M.P. I was rather curious about this gentleman, who now failed to recognise me in the House of Commons lobby, although we had met on more than one occasion at Land League Conventions in the States, where we had been brother delegates. His associations, his position as State Executive for the League in New York, and his well-known National proclivities as evinced during his fifteen years’ residence at Troy and elsewhere in the States, all made me anxious to know something of the man in his new position of M.P., and of how his thoughts now inclined.
I learnt casually that he was in the habit of frequenting Gatti’s Restaurant in the Adelaide Gallery, Strand, and there I determined to renew my acquaintance with him. The opportunity for doing so was not long wanting, for on an early day I found myself seated at the same table with him, where he was deeply engaged in perusing the Irish World. Making this fact an excuse for opening a conversation with him, I asked, in an interested way, if I could obtain copies of the paper he was reading at any place in London. I spoke with a marked American accent, and my appearance did not belie the suggestion I wished to convey as regards my nationality. He replied that he thought not, explaining that he received it regularly from the other side, asking me in conclusion if I was interested in the publication. I replied in the affirmative, and then followed his query as to whether I was not from the United States. To this I made answer by producing my card, whereupon he looked intently at me as he remarked, “Why, I ought to know you; I have met you in conventions. My name is Fox.” The information was rather unnecessary as far as I was concerned, but, maintaining a quiet face, I thought for a moment, and in the end confessed to a recollection of him. We were soon on familiar terms, and discussed American matters with great freedom.
There was one fact that I wanted particularly to discover, and that was whether or not Fox was a member of the Clan-na-Gael. I had had no opportunity of learning this at the open conventions at which we had previously met, but yet my view very strongly inclined to the belief that he was. In the course of our conversation, therefore, I took occasion to give him the “hailing sign,” but he did not return it, merely remarking significantly that he was not a member of any secret society, a remark which, taken in connection with my sign, tickled me not a little. I never ascertained the truth of the matter, but I remembered the circumstance when, in June 1888, at the Clan Convention in Chicago, a burly delegate near me mounted his chair, announced himself from Troy—where Fox had lived—and in a loud voice demanded recognition by the chair. On this being accorded him, he said, holding up the Times pamphlet, “Behind the Scenes in America,” that he held in his hand a little book which had been sent to him by a Member of Parliament who was a member of his camp. This book was being sold by the thousand at the price of one penny, and the information it contained could only have been supplied by a traitor high up in the ranks of the organisation. He moved for a committee to inquire into the matter. This committee was appointed, but their inquiry ended in smoke, the “traitor,” as I was termed, having another narrow escape.
While in England on this trip, the authorities learned of the presence of General Millen in Paris, and to Paris I was despatched, in order to find out if possible what Millen was doing. I found “le brave Général” of the Clan-na-Gael very comfortably settled in the Hôtel des Anglais in the Cour de la Reine, accompanied by his wife and two interesting daughters. I called upon him, representing that I had heard of his being in Paris through the Herald office, and was anxious as an old friend to say “how do you do.” I did not, however, gain very much by my visit, for the simple reason that at this time Millen had not, as far as I believe, any close connection with the dynamite business known as the Jubilee Plot, with which his name was subsequently associated. At this point his business in Europe had to do with the bringing about of a reconciliation between the British and the American branches of the Revolutionary organisation.
The fact was, that for two or three years previously the relations between the two sections of the conspirators had been of a very strained character. Sullivan, finding that the home organisation was not in favour of dynamite, when the campaign was started, had argued that they should not have any more money to spend on organisation and arms, which, for all that was known to the contrary, were simply rusting away in Ireland; and, accordingly, supplies were stopped, and the home Fenians were not notified of the last couple of conventions, with the result that no envoys from Great Britain and Ireland attended. This led to a very bitter feeling in Ireland, and the contention was strongly urged that the conduct of the American Executive was distinctly ultra vires. Now, when dissensions raged in America, Sullivan, long-headed as usual, sought to strengthen his section by the allegiance of the home organisation; and accordingly, Millen was despatched to Europe to bring about a more satisfactory condition of affairs. His mission, in this regard at least, was unsuccessful.
As for Millen’s connection with the Jubilee explosion, I know very little. The whole undertaking was shrouded in mystery, but it is pretty certain that it was not a Clan-na-Gael affair alone. The best description that could be given of it would be that it was in its inception a Rossa undertaking financed by the Clan-na-Gael. For political reasons the secret organisation could not openly ally themselves with dynamite for the moment, because tactical considerations dictated the giving of a free and untrammelled hand to Mr. Parnell to hoodwink Mr. Gladstone and his supporters. As, however, the circulars I quoted a few pages back showed, dynamite was not by any means thrust aside; so, in order to keep a fair front to the open movement, and yet a satisfactory stand in the eyes of the fiery rank and file, Rossa was temporarily taken into the good graces of the Executive, and some of his adherents despatched with funds from the secret organisation to kick up a row in England. Millen, at the time I saw him, was not in the plot, which at that moment indeed had not been hatched; but on his return to America he fell in with the scheme and returned to Europe to work it out. His bungling, however, led to his being superseded by John J. Moroney, a tried and trusted friend of Alexander Sullivan, who was despatched to London with a large amount of money and distinct orders to show some value for it. What happened is a matter of too recent history to need recapitulation here. The introduction of Moroney and his colleagues to the House of Commons by Mr. Joseph Nolan, M.P., and the facts associated with the working of the conspiracy, are of too late a date to be forgotten so soon.[4]
I returned to the States in October, only to remain a couple of months there, and to come back again to Europe at the end of the year. This time my visit was of a purely private character, and the sluggishness of affairs allowed of my having a complete rest from all sorts of investigations and interviews. I came to Europe in connection with a business speculation which promised highly satisfactory returns, and I was successful in laying the foundation for a very encouraging enterprise. Unfortunately for me, however, I was not to reap the fruits of my work. As a consequence of my appearance in the witness-box, I was prevented from returning to the States at the time when the profits were accruing, and so had to undergo the loss of this as well as many other sources of income.